
Class 
Book. 



SELECT ORATIONS 






OF 



M. TULLIUS CICERO 



WITH, NOTES. 



FOR THE USE OF SCHOOLS AND COLLEGES 



E. A. JOHNSON, 



I'ROFFSSOB. OF LATIN IN Xlii; 0MVLUS1TY OF TIIIC CITY OF NEW YOFOL 



NEW YOEK: 

P. APPLETON AND COMPANY, 

549 & 55 1 BROADWAY. 
1873. 






Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1850, 

By D. APPLETON & CO., 

In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States 

for the Southern District of New York. 






PREFACE 



This \olume of Select Orations of Cicero is intended to form 
one of the series of Classical Books published by the Messrs. 
Appleton, and was prepared at their request. After the pi 
pose was formed to issue such a volume, there appeared 
England, edited by T. K. Arnold, a small volume containi , 
the fourth book of the impeachment of Verres, the fo 
speeches against Catiline, and the speech for the poet Archi 
It was the desire of the publishers that that volume shoi I 
be made the basis of their edition, and accordingly, so far 
it coincided with the selection usually read in the preparatc 
schools of our country, it has been incorporated in the pres( 
work. The Verrine oration, which is given in the Engl 
edition, has been omitted in the present, as it is the intent: 
of the editor to issue it in some other form. 

The present volume will be found to contain those oratio 
which in this country usually go under the name of sel 
orations. They are the same, and given in the same order 
in the Boston edition, with the exception of the second Phil 
pic, which is omitted in the present volume. 

The editions of Cicero's select Orations, which are m m 
general use in this country, are the Boston edition just referred 
to, by Charles Folsom, and Professor Anthon's edition published 
by Harper & Brothers. These volumes are so well known 
that it is needless to speak of them in detail. Those, however, 
who are acquainted with them, and with the progress which 



O PREFACE. 

has been made since their appearance in the careful collation 
and correct deciphering of the best MSS. of Cicero's writings, 
will be ready to admit, without hesitation, that if nothing more 
should be attempted, a new and improved text was called for. 
The labors of Orelli, Madvig, Klotz, and others, have not been 
without important results for the text of Cicero, and no one 
will deny that these results are of primary importance to be- 
ginners in the study of the classics. The editor felt therefore 
that he would render an essential service to the cause of accu- 
rate scholarship, if he did nothing more than furnish a text as 
correct as possible. It was not his plan, however, to present 
a text which should be made up of several others, however 
good, and correspond entirely with no one. He was convinced 
that it would more certainly meet the views of scholars and 
teachers, if he should select the text which might be consid- 
ered on the whole the best for his object, and give a careful 
and exact reprint of that. He has accordingly intended in 
this edition to give the text of Orelli, as revised by him sub- 
sequently to his edition of the entire works of Cicero, and 
published in a volume containing fifteen orations. This re- 
mark refers to all the orations given in this volume, except 
those for Marcellus and for Milo, which are not found in Orelli'a 
revision. The text of the Milo is a reprint of that of Madvig ; 
and of the Marcellus, of that of Klotz. The principal varia- 
tions, in the most recent editions, from the text, which has 
been in either case adopted, are noticed in the notes. This 
has been done often with what may at first sight appear unne- 
cessary minuteness, but the editor is convinced that a teachei 
may make use of various readings to the advantage of the pu- 
pil, even at this stage of his progress. 

The notes have been collected freely from any sources which 
were within the editor's reach. It will readily appear to those 
who are acquainted with the subject that they have been largely 
drawn from the productions of German scholarship. Those 
which were given in Arnold's edition are here retained in full. 



PREFACE. 7 

They were there credited, in many cases by initials, to Orelli, 
Klotz, Bloch, Matthise, and Stiirenburg, with the remark, that 
those without an initial letter appended are generally from 
Matthise. It would have been agreeable to the editor's views 
and feelings to give credit in connection with each note to the 
source or sources from which it was taken, but this was incon- 
venient, and seemed hardly necessary in a work of this kind. 
It is his pleasure however here, as well as his duty, fully and 
distinctly to acknowledge and specify the authorities which he 
has so freely and as he hopes profitably used in compiling the 
notes to this edition. 

Of editions by English or American scholars, besides those 
already mentioned, the editor has had before him Valpy's and 
M'Kay's ; from the latter of which he has taken many not 
especially on the later orations. But, as already remarl 
German scholars have furnished him the most abundant i 
and besides the editions of Mobius and Crusius, Mattl 
Siipfle, Schultz, Steinmetz, Klotz, Madvig, Orelli, which c 
tain all or nearly all the orations given in this volume, I 
editor has. made use of several special editions of most of 
orations selected. They are, for the orations against Catili 
Benecke's, Holzapfel's, and Morgenstern's, from the first m 
tioned of which he has derived much assistance. On the c 
tion for the Manilian law, he has been largely indebted a 
to Benecke's separate edition of this oration. The recent € 
tion of the same oration by Halm was not received till af 
the notes to this oration had been stereotyped ; and while 
editor regrets that he could not make use of Halm's labc 
he has been gratified to find that the uses made by him of 
resources in so many instances correspond with the rest 
airived at by the German editor. As neither the revision 
Orelli nor the edition of Madvig contained the oration for M 
cellus, the text of Klotz was chosen, and the special edition 
Wolf, with the essays of Hug and Jacob on the genuineness 
this oration, consulted. Again, Benecke's edition of the three 



8 PREFACE. 

orations next in order for Ligarius, Deiotarus, and Archias was 
of great service in regard to them. Besides tins, Soldan's 
separate editions of the orations for Ligarius and Deiotarus, 
and the two editions of Stiirenburg of the oration for Archias, 
contributed greatly to aid the editor in his task. At this point 
also the editor received the edition by Schmitz and Zumpt, 
which has just been republished in this country. In regard to 
the oration for Milo, the editor, in leaving Orelli's text, did 
not hesitate to follow Madvig, whose principles of criticism 
mainly harmonize with those of Orelli. For assistance in this 
oration the editor is greatly indebted to the special edition of 
Osenbrtiggen. He has also consulted the edition with Garato- 
ni's notes, published separately by Orelli. 

Besides the editions above specified, to which the editor 
would be glad to indicate his indebtedness more minutely than 
it is in his power to do here, he has also made use of pro- 
grammes and journals, and works on antiquities and on style, 
as well as various Latin grammars, and remarks of scholars in 
editions of the classics generally, which came under his notice. 
The references to Harkness's Latin Grammar will be found par- 
ticularly frequent. 

"With this statement of the design of this edition, and of the 
sources from which it has been compiled, the editor offers it 
to the public, in the hope that it may be found useful in its 
place by the side of others' labors in the same field, in promo- 
ting the interests of true and accurate scholarship. 



IN 

L. CATILINAM 

ORATIO PRIMA 
HABITA IN SENATU. 



I. 1. Quousque tandem abutere, Catilina, palientia 
nostra? Quamdiu etiam furor iste tuus [nos] eludet? 
Quern ad finem sese cffrenata jactabit audacia ? Nihiln 
te nocturnum presidium Palatii, nihil urbis vigiliae, nihi 
timor populi, nihil concursus bonorum omnium, nihil hi 
munitissimus habendi senatus locus, nihil horum ora vultus 
que movcrunt ? Patcre tua consilia non sentis ? Constr: 
etara jam horum omnium conscientia teneri conjurationer 
tuam non vides ? Quid proxima, quid superiore noct 
egeris, ubi fueris, quos convocaveris, quid consilii ceperi: 
quern nostrum ignorare arbitraris ? 2. tempora ! < • 
mores ! Senatus hsec intelligit, consul videt : hie tame 
visit. Vivit ? Immo vero etiam in senatum venit : 1 
publici consilii particeps : notat et designat oculis ad caBClei 
unum quemque nostrum. Nos autem, viri fortes, satistV 
cere rei publicoe videmur, si istius furorem ac tela vitemu 
Ad mortem te, Catilina, duci jussu consulis jampride: 
oportebat; in te conferri pestem istam, quam tu in n< 
omnes jamdiu machinaris. 3. An vero vir amplissimus, ] 
Scipio, pontifex maximus, Ti. Gracchum mediocriter lab' 
factantem statum rei publicaa privatus interfecit : Catilina 
orbem terre casde atque incendiis vastare cupientem, n< 
consules perferemus ? Nam ilia nimis antiqua proetere 
quod C. Servilius Ahala Sp. Mcelium, novis rebus studei 
tern, manu sua occidit. Fuit, fuit ista quondam in hac : 
publica virtus, ut viii fortes acrioribus snppliciis civem pe 
niciosum quam acerbissimum hostem coercerent. Habemi , 
Bcnatus consultum in te, Catilina, vehemens et grave : non 



LO or atio r. 

deesi rei publicse consilium neque auctoritas liujus ordiuis 
nos, nos, dico aperte, consules desumus. 

II. 4. Decrevit quondam senatus, ut L. Opimius consul 
videret, ne quid res publica detrimenti caperet. Nox nulla 

5 intercessit : interfectus est propter quasdam seditionurn 
suspiciones C. Gracchus clarissimo patre avo majoribus; 
occisus est cum liberis M. Fulvius consularis. Simili sena- 
tus consul to C. Mario et L. Valcrio consulibus est permissa 
res publica. Num. unum diem postea L. Saturninura tri- 

lObunum plebi et C. Servilium praetorem mors ac rei publico? 
poena remorata est? At vero nos vicesimum jam diem 
patimur hebescere aciem horum auctoritatis. Habemus 
enim liujusmodi senatus consultum, verumtamen inclusum 
in tabulis, tamquam in vagina re'conditum : quo ex senatus 

15 consulto confestim interfectum te esse, Catilina, convenit. 
Vivis : et vivis non ad deponendam, sed ad confirmandam 
audaciam. Cupio, Patres conscripti, me esse clementem ; 
eupio in tantis rei publicae periculis me non dissolutum vi- 
deri : sed jam me ipsum inertioe nequitiaeque condemno. 

20 5. Castra sunt in Italia contra rem publicam in Etrariae 
faucibus collocata : crescit in dies singulos hostium nume- 
rus : eorum autem castrorum imperatorem ducemque ho- 
stium intra moenia atque adeo in senatu videmus intestinam 
aliquam quotidie perniciem rei publicae molientem. Si te 

25 jam, Catilina, comprehendi, si interfici jussero: credo, erit 
verendum mihi, ne non hoc potius onraes boni serius a me, 
quarn quisquam crudelius factum esse dicat. Verum ego 
hoc, quod jampridem factum esse oportuit, certa de causa 
nondum adducor, ut faciam. Turn denique interficiam . te, 

30 quum jam nemo tarn improbus, tarn perditus, tain tui 
simiiis inveniri poterit, qui id non jure factum esse fatealur. 
G. Quamdiu quisquam erit, qui te defendere audeat, vives : 
sed vives ita, ut vivis, multis meis et firmis praesidiis ob- 
sessus, ne commovere te contra rem publicam possis. Mul- 

35 torum te etiam oculi et aures non sentientem, sicut adkuc 
fecerunt, speculabuntur atque custodient. 

III. Etenim quid est, Catilina, quod jam amplius ex 
spectes, si neque nox tenebris obscurare ccetus nefarios nee 
privata domus parietibus continere voces conjurationis [tuae] 

(0 potest? Si illustrantur, si erumpunt omnia? Muta jam 
istam mentem, mihi crede : obliviscere credis atque incen- 
diorum. Teneris undique : luce sunt clariora nobis tua 
consilia omnia: quae jam mecum licet recognoscas. v. 
Meministine me ante diem XII. Kalendas Novembres dicere 



IN CATILINAM, CAP. IV. 11 

in senatu, fore in arniis certo die, qui dies futurus essel 
ante diem VI. Kal. ISTovembres, C. Mallium, audaciaa satel- 
litcm atque administrum tuae ? Num. me fefellit, Catilina, 
non modo res tanta, tarn atrox, tarn incredibilis, verum, id 
quod multo magis est admirandum, dies? Dixi ego idem 5 
in senatu, caedem te optimatium contulisse in ante diem V. 
Kalendas Novembres, turn, quum multi principes civitatis 
Roma non tarn sui conservandi, quam tuorum consiliorum 
reprimendorum causa profugerunt. Num. infitiari potes te 
illo ipso die meis praesidiis, mea diligentia circumclusum, 10 
commovere te contra rem publicam non potuisse, quum tu, 
discessu ceterorum, nostra tamen, qui remansissemus, caede 
contentum te esse dicebas ? . 8. Quid ? Quum tu te Prae- 
neste Kalendis ipsis Novembribus occupaturum nocturno 
impetu esse confideres : sensistine illam coloniam meo jussu 
meis praesidiis custodiis vigiliisque esse munitam? Nihil 
agis, nihil moliris, nihil cogitas, quod ego non modo audiam, 
sed etiam videam planeque sentiam. 

IV. Recognosce tandem mecum noctem illam superio- 
rem : jam intelliges multo me vigilare acrius ad salutem 
quam te ad perniciem rei publicce. Dico te priore noctc 
venisse inter falcarios (non again obscure) in M. LaecaD 
domum: convenisse eodem complures ejusdem amentiaj 
scelerisquc socios. Num negare audes ? Quid taces ? 
Convincam, si negas. Video enim [esse] hie in senatu 
quosdam, qui tecum una fuerunt. \ 9. O dii immortales ! 
ubinam gentium sumus? Quam rem publicam liabemus ? 
In qua urbe vivimus ? Hie, hie sunt, nostro in numero, 
Patres conscripti, in lioc orbis terrse sanctissimo gravissi- 
moque consilio, qui de nostro omnium interitu, qui de hujus 
urbis atque adco orbis terrarum cxitio cogitent. Ilosce 
ego video consul, ct de re publica scntentiam rogo ! Et, 
quos ferro trucidari oportebat, eos nondum voce vulnero ! 
luiisti igitur apud Laecam ilia nocte, Catilina : distribuisti 
partes Italiae : statmsti, quo quemque proficisci placeret : 
delegisti, quos Romae reJinqueres, quos tecum educeres ; 
descripsisti urbis partes ad incendia ; confirmasti te ipsum 
jam esse exiturum ; dixisti paullulum tibi esse etiam nunc 
moraa, quod ego viverem. Reperti sunt duo equites Ro- 
mani, qui te ista cura liberarent et sese ilia ipsa nocte 40 
paullo antc.luceni me in meo lectulo interfecturos esse pol- 
liccrentur. 10. Haec ego omnia, vixdum etiam ccetuvestro 
dimisso, comperi : domum meam majoribus praesidiis mu- 
nivi atque firmavi: exrlusi cos, quos tu mane ad me saluta- 



12 • OR ATI U i. 

turn miseras, quum illi ipsi venissent, quos ego jam multis 
ac sumniis viris ad me id temporis venturos esse praodi- 
xeram. 

V. Quce quum ita sint, Catilina, pergc, quo ccepisti: 
5 egredere aliquando ex urbe : patent porta? : proiiciscere. 

Nimium diu te imperatorem tua ilia Malliana castra desi- 
derant. Educ tecum etiam omnes tuos: si minus, quam 
plurimos. Purga urbem. Magno me metu liberabis, dum- 
modo inter me atque te mums intersit. Nobiscum versari 

10 jam diutius non potes: non feram, non patiar, non 'sinam. 
11. Magna diis immortalibus habenda est atque buic ipsi 
Jovi Statori, antiquissimo custodi hujus urbis, gratia, quod 
hanc tarn tetram, tarn horribilem tamque infestam rei pu- 
blico pestenrtoties jam effugimus. Non est scepius in unc 

loliomine summa salus periclitanda rei publica?. Quamdiu 
mihi consuli designato, Catilina, insidiatus es, non publico 
me praesidio, sed privata diligentia defendi. Quum proxi- 
mis comitiis consularibus me consulem in campo et compc- 
titores tuos interficere voluisti, compressi conatus tuos ne- 

20 farios amicorum prcesidio et copiis, nullo tumultu publico 
concitato : denique, quotiescunque me petisti, per me tibi 
obstiti : quamquam videbam perniciem meam cum magna 
calamitate rei publicae esse conjunctam. Nunc jam aperte 
rem publicam universam petis : templa deorum immortalium, 

25 tecta nrbis, vitam omnium civium, Italiam denique totam, 
ad exitium ac vastitatem vocas. 

12. Quare, quoniam id, quod est primum et quod hujus 
'mperii disciplinseque majorum proprium est, facerc nondum 
audeo, faciam id, quod est ad severitatem lenius et ad 

30 communem salutem utilius. Nam, si te interfici jussero, 
residebit in re publica reliqua conjuratorum manus ; sin tu 
(quod te jamdudum liortor) exieris, exhaurietur ex mbe 
tuorum comitum magna et perniciosa sentina rei publicre. 
13. Quid est, Catilina? Num dubitas id me imperante fa- 

35 cere, quod jam tua sponte faciebas? Exire ex urbe jubet 
consul hostcm. Interrogas me, num in exsilium ? Nod 
jubeo : sed si me consulis, suadeo. 

VI. Quid est enim, Catilina, quod te jam in Lac urbe 
delectare possit ? In qua nemo est extra istam coujura- 

4C tionem perditorum hominum, qui te non metuat ; nemo, qui 
non oderit. Quse nota domestics turpitudinis non innstu 
vita? tua? est ? [Quod privatarum rerum dedecus non hce- 
ret infamiae ?] Qua? libido ab oculis, quod facinus a m;ini- 
bus unquam tuis, quod flagitium a toto corpore abfuit I 



IN CATILINAM, CAP. VII. 13 

Cui tu adolescentulo, quern corruptelarum illecebris irre- 
tisses, non aut ad audaciam ferrum ant ad libidinem facem 
prsstulisti ? 14. Quidvero? Nuper, quiim morte supcrioris 
uxoris novis nuptiis domum vacuefecisses, nonne etiam alio 
incredibili scelere hoc scelus cumulasti? Quod ego pro> 5 
termitto, et facile patior sileri ; ne in hac civitate tanti faoi- 
noris immanitas aut exstitisse aut non vindicata esse videa- 
tur. Praetermitto ruinas fortunarum tuarum, quas omnes 
impendere tibi proximis Idibus senties : ad ilia venio, quae 
non ad privatam ignominiam vitiorum tnorum, non ad do- 10 
mesticam tuam dimcultatem ac turpitudinem, sed ad suni- 
mam rem publicam atque ad omnium nostrum vitam salu- 
temque pertinent. V 15. Potestne tibi haec lux, Catilina, aut 
hujus cceli spiritus esse jucundus, quum scias borum esse 
neminem, qui nesciat te pridie Kalendas Januarias Lepido 15 
et Tullo consulibus stetisse in comitio cum telo ? Manum 
consulum et principum civitatis interficiendorum causa pa- 
ravisse? Sceleri ac furori tuo non mentem aliquam at 
timorem tuum, sed fortunam populi Romani obstitisse 
Ac jam ilia omitto (neque enim sunt aut obscura aut no 
multa post commissa) : quotiens tu me designatum, quotien 
consulem interficere conatus es ! Quot ego tuas petitionc 
ita conjectas, ut vitari posse non viderentur, parva quadai 
declinatione et, ut aiunt, corpore effugi ! [Nihil agis], nib 
assequeris, [nihil moliris], neque tamen conari ac velle dc 
sistis. 16. Quotiens tibi jam extorta est sica ista de man: 
bus ! Quotiens vero exciclit casu aliquo et elapsa est 
[Tamen ea carere diutius non potes] : quae quidem quibu 
abs te initiata sacris ac devota sit, nescio, quod earn neccss" 
putas esse in consulis corpore defigere. 

VII. Nunc vero, quae tua est ista vita ? Sic enim jar 
tecum loquar, non ut odio permotus esse videar, quo debcc 
sed ut misericordia, quae tibi nulla debetur. Venisti paull 
ante in senatum. Quis te ex hac tanta frequentia, tot e: 
tuis amicis ac necessariis salutavit ? Si hoc post hominuE 
memoriam contigit nemini, vocis exspectas contumeliam 
quum sis gravissimo judicio taciturnitatis oppressus? Quid 
Quod adventu tuo ista subsellia vacuefacta sunt, quo< 
omnes consulares, qui tibi persaepe ad caedem consLitut 
fuerunt, simul atque assedisti, partem istam subselliorum 4(1 
nudam atque inanem reliquerunt, quo tandem animo hoc tibi 
ferendum putas ? 17. Servi mehercule mei si me isto pacto 
metuerent, ut te metuunt omnes cives tui, domum meam re- 
linquendam putarem : tu tibi urbem nonarbitraris? Et, 



14 ORATIO I. 

si me rneis civibus injuria suspectuni tarn graviter atque 
offensum viderem, carere me adspectu civium, quam infestis 
oculis omnium conspici mallem : tu, quum conscientia sce- 
lerum tuoruni agnoscas odium omnium justum et jam din 
5 tibi debitum, dubitas, quorum mentes sensusque vulneras, 
eorum adspectum praesentianique vitare ? Si te parentes 
timerent atque odissent tui neque eos ulla ratione placare 
posses, ut opinor, ab eorum oculis aliquo concederes : nunc 
te patria, quae communis est omnium nostrum parens, odit 

10 ac metuit et jamdiu te nihil judicat nisi de parricidio suo 
cogitare. Hujus tu neque auctoritatem verebere nee judi- 
cium sequere nee vim pertimesces ? 18. Quae tecum, 
Catilina, sic agit et quodam modo tacita loquitur : " Nullum 
jam aliquot annis f acinus exstitit nisi per te; nullum flagi- 

lotium sine te; tibi uni multorum civium neces, tibi vexatio 
direptioque sociorum impunita fuit ac libera ; tu non solum 
ad negligendas leges et quaestiones, verum etiam ad ever- 
tendas perfringendasque valuisti. Superiora ilia, quamquam 
ferenda non fuerunt, tamen, ut potui, tuli : nunc vero me 

20 to tarn esse in metu propter nnum te, quid quid increpuerit, 
Catilinam timeri, nullum videri contra me consilium iniri 
posse, quod a tuo scelere abhorreat, non est ferendum. 
Quamobrem discede atque bunc milii timorem eripe : si est 
verus, ne opprimar ; sin falsus, ut tandem aliquando timere 

25 desinam." 

VIII. 19. Haec si tecum, ut dixi, patria loquatur, nonne 
impetrare debeat, etiam si vim adhibere non possit ? Quid ? 
Quod tu te ipse in custodiam dedisti ? Quod vitandae sus- 
picionis causa ad M\ Lepidum te habitare velle dixisti ? A 

30 quo non receptus, etiam ad me venire ausus es atque, ut 
domi nieae te asservarem, rogasti. Quum a me quoque id 
responsi tulisses, me nullo modo posse iisdem parietibus 
tuto esse tecum, qui magno in periculo essem, quod iisdem 
mcenibus contineremur, ad Q. Metellum praetorern venisti. 

3d A quo repudiatus, ad sodalem tuum, vii'um optimum, M. 
Marcellum demigrasti ; quern tu videlicet et ad custodien- 
dmn te diligeiitissimum et ad suspicandum sagacissimum 
et ad vindicandum fortissimum fore putasti. Sed quam 
Ijnge videtur a carcere atque a vinculis abesse debere, qui 

(Ose ipse jam dignum custodia judicarit ? 20. Quae quum 

ita.sint, Catilina, dubitas, si emori aequo animc non potes, 

abire in aliquas terras, et vitam istam, multis suppliciis 

justis debitisque ereptam, fugae solitudinique mandarc ? 

"Refer, inquis, ad senatum :" id enim postulas, et, si hie 



IN CATILINAM, CAP. IX. 15 

ordo sibi placere decreverit te ire in exsilium, obteinpera- 
fcurum te esse dicis. Non referam, id quod abhorret a meis 
moiibus : sed tamen faciam, ut intelligas, quid hi de te 
sentiant. Egredere ex urbe, Catilina : libera rem publicam 
metu : in exsilium, si banc vocem exspectas, proficiscere. 5 
Quid est, Catilina ? Ecquid attendis, ecquid animadvertis 
horum silentium ? Patiuntur, tacent. Quid exspectas 
auctoritatem loquentium, quorum voluntatem tacitorum 
perspicis ? '21. At si hoc idem huic adolescenti optimo, 
P. Sestio, si fortissimo viro, M. Marcello dixissem, jam mihi 10 
consuli hoc. ipso in templo jure optimo senatus vim et maims 
intulisset. De te autem, Catilina, quum quiescunt, probant, 
quum patiuntur, decernunt, quum tacent, clamant. Neque 
hi solum, quorum tibi auctoritas est videlicet cara, vita vi- 
lissima : sed etiam illi equites E-omani, honestissimi atque 15 
optimi viri, ceterique fortissimi cives, qui circumstant sena- 
tum, quorum tu et frequentiam videre et studia perspicere 
et voces paullo ante exaudire potuisti. Quorum ego vix 
abs te jamdiu manus ac tela contineo, eosdem facile addu- 
cam, ut te hsec, quae jampridem vastare studes, relinquen- 
tem usque ad port-as prosequantur. 

IX. 22. Quamquam quid loquor ? Te ut ulla res fran- 
gat ? Tu ut unquam te corrigas ? Tu ut ullam fugam 
meditere ? Tu ut ullum exsilium cogites ? Utinam tibi 
istam mentem dii immortales duint ! Tametsi video, si mea 
voce perterritus ire in exsilium animum induxeris, quanta 
tempestas invidiam nobis, si minus in praesens tempus recenti 
memoria scelerum tuorum, at in posteritatem impendeat. 
Sed est tanti ; dummodo ista privata sit calamitas et a rei 
publico periculis sejungatur. Sed tu ut vitiis tuis commo- <. 
veare, ut legum pcenas pertimescas, ut temporibus rei pu- 
blican cedas, non est postulandum. Neque enim is es, Cati- 
lina, ut te aut pudor a turpitudine aut metus a periculo aut 
ratio a furore revocarit. 23. Quamobrem, ut seepe jam 
dixi, proficiscere: ac, si mihi inimico, ut prcedicas, tuo con- «3 
flare vis invidiam, recta perge in exsilium : vix feram scr- 
monos hominum, si id feceris ; vix molem istius invidioe, si 
in exsilium jussu consulis ieris, sustinebo. Sin autem ser- 
vire raeae laudi et glorias mavis, egredere cum importuna ' 
sceleratorum manu ; confer te ad Mallium ; concita perditos 40 
cives ; secerne te a bonis, infer patriae bellum ; exsulta im~ 
pio latrocinio, ut a me non ejectus ad alienos, sed invitatus 
ad .tuos isse videaris. 24. Quamquam quid ego te invitem, 
a quo jam sciam esse pnemissos, qui tibi ad Forum Aure- 



16 ORATIO I. 

Hum prsestolarentur arcnati? Cui sciam pactam et con- 
stitutam cum Mallio diem ? A quo etiam aquilam illam 
argenteam, quam tibi ac tuis omnibus perniciosam esse con- 
fido ac funestam futurarn, cui domi tuaa sacrarium scelerum 
.5 tuorum constitutum fuit, sciam esse praemissam ? Tu ut 
ilia carere diu/ius possis, quam venerari ad caadem profici- 
scens solebas ? a cujus altaribus scepe istam impiam dextc- 
ram ad necem civium transtulisti 1 

X. 25. Ibis tandem aliquando, quo te jampridem tua 
lOista cupiditas effrenata ac furiosa rapiebat. Neque eniin 

tibi beec res affert dolorem, sed quandam incredibilem vo- 
luptatem. Ad hanc te amentiam natura peperit, voluntas 
exercuit, fortuna servavit. Nunquam tu non modo otium, 
sed ne bellum quidem nisi nefarium concupisti. Kactus es 

15 ex perditis atque ab omni non modo fortuna, verum etiam 
spe derelictis, conflatam improborum manum. 26. Hie tu 
qua lastitia p erf mere ? Quibus gaudiis exsultabis ? Quanta 
in voluptate bacchabere, quum in tanto numero tuorum 
neque audies virum bonum quemquam neque videbis ? Ad 

20 bujus vitas studium meditati sunt illi, qui feruntur, labores 
tui : jacere liumi non modo ad obsidendum stuprum, verum 
etiam ad facinus obeundum ; vigilare non solum insidiantem 
somno maritorum, verum etiam bonis otiosorum. Habes, 
ubi ostentes illam tuam praeclaram patientiam famis, frigo- 

25ris.. inopias rerum omnium, quibus te brevi tempore con- 
fectum esse senties. 2V. Tantum profeci [turn], quum te 
a consulatu reppuli, ut exsul potius tentare quam consul 
vexare rem publicam posses atque ut id, quod esset abs te 
scelerate susceptum, latrocinium potius quam bellmn nomi- 

30 naretur. 

XI. Kunc, ut a me, Patres conscripti, quandam prope 
justam patrice querimoniam detester ac deprecer, percipite, 
quceso, diligenter, quaa dicam, et ea penitus animis vevStris 
mentibusque mandate. Etenim, si mecum patria, quae mihi 

35 vita mea multo est carior, si cuncta Italia, si omnis res pu- 
blica loquatur : " M. Tulli, quid agis ? Tune eum, qucm 
esse hostem comperisti, quern ducem belli futurum vides, 
quern exspectari imperatorem ir tris bostium sentis, au- 
ct-orem sceleris, principem conjiu-ationis, evocatorem servo- 

40r timet civium perditorum, exire pati^^ ut abs te non 
( missus ex urbe, sed immissus in urbem esse videatur ? 
JNonne liunc in vincula duci, non ad mortem rapi, non sum- 
mo supplicio mactari imperabis? 28. Quid tandem to 
impedit ? Mosne majorum ? At persaope etiam privati iu 



IN CATILINAM, CAP. XII, XIII. 17 

Jiac re publica perniciosos cives morte multarunt. An 
leges, quae de civium Romanorum supplicio rogatae sunt ? 
At nunquam in hac urbe ii, qui a re publica defecerunt, 
civium jura tenuerunt. An invidiam posteritatis times? 
Praeclaram vero populo Romano refers gratiam, qui te ho- 5 
minem per te cognitum, nulla commendatione majorum 
tarn mature ad summum imperium per omnes honorum 
gradus extulit, si propter invidiam aut alicujus periculi 
metum salutem" civium tuorum negligis. 29. Sed, si quis 
est invidiae metus, num est vehementius severitatis ac for- 10 
titudinis invidia quam inertiae ac nequitiae pertimescenda ? 
An quum bello vastabitur Italia, vexabuntur urbes, tecta 
ardebunt, turn te non existimas invidiae incendio conflagra- 
turum?" 

XII. His ego sanctissimis rei publicae vocibus et eorum 15 
liominum, qui hoc idem sentiunt, mentibus pauca responde- 
bo. Ego, si hoc optimum factu judicarem, Patres con- 
scripti, Catilinam morte multari, unius usuram horae gladia- 
tori isti ad vivendum non dedissem. Etenim, si summi viri 

et clarissimi cives Saturnini et Gracchorura et Flacci et 20 
superiorum complurium sanguine non modo se non conta- 
minarunt, sed etiam honestarunt, certe verendum mihi non 
erat, ne quid hoc parricida civium interfecto invidiae mihi in 
posteritatem redundaret. Quod si ea mihi maxim e im- 
penderet, tamen hoc animo semper fui, ut invidiam virtute 25 
partam gloriam, non invidiam putarem. 30. Quamquam 
nonnulli sunt in hoc ordine, qui aut ea, quae imminent, non 
videant, aut ea, quae vident, dissimulent : qui spem Catilinae 
mollibus sententiis aluerunt, conjurationemque nascentem 
non credendo corroboraverunt : quorum auctoritatem secuti 30 
multi, non solum improbi, verum etiam imperiti, si in hunc 
animadvertissem, crudeliter et regie factum esse dicerent. 
Nunc intelligo, si iste, quo intendit, in Malliana castra per- 
venerit, neminem tarn stultum fore, qui non videat conjura- 
tionem esse factam, neminem tarn improbum, qui non fa- 35 
teatur. Hoc autem uno interfecto intelligo banc rei publicae 
pestem paullisper reprimi, non in perpetuum comprimi 
posse. Quod si se ■ ] . ,'rit secumque suos eduxerit, et 
eodem ceteros undique collectos naufragos aggregaverit, 
exstinguetur atq^ delebitur non modo hcec tarn adulta rei 40 
publicae pcstis, verum etiam stirps ■ ac semen malorum 
omnium. 

XIII. 31. Etenim jamdiu, Patres conscripti, in his peri- 
iulis conjurationis insidiisque versamur, sed nescio quo 



18 ORATIO I. IN UATILIffAM. 

pacto omnium scelerum ac veteris furoris et audacise matu* 
ritas in nostri consulatus tempus erupit. Quod si ex tanto 
latrocinio iste unus tolletur, videbimur fortasse ad breve 
quoddam tempus cura et metu esse relevati : periculum au- 
5 tern residebit et erit inclusum penitus in venis atque in vi- 
sceribus rei publicse. Ut ssepe homines segri morbo gravi, 
quum sestu febrique jactantur, si aquam gelidam biberint, 
primo relevari videntur, deinde multo gravius vehementius- 
que afflictantur, sic hie morbus, qui est in re publica, rele- 

lOvatus istius poena vebementius vivis reliquis ingravescet. 
32. Quare secedant improbi, secernant se a bonis, unum in 
locum congregentur, muro denique, id quod ssepe jam dixi, 
secernantur a nobis, desinant insidiari domi suae consuli, 
circumstare tribunal prsetoris urbani, obsidere cum gladiis 

1 5 curiam, malleolos et faces ad inflammandam urbem compa- 
rare ; sit denique inscriptum in fronte unius cuj usque, quid 
de re publica sentiat. Polliceor vobis hoc, Patres conscripti, 
tantam in nobis consulibus fore diligentiam, tantam in vobis 
auctoritatem, tantam in equitibus Romanis virtutem, tantam 

20 in omnibus bonis consensionem, ut Catilinse profectione 

omnia patefacta illustrata, oppressa vindicata esse videatis. 

33. Hisce ominibus, Catilina, cum summa rei publico 

salute et cum tua peste ac peraicie cumque eorum exitio, 

qui se tecum omni scelere parricidioque junxerunt, profici- 

25 scere ad impium bellum ac nefarium. Tumtu, Juppiter, qui 
iisdem, quibus hsec urbs, auspiciis a Romulo es constitutus, 
quern Statorem hujus urbis atque imperii vere nominamus, 
liunc et hujus socios a tuis aris ceterisque templis, a tectis 
urbis ac mcenibus, a vita fortunisque civium [omnium] ar- 

30 cebis : et homines bonorum inimicos, hostes patrise, latronea 
Italias, scelerum foedere inter se ac nefaria societate con- 
junct os SDternis suppliciis vivos mortuosque mactabis. 



IN 

L. CATILINAM 

SECUNDA 

AD 

QUIRITES OBATIO. 



I. 1. Tandem aliquando, Quirites, L. Catilinam, furen 
tern audacia, scelus anhelantem, pestem patriae nefarie mo 
licntem, vobis atque huic urbi feiTO flammaque minitantem, 
ex urbe vel ejecimus vel emisimus vel ipsum egredientem 
verbis prosecuti sumus. Abiit, excessit, evasit, erupit. 
Nulla jam pernicies a monstro illo atque prodigio mcenibus 
ipsis intra moenia comparabitur. Atque hunc quidem unum 
hujus belli domestici ducem sine controversia vicimus. Non 
enim jam inter latera nostra sica ilia versabitur: non in 
campo, non in foro, non in curia, non denique intra dome- 
sticos parietes pertimescemus. Loco ille motus est, quum 
est ex urbe depulsus. Palam jam cum hoste, nullo impe- 
diente, bellum justum geremus. Sine dubio perdidimus 
hominem magnificeque vicimus, quum ilium ex occultis in- 
sidiis in apertum latrocinium conjecimus. 2. Quod vero 
non cruentum mucronem, ut voluit, extulit, quod vivis no- 
bis egressus est, quod ei ferrum e manibus extorsimus, 
quod incolumes cives, quod stantem urbem reliquit : quanta 
tandem ilium mserore esse afflictum et profligatum putatis 1 
Jacet ille nunc prostratusque est et se perculsum atque ab- 
jectum esse sentit et retorquet oculos profecto saepe ad 
banc urbem, quam e suis faucibus ereptam esse luget ; qua 
quidem mini laetari videtur, quod tantam pestem evomueri 
forasque projecerit. 

II. 3. At si quis est talis, quales esse omnes oportebat. 
qui in hoc ipso, in quo exsultat et triumphat oratio mea, mi 
vebementer accuset, quod tarn capitalem hostem non com 
prehenderim potius, quam emiserim : non est ista mea cul 
pa, Quirites, sed .temporum. Interfectum esse L. Catilinar 
et gravissimo supplicio affectum jampridem oportebat : id 



20 oratio n. 

que a me et mos majoruni et hujus imperii severitas et res 
publica postulabat. Sed quam multos fuisse putatis, qui, 
qua3 ego deferrem, non crederent? [Quam multos, qui 
propter stultitiam non putarent ?] Quam multos, qui etiam 
5 defenderent ? [Quam multos, qui propter improbitatem 
faverent ?] Ac si, illo sublato, depelli a vobis omne peri- 
culum judicarem, jampridem ego L. Catilinam non modo 
invidiae mece, verum etiam vitse perieulo sustulissem. 4. Sed 
quum viderem ne vobis quidem omnibus re etiam turn pro- 

1 bata, si ilium, ut erat meritus, morte multassem, fore, ut 
ejus socios invidia oppressus persequi non possem, rem hue 
deduxi, ut turn palam pugnare possetis, quum hostem 
aperte videretis. Quern quidem ego hostem, Quirites, quam 
vehementer foris esse timendum putem, licet hinc intelliga- 

15 tis, quod etiam illud moleste fero, quod ex urbe parum 
comitatus exierit. Utinam ille omnes secum suas copias 
eduxisset ! Tongilium mihi eduxit, quern amare in prse- 
texta [calumnia] coeperat ; Publicium et Munatium, quorum 
ses alienum contractum in popina nullum rei publicse motum 

20afferre poterat : reliquit quos viros ! quanto sere alieno ! 
quam valentes ! quam nobiles ! 

III. 5. Itaque ego ilium exercitum et Gallicanis legio- 
nibus et hoc delectu, quern in agro Piceno et Gallico Q. Me- 
tellus habuit, et his copiis, quse a nobis quotidie comparantur, 

25 magno opere contemno, collectum ex senibus desperatis, ex 
agresti luxuria, ex rusticis decoctoribus, ex iis, qui vadimo- 
nia deserere quam ilium exercitum maluerunt ; quibus ego 
non modo si aciem exercitus nostri, verum etiam si edictum 
prcetoris ostendero, concident. Hos, quos video volitare in 

30 foro, quos stare ad curiam, quos etiam in senatum venire ; 
qui nitent unguentis, qui fulgent purpura, mallem secum 
suos milites eduxisset : qui si hie permanent, mementote 
non tarn exercitum ilium esse nobis quam hos, qui exercitum 
deseruerunt, pertimescendos. Atque hoc etiam sunt ti- 

U5 mendi magis, quod, quid cogitent, me scire sentiunt nequ8 
tamen permoventur. 6. Video, cui sit Apulia attributa, quis 
habeat Etruriam, quis agrum Picenum, quis Gallicum, quis sibi 
has urbanas insidias csedis atque incendiorum depoposcerit. 
Omnia superioris noctis consilia ad me perlata esse sentiunt ; 

40 patefeci in senatu hesterno die ; Catilina ipse pertimuit, pro* 
fugit : hi quid exspectant ? Nae illi vehementer errant, si 
illam meam pristinam lenitatem perpetuam sperantfuturam. 

IV. Quod exspectavi, jam sum assecutus, ut vos omnea 
factara esse aperte conjurationem contra rem publicam vi- 



IN CATILINAM, CAP. V. 21 

deretis. Nisi vero si quis est, qui Catilinae similes cum Ca- 
tilina sentire non putet. Non est jam lenitati locus : seve- 
ritatem res ipsa ilagitat. Unum etiam nunc concedam: 
exeant, proficiscantur, ne patiantur desiderio sui Catilinam 
mi serum tabescere. Demonstrabo iter: Aurelia via pro- 5 
fectus est. Si accelerare volent, ad vesperam consequentur. 
7. fortunatam rem publicam, si quidem hanc sentinam 
liujus urbis ejecerit ! Uno meliercule Catilina exhausto 
relevata mihi et recreata res publica videtur. Quid enim 
mali aut sceleris fingi aut cogit3jri potest, quod non ille con- 10 
ceperit ? Quis tota Italia veneficus, quis gladiator, quis la- 
fcro, quis sicarius, quis parricida, quis testamentorum sub- 
jector, quis circumscriptor, quis ganeo, quis nepos, quis 
adulter, quae mulier infamis, quis corrupter juventutis, quis 
corruptus, quis perditus inveniri potest, qui se cum Catilina 15 
non familiarissime vixisse fateatur? Quae csedes per hosce 
annos sine illo facta est ? Quod nefarium stuprum non per 
ilium? 8. Jam vero quae tanta unquam in ullo nomine 
juventutis illecebra fuit, quanta in illo? Qui alios ipse 
amabat turpissime, aliorum amori flagitiosissime serviebat, 20 
aliis fructum libidinum, aliis mortem parentum non modo 
impellendo, verum etiam adjuvando pollicebatur. Nunc 
vero quam subito non solum ex urbe, verum etiam ex agris, 
ingentem numerum perditorum hominum collegerat ? Nemo 
non modo Romoe, sed [nee] ullo in angulo totius Italia? op- 25 
pressus sere alieno fuit, quern non ad hoc incredibile scele- 
ris fcedus adsciverit. 

V. 9. Atque ut ejus diversa studia in dissimili ratione 
perspicere possitis, nemo est in ludo gladiatorio paullo ad 
facinus audacior, qui se non intimum Catilince esse fateatur ; 30 
nemo in scena levior et nequior, qui se non ejusdem prope 
sodalem fuisse commemoret. Atque idem tamen stuprorum 
et scelerum exercitatione assuefactus frigori et fami et siti 
et vigiliis perferendis, fortis ab istis prcedicabatur, quum in- 
dustrise subsidia atque instrumenta virtutis in libidine auda- 35 
ciaque consumerentur. 10. Hunc vero si secuti erunt sui 
comites ; si ex urbe exierint desperatorum hominum flagi- 
tiosi greges : o nos beatos, o rem publicam fortunatam, o 
prseclaram laudem consulatus mei ! Non enim jam sunt 
mediocres hominum libidines, non hurnana? audacia? ac tole- -10 
randce : nihil cogitant nisi coedes, nisi incendia, nisi rapinas: 
patrimonia sua profuderunt : fortunas suas obligaverunt : 
res eos jampridem, fides nuper deficere ccepit : eadem ta- 
men ilia, qua) erat in abundantia, libido permanet. Quod 



22 ORATIO II. 

si iii vino et alea comissationes solum et scorta quiererent 
essent illi quidem desperandi, sed tamen essent ferendi. 
Hoc vcro quis ferre possit, inertes homines fortissimis viria 
insidiari, stultissimos prudentissimis, ebriosos sobriis, dor- 

5 mientes vigilantibus ? Qui mihi accubantes in conviviis, 
complexi mulieres impudicas, vino languidi, conferti cibo, 
sertis redimiti, unguentis obliti, debilitati stupris, eruotant 
sermonibus suis caedem bonorum atque urbis incendia. 11, 
Quibus ego confido impendere fatum aliquod et poenam 

10 jamdiu improbitati, nequitise, sceleri, libidini debitam aut 
instare jam plane aut certe appropinquare. Quos si mens 
consulates, quoniam sanare non potest, sustulerit, non breve 
nescio quod tempus, sed multa secula propagarit rei publi- 
cse. Nulla est enim natio, quam pertimescamus ; nullus 

15 rex, qui bellum populo Romano facere possit. Omnia sunt 
externa unius virtute terra marique pacata: domesticum 
bellum manet ; intus insidise sunt, intus inclusum periculum 
est; intus est hostis. Cum luxuria nobis, cum amentia, 
cum scelere certandum est. Huic ego me bello ducem 

20 profiteor, Quirites ; suscipio inimicitias hominum perditorum. 
Quse sanari poterunt, quacunque ratione sanabo : quce rese- 
canda erunt, non patiar ad perniciem civitatis manere. Pro- 
inde aut exeant aut quiescant aut, si et in urbe et in eadem 
mente permanent, ea, quae merentur, exspectent. 

25 VI. 12. At etiam sunt, qui dicant, Quirites, a me in 
exsilium ejectum esse Catilinam. Quod ego si verbo asse- 
qui possem, istos ipsos ejicerem, qui hsec loquuntur. Homo 
videlicet timidus aut etiam permodestus vocem consulis 
ferre non potuit: simul atque ire in exsilium jussus est, 

30 paruit, ivit. Hesterno die, quum domi mese psene interfe- 
ctus essem, senatum in tcdem Jovis Statoris convocavi ; rem 
omnem ad patres conscriptos detuli. Quo quum Catilina 
venisset, quis eum senator appellavit ? quis salutavit ? quis 
denique ita adspexit ut perditum civem, ac non potius ut 

35 importunissimum hostem ? Quin etiam principes ejus or- 
dinis partem illam subselliorum, ad quam ille accesserai* 
nudam atque inanem reliquerunt. 13. Hie ego veliemena 
ille consul, qui verbo cives in exsilium ejicio, quoesivi a Ca- 
tilina, nocturno conventu apud M. Lrecam fuisset necne. 

40 Quum ille, homo audacissimus, conscientia convictus primo 
reticuisset, patefeci cetera; quid ea node egisset, quid 
proxima constituisset, quemadmodum esset ei ratio totius 
belli descripta, edocui. Quum ha3sitaret, quum teneretur, 
quassivi, quid dubitaret proficisci eo, quo jampridem para- 



IS CATILINAM, CAP. VII, VIII. 23 

ret : quum arm a, quum secures, quum fasces, quum tubas, 
quum signa militaria, quum aquilam illam argenteam, cui 
ille etiam sacrarium scelerum domi suae fecerat, scirem esse 
prsemissam. 14. In exsilium ejiciebam, quern jam ingres- 
sum esse in bellum videbam ? Etenim, credo, Mallius iste 5 
centurio, qui in agro Fsesulano castra posuit, bellum populo 
Romano suo nomine indixit ; et ilia castra nunc non Catili- 
nam ducem exspectant et ille ejectus in exsilium se Massi- 
liam, ut aiunt, non in hcec castra conferet. 

VII. conditionem miseram, non modo administrandse, 1 
verum etiam conservandaa rei publicoe ! Nunc, si L. Cati- 
Una consiliis laboribus periculis meis circumclusus ac debili- 
tatus subito pertimuerit, sententiam mutaverit, deseruerit 
suos, consilium belli faciundi abjecerit, ex hoc cursu sce- 
leris et belli iter ad fugam atque in exsilium converterit, 15 
non ille a me spoliatus armis audaciae, non obstupefactus ac 
perterritus mea diligentia, non de spe conatuque depulsus, 
sed indemnatus, innocens, in exsilium ejectus a consule vi et 
minis esse dicetur : et erunt, qui ilium, si hoc fecerit, non 
improbum, sed miserum, me non diligentissimum consulem, 9.0 
sed crudelissimum tyrannum existimari velint. 15. Est 
mihi tanti, Quirites, hujus invidiam falsa) atque iniquae tem- 
pestatem subire, dummodo a vobis hujus horribilis belli ac 
nefarii periculum depcllatur. Dicatur sane ejectus esse a 
me, dummodo eat in exsilium. Sed mihi credite, non est 25 
iturus. Nunquam ego a diis immortalibus optabo, Quirites, 
invidiae meae levandaa causa, ut L. Catilinam ducere exerci- 
tum hostium atque in armis volitare audiatis ; sed triduo 
tamen audietis : multoque magis illud timeo, ne mihi sit in- 
vidiosum aliquando, quod ilium emiserim potius, quam 30 
quod ejecerim. Sed quum sint homines, qui ilium, quum 
profectus sit, ejectum esse dicant, iidem, si interfectus esset, 
quid dicerent? 1G. Quamquam isti, qui Catilinam Massi- 
liam ire dictitant, non tarn hoc queruntur, quam verentur. 
Nemo est istorum tam misericors, qui ilium non ad Mallitfm 35 
quam ad Massilienses ire malit. Ille autem, si mehercule 
hoc, quod agit, nunquam ante cogitasset, tamen latrocinan- 
tem se interfici mallet quam exsulem vivere. Nunc vero, 
quum ei nihil adhuc praeter ipsius voluntatem cogitatio- 
nemque accident, nisi quod vivis nobis Roma profectus est, 40 
optemus potius, ut eat in exsilium, quam queramur. 

VIII. 17. Sed cur tamdiu de uno hoste loquimur, et 
de eo hoste, qui jam fatetur se esse hostem, et quern, quia, 
quod semper volui, murus interest, non timeo : de his, qm 



24 ORATIO II. 

dissimulant, qui Romae remanent, qui nobiscum sunt, nihil 
dicinius ? Quos quidem ego, si ullo modo fieri possit, non 
tarn ulcisci studeo quam sanare sibi ipsos, placare rei pu- 
blico? ; neque id quare fieri non possit, si me audire volent, 
5 intelligo. Exponam enim vobis, Quirites, ex quibus generi- 
bus hominum istae copiae comparentur : deinde singulis 
medicinam consilii atque orationis meee, si quam potero, af- 
feram. 18. Unum genus est eorum, qui magno in sere 
alieno majores etiam possessiones liabent, quarum am ore 

lOadducti dissolvi nullo modo possunt. Horum hominum 
species est honestissima ; sunt enim locupletes : voluntas 
vero et causa impudentissima. Tu agris, tu cedificiis, tu ar- 
gento, tu familia, tu rebus omnibus ornatus et copiosus sis, 
et dubites de possessione detrahere, acquirere ad fidem ? 

1 5 Quid enim exspectas ? Bellum ? Quid ? Ergo in vasta- 
tione omnium tuas possessiones sacrosanctas futuras putas ? 
An tabulas novas ? Errant, qui istas a Catilina exspectant. 
Meo beneficio tabulae novas proferentur, verum auctionariae. 
Neque enim isti, qui possessiones habent, alia ratione ulla 

20 salvi esse possunt. Quod si maturius facere voluissent, ne- 
que (id quod stultissimum est) certare cum usuris fructibus 
praediorum, et locupletioribus his et melioribus civibus ute- 
remur. Sed hosce homines minime puto pertimescendos, 
quod aut deduci de sententia possunt ; aut, si permanebunt, 

25 magis niihi videntur vota facturi contra rem publicam quam 
arma laturi. 

IX. 19. Alteram genus est eorum, qui quamquam pre- 
muntur aere alieno, dominationem tamen exspectant, rerum 
potiri volunt, honores, quos quieta re publica desperant, 

JO perturbata consequi se posse arbitrantur. Quibus hoc 
praecipiendum videtur, unum scilicet et idem, quod reliquis 
omnibus, ut desperent, se id, quod conantur, consequi posse: 
primum omnium, me ipsum vigilare, adesse, providere rei 
publicse ; deinde magnos animos esse in bonis viris, magnam 

35 concordiam, maximam multitudinem, magnas praeterea co- 
pias militum ; deos denique immortales huic invicto populo, 
clarissimo imperio, pulcherrimaa urbi contra tantam vim 
sceleris prcesentes auxilium esse laturos. Quod si jam sint 
id, quod cum summo furore cupiunt, adepti, num illi in ci- 

40nere urbis et in sanguine civium, quae mente conscelerata 
ac nefaria conGupierunt, consules se aut dictatores, aut 
etiam reges sperant futuros? Non vident id se cupere, 
quod si adepti sint, fugitivo alicui aut gladiatori concedi sit 
neeesse? 20. Tertium genus est aetate jam affectum, sed 



IN CATILINAM, CAP. X. 25 

tamen exercitatione robustum : quo ex genere iste est Mal- 
lius, cui nunc Catilina succedit. Hi sunt homines ex iis 
coloniis, quas Fsesulis Sulla constituit : quas ego universas 
civium esse optimorum et fortissimorum virorum sentio: 
sed tamen hi sunt coloni, qui se in insperatis ac repentinis 5 
pecuniis suraptuosius insolentiusque jactarunt. Hi dum 
xdificant, tamquam beati, dum praediis, lecticis, familiis 
magnis, conviviis apparatis delectantur, in tantum ass alienum 
iaciderunt, ut, si salvi esse velint, Sulla sit iis ab inferis ex- 
citandus. Qui etiam nonnullos agrestes, homines tenues 10 
atque egentes, in eandem illam spem rapinarum veterum 
impulerunt ; quos ego, Quirites, in eodem genere preedato- 
rum direptorumque pono. Sed eos hoc moneo : desinant 
furere et proscriptiones et dictaturas cogitare. Tantus enim 
illorum temporum dolor inustus est civitati, ut jam ista non 15 
modo homines, sed ne pecudes quidem mihi passurse esse 
videantur. 

X. 21. Quartum genus est sane varium et mixtum et 
turbulentum; qui jampridem premuntur, qui nunquam 
emergunt ; qui partim inertia, partim male gerendo negotio, 20 
partim etiam sumptibus in vetere sere alieno vacillant ; qui 
vadimoniis, judiciis, proscriptionibus bonorum defatigati, 
permulti et ex urbe et ex agris se in ilia castra conferre di- 
cuntur. Hosce ego non tarn milites acres, quam infitiatores 
lentos esse arbitror. Qui homines primum si stare non 25 
possunt, corruant: sed ita, ut non modo civitas, sed ne 
vicini quidem proximi sentiant. Nam illud non intelligo, 
quamobrem, si vivere honeste non possunt, perire turpiter 
velint, aut cm* minore dolore perituros se cum multis, quam 
si soli pereant, arbitrentur. 22. Quintum genus est parri- 30 
cidarum, sicariorum, denique omnium facinorosorum ; quos 
ego a Catilina non revoco ; nam neque divelli ab eo possunt, 
et pereant sane in latrocinio, quoniam sunt ita multi, ut eos 
career capere non possit. Postremum autem genus est, 
non solum numero, verum etiam genere ipso atque vita, quod 35 
proprium Catilina? est, de ejus delectu, immo vero de com- 
plexu ejus ac sinu ; quos pexo capillo, nitidos aut imberbes 
aut bene barbatos videtis, manicatis et talaribus tunicis, ve- 
ils amictos, non togis ; quorum omnis industria vitae et vi- 
gilandi labor in antelucanis coenis expromitur. 23. In his 40 
gregibus omnes aleatores, omnes adulteri, omnes impuri 
impudicique versantur. Hi pueri tarn lepidi ac delicati non 
solum amare et amari, neque cantare et psallere, sed etiam 
sieas vibrare et snargere venena didicerunt ; qui nisi exeunt, 

3 



26 ORATIO II. 

nisi pereimt, etiam si Catilina perierit, scitotelioc in re 
pnblica seminarium Catilinarium futurum. Verumtamen 
quid sibi isti miseri volnnt ? JSTum suas secum mulierculas 
sunt in castra ducturi ? Quemadraodum autem illis earere 
5 poterunt, his prsesertim jam noctibus ? Quo autem pacto 
illi Apenninum atque illas prainas ac nives perferent ? Nisi 
idcirco se facilius hiemem toleraturos putant, quod nudi in 
conviviis saltare didicerunt. 

XI. 24. bellum magno opere pertimescendum, quum 
10 nanc sit habiturus Catilina scortorum cohortem preetoriain ! 

Instruite nunc, Quirites, contra has tarn prseclaras.Catilinse 
copias vestra prsesidia vestrosque exercitus; et primum 
gladiatori illi confecto et saucio consules imperatoresque 
vestros opponite : deinde contra illam naufragorum ejectam 

15 ac debilitatam manum floremtotius Italise ac robur educite. 
Jam vero urbes coloniarum ac municipiorum respondebunt 
Catilinoe tumulis silvestribus. Neque ego ceteras copias, 
ornamenta, praesidia vestra, cum illius latronis inopia atque 
egestate conferre debeo. 25. Sed, si, omissis his rebus 

20 omnibus, quibus nos suppeditamur, eget ille, senatu, equi- 
tibus Romanis, populo, urbe, asrario, vectigahbus, cuncta 
Italia, provinciis omnibus, exteris nationibus, si his rebus 
omissis, causas ipsas, quae inter se confligunt, contendere 
velimus : ex eo ipso, quam valde illi jaceant, intelligere 

"5 possumus. Ex hac enim parte pudor pugnat, illinc petu- 
lantia : hinc pudicitia, illinc stuprum : hinc fides, illinc frau- 
datio : hinc pietas, illinc scelus : hinc constantia, illinc fu- 
ror : hinc honestas, illinc turpitudo : hinc contmentia, illinc 
libido : denique aequitas, temperantia, fortitudo, prudentia, 

30 virtutes omnes certant cum iniquitate, luxuria, ignavia, te • 
meritate, cum vitiis omnibus : postremo copia cum egestate, 
bona ratio cum perdita, mens sana cum amentia, bona de- 
nique spes cum omnium rerum desperatione confligit. In 
hujusmodi certamine ac prcelio nonne, etiam si hominum 

35 studia deficiant, dii ipsi immortales cogent ab his praecla- 
rissimis virtutibus tot et tanta vitia superari ? 

XII. 26. Qua3 quum ita sint, Quhites, vos, quemadmo- 
dum jam antea, vestra tecta custodiis vigiliisque defendite : 
mihi, ut urbi sine vestro motu ac sine ullo tumultu satis 

40 esset praesidii, consultum itque provisum est. Coloni omnes 
municipesque vestri certiores a me facti de hac nocturna 
excursione CatihnaB facile urbes suas finesque defendent : 
gladiatores, quam sibi ille manum certissimam fore putavit^ 
quamquam meliore animo sunt ijuam pars patriciorum, po* 



IN CATILINAM, CAP. XIII. 2l 

testate tamen nostra continebuntur. Q. Metellus, quem 
ego hoc prospiciens in agrum Gallicum Picenumque proe- 
misi, aut opprimet hominem aut ejus omnes motus cona- 
tusque prohibebit. Reliquis autem de rebus constituendis 
maturandis agendis jam ad senatum referemus, quem vocari 5 
videtis. 

27. Nunc illos, qui in urbe remanserunt atque adeo qui 
contra urbis salutem omniumque nostrum in urbe a Catilina 
relicti sunt, quamquam sunt hostes, tamen, quia nati sunt 
cives, monitos eos etiam atque etiam volo. Mea lenitaslO 
adhuc si cui solutior visa est, hoc exspectavit, ut id, quod 
latebat, erumperet. Quod reliquum est, jam non possum 
oblivisci meam hanc esse patriam, me horum esse consulem, 
mini aut cum his vivendum aut pro his esse moriendum. 
Nullus est portis custos, nullus insidiator vise : si qui exire 15 
volunt, connivere possum : qui vero se in urbe commoverit, 
cujus ego non modo factum, sed inceptum ullum conatum- 
ve contra patriam deprehendero, sentiet in hac urbe esse 
eonsules vigilantes, esse egregios magistratus, esse fortem 
senatum, esse anna, esse carcerem, quem vindicem nefario- 20 
rum ac manifestorum scelerum majoresnostri esse voluerunt. 

XIII. 28. Atque haec omnia sic agentur, Quirites, ut 
res maxima minimo motu, pericula summa nullo tumultu, 
bellum intestinum ac domesticum post hominum memoriam 
crudelissimum et maximum me uno togato duce et impera- 25 
tore sedetur. Quod ego sic administrabo, Quirites, ut, si 
ullo modo fieri poterit, ne improbus quidem quisquam in 
hac urbe pcenam sui sceleris sufferat. Sed si vis manifests 
andacise, si impendens patriae periculum me necessario de 
hac animi lenitate deduxerit, illud profecto perficiam, quod 30 
in tanto et tarn insidioso bello vix optandum videtur, ut 
neque bonus quisquam intereat paucorumque poena vos jam 
omnes salvi esse possitis. 29. Quae quidem ego neque 
mea prudentia neque huraanis consiliis fretus polliceor vo- 
bis, Quirites ; sed multis et non dubiis deorum immortalium 35 
significationibus, quibus ego ducibus in hanc spem senten- 
tiamque sum ingressus ; qui jam non procul, ut quondam 
solebant, ab externo hoste atque longinquo, sed hie prss- 
sentes suo numine atque auxilio sua templa atque urbis 
tecta defendunt ; quos vos, Quirites, precari, venerari [atque] 40 
implorare debetis, ut, quam urbem pulcherrimam, florentis- 
Bimam potentissimamque esse voluerunt, hanc omnibus 
hostium copiis terra marique superatis a perditissimorum 
sivium nefario soelere defendant. 



IN 

L. C ATI LIN AM 

ORATIO TERTIA 
AD QUIRITES. 



1. 1. Rem public am, Quirites, vitamque omnium ve- 
strum, bona fortunas, conjuges liberosque vestros atqne hoc 
domicilium clarissimi imperii, fortunatissimam pulcherri- 
mamque urbem hodierno die deorum immortalium summo 
5 erga vos amore, laborious eonsiliis periculis meis ex flamma 
atque ferro ac paene ex faucibus fati ereptam et vobis con- 
servatam ac restitutam videtis. 2. Et, si non minus nobis 
jucundi atque illustres sunt ii dies, quibus conservamur, 
quam illi, quibus nascimur, quod salutis certa lsetitia est, 

LOnascendi incerta conditio, et quod sine sensu nascimur, cum 
voluptate servamur, profecto, quoniam ilium, qui hanc ur- 
bem condidit, ad deos immortales benevolentia famaque 
sustulimus, esse apud vos posterosque vestros in honore 
debebit is, qui eandem hanc urbem conditam amplificatam- 

1 5 que servavit. Nam toti urbi, templis delubris, tectis ac 
mcenibus subjectos prope jam ignes circumdatosque re- 
stinximus iidemque gladios in rem publicam destrictos retu- 
dimus mucronesque eorum a jugulis vestris dejecimus. S. 
Quse quoniam in senatu illustrata, patefacta, comperta sunt 

20 per me, vobis jam exponam breviter, Quirites, ut et quanta 
et quam manifesta et qua ratione investigata et comprehensa 
sint, vos, qui ignoratis, ex actis scire possitis. 

Principio, ut Catilina paucis ante diebus erupit ex urbe, 
quum sceleris sui socios, hujusce nefarii belli acerrimos 

25 duces Romce reliquisset, semper vigilavi et providi, Quirites, 
quemadmodum in tantis et tam absconditis insidiis salv 
esse possemis. 



ORATIO III. IN CATILINAM, CAP. II, ill. 29 

II. Nam turn, quum ex urbe Catilinam ejiciebam (non 
enim jam vereor liujus verbi invidiam, quum ilia magis sit 
timenda, quod vivus exierit), sed turn, quum ilium extermi- 
nari volebam, aut reliquam conjuratorum manum simul 
exituram aut eos, qui restitissent, infirmos sine illo ac debiles 5 
fore putabam. 4. Atque ego, ut vidi, quos maxime furore 
et scelere esse inflammatos sciebam, eos nobiscum esse et 
Romse remansisse, in eo omnes dies noctesque consumpsi, 
ut, quid agerent, quid molirentur, sentirem ac viderem : ut, 
quoniam auribus vestris propter incredibilem magnitudinem 10 
sceleris minorem fidem faceret oratio mea, rem ita compre- 
lienderem, ut turn demum animis saluti vestrae provideretis, 
quum oculis maleficium ipsum videretis. / 5. Itaque ut 
comperi legatos Allobrogum belli Transalpini et tumultus 
Gallici excitandi causa a P. Lentulo esse sollicitatos eosque 15 
in Galliam ad suos cives eodemque itinere cum Uteris man- 
datisque ad Catilinam esse missos comitemque lis adjun- 
ctum T. Volturcium atque huic esse ad Catilinam datas 
literas, facuitatem mihi oblatam putavi, ut, quod erat diffi- 
cillimum quodque ego semper optabam a diis immortalibus, 20 
ut tota res non solum a me, sed etiam a senatu et a vobis 
manifesto deprehenderetur. Itaque hesterno die L. Flac- 
cum et C. Pomptinum, praetores, fortissimos atque aman- 
tissimos rei publicse viros, ad me vocavi ; rem omnem ex- 
posui; quid fieri placeret, ostendi. Illi autem, qui omnia 25 
de re publica praeclara atque egregia sentirent, sine recusa- 
tione ac sine ulla mora negotium susceperunt et, quum ad- 
vesperasceret, occulte ad pontem Mulvium pervenerunt 
atque ibi in proximis villis ita bipartito fuerunt, ut Tiberis 
inter eos et pons interesset. Eodem autem et ipsi sine cu- 30 
jusquam suspicione multos fortes viros eduxerunt, et ego ex 
praefectura Reatina complures delectos adolescentes, quo- 
rum opera utor assidue in re publica, prassidio cum gladiis 
miseram. 6. Interim tertia fere vigilia exacta, quum jam 
pontem Mulvium magno comitatu legati Allobrogum ingredi 35 
inciperent unaque Yolturcius, fit in eos impetus ; educuntur 

et ab illis gladii et a nostris. Res erat praetoribus nota 
solis ; ignorabatur a ceteris. 

III. Turn interventu Pomptini atque Flacci pugna, quae 
erat commissa, sedatur. Literae, quaecunque erant in eo 40 
comitatu integris signis prastoribus traduntur ; ipsi compre- 
hensi ad me, quum jam dilucesceret, deducuntur. Atque 
horum omnium scelerum improbissimum machinatorem 
Cimbrum Gabinium statim ad me nihil dum suspicantem 



30 ORATIO III. 

vocavi. Deinde item arcessitur L. Statilius et post eun: 
[C] Cethegus. Tardissime autem Lentulus venit, credo 
quod in Uteris his dandis prEeter consuetudinem proxima 
nocte vigilaverat. 7. Qiram vero summis et clarissimis 
5 hujus civitatis viris, qui audita re frequentes ad me mane 
convenerant, literas a me prius aperiri quam ad senatum 
referri placeret, ne, si nihil esset inventum, temere a me 
tantus tumultus injectus civitati videretur, negavi me esse 
facturum, ut de periculo publico non ad consilium publicum 

10 rem integram deferrem. Etenim, Quirites, si ea, quae erant 
ad me delata, reperta non essent, tamen ego non arbitrabar 
in tantis rei publicse periculis esse mihi nimiam diligentiam 
pertimescendam. Senatum frequentem celeriter, ut vidistis, 
coegi. 8. Atque interea statim admonitu Allobrogum C. 

15 Sulpicium prsetorem, fortem virum, misi, qui ex aedibus 
Cethegi, si quid telorum esset, efferret ; ex quibus ille ma 
ximum sicarum numerum et gladiorum extulit. 

IV. Introduxi Yolturcium sine Gallis : fidem ei publicam 
jussu senatus dedi ; hortatus sum, ut ea, quae sciret, sine 

20metu indicaret. Turn ille dixit, quum vix se ex magno ti- 
more recreasset, a P. Lentulo se habere ad Catilinam man- 
data et literas, ut servorum praesidio uteretur et ad urbem 
quam primum cum exercitu accederet : id autem eo consilio, 
ut, quum urbem ex omnibus partibus, quemadmodum de- 

25 scrip turn distributumque erat, incendissent caedemque infi- 
nitam civium fecissent, praesto esset ille, qui et fugientes 
exciperet et se cum his urbanis ducibus conjungeret. 9. 
Introducti autem Galli jus jurandum sibi et literas a Lentulo, 
Cethego, Statilio ad suam gentem datas esse dixerunt, atque 

30 ita sibi ab his et a L. Cassio esse praescriptum, ut equitatum 
in Italiam quam primum mitterent : pedestres sibi copias 
non defuturas ; Lentuium autem sibi confirmasse ex fatis 
Sibyllinis haruspicumque responsis esse se tertium ilium 
Cornelium, ad quern regnum hujus urbis atque imperium 

85 pervenire esset necesse ; Cinnam ante se et Sullam fuisse ; 
eundemque dixisse fatalem hunc esse annum ad interitum 
hujus urbis atque imperii, qui esset decimus annus post 
Virginum absolutionem, post Capitolii autem incensionem 
vicesimus. 10. Hanc autem Cethego cum ceteris contro- 

40 versiam fuisse dixerunt, quod Lentulo et aliis csedeni Satur- 
nalibus fieri atque urbem incendi placeret, Cethego nimium 
id longum videretur. 

V. Ac, ne longum sit, Quirites, tabellas proferri jussiinus, 
quae a quoque dicebantur datse. Primum ostendimus Ce« 



IN CATILINAM, CAP. V. 81 

thego signum; cognovit. Nos linum incidimus; legimus. 
Erat scriptum ipsius maim Allobrogum senatui et populo, 
sese, quse eorum legatis confirmasset, facturum esse : orare, 
ut item illi facerent, quae sibi eorum legati recepissent. 
Turn Cethegus, qui paullo ante aliquid tamen de gladiis ac 5 
sicis, quse apud ipsum erant deprehensse, respondisset di- 
xissetque se semper bonorum ferramentorum studiosum fuis- 
se, recitatis Uteris debilitatus atque abjectus, conscientia 
convictus, repente conticuit. ' Introductus est Statilius ; 
cognovit et signum et manum suam. Recitatae sunt tabellae 10 
in eandem fere sententiam: confessus est. Turn ostendi 
tabellas Lentulo et qusesivi, cognosceretne signum. Annuit. 
— " Est vero, inquam, notum signum, imago avi tui, claris- 
simi viri, qui amavit unice patriam et cives suos : quce qui- 
dem te a tanto scelere etiam muta revocare debuit." 11.15 
Leguntur eadem ratione ad senatum Allobrogum populum- 
que literce. Si quid de his rebus dicere vellet, feci pote- 
statem. Atque ille primo quidem negavit ; post autem ali- 
quanto, toto jam indicio exposito atque edito, surrexit; 
quaesivit a Gallis, quid sibi esset cum lis ; quamobrem do- 20 
mum suam venissent ; itemque a Volturcio. Qui quum illi 
breviter constanterque respondissent, per quern ad eum 
quotiensque venissent, quaesissentque ab eo, nihilne secum 
esset de fatis Sibyllinis' locutus, turn ille subito scelere de- 
mens, quanta conscientia? vis esset, ostendit. Nam, quum 25 
id posset infitiari, repente prceter opinionem omnium con- 
fessus est. Ita eum non modo ingenium illud et dicendi 
exercitatio, qua semper valuit, sed etiam propter vim sceleris 
manifesti atque deprehensi impudentia, qua superabat 
omnes, improbitasque defecit. 12. Volturcius vero subito 30 
literas proferri atque aperiri jussit, quas sibi a Lentulo ad 
Catilinam datas esse dicebat. Atque ibi veliementissime 
perturbatus Lentulus, tamen et signum et manum suam 
cognovit. Erant autem scriptse sine nomine, sed ita : Qui 
sim, scies ex eo, quern ad te misi. Cura, ut vir sis, et cogita 35 
quern in locum sis progressus, et vide, quid jam tibi sit ne- 
cesse. Et cura, ut omnium tibi auxilia adjungas, etiam in- 
fimorum. Gabinius deinde introductus, quimi primo im- 
pudenter respondere ccepisset, ad extremum nihil ex iis, 
qua? Galli insimulabant, negavit. 13. Ac mini quidem, 40 
Quiritcs, quum ilia certissima sunt visa argumenta atque 
indicia sceleris tabella?, signa, manus, denique unius cujus- 
que confessio, turn multo certiora ilia, color oculi, vultus 
tacitumitas. Sic enim obstupuerant, sic terrain intuebantur, 



82 ORATIO III. 

sic furtim nonnunquam inter se adspiciebant, ut non jam ah 
aliis indicari, sed ipsi a se viderentur. 

VI. Indiciis expositis atque editis, Quirites, senatum con- 
sului, de summa re publica quid fieri placeret. Dictse sunt 

5 a principibus acerrimse ac fortissimse sententiee, quas sena- 
tus sine ulla varietate est consecutus. Et quoniam nondum 
est perscriptuin senatus consultum, ex memoria vobis, Qui- 
rites, quid senatus censuerit, exponam. 14. Primum mihi 
gratiae verbis amplissimis aguntur, quod virtute consilio 

1 C procidentia mea res publica maximis periculis sit liberata ; 
deinde L. Flaccus et C. Pomptinus, prsetores, quod eorum 
opera forti fidelique usus essem, merito ac jure laudantur : 
atque etiam viro forti, collegae meo, laus impertitur, quod 
eos, qui hujus conjurationis participes fuissent, a suis et rei 

ISpublicoe consiliis removisset. Atque ita censuerunt, ut P. 
Lentulus, quum se preetura abdicasset, in custodiam tradere- 
tur : atque idem hoc decretum est in L. Cassium, qui sibi 
procurationem incendendse urbis depoposcerat : in M. Cae- 
parium, cui ad sollicitandos pastores Apuliam esse attribu- 

20 tarn erat indicatum : in P. Furium, qui est ex iis colonis, 
quos Fsesulas L. Sulla deduxit : in Q. Manlium Chilonem, 
qui una cum hoc Furio semper erat in hac Allobrogum 
sollicitatione versatus : in P. Umbrenum, libertinum homi- 
nem, a quo primum Gallos ad Gabinium perductos esse 

25 constabat. 15. Atque ea lenitate senatus usus est, Quirites, 
ut ex tanta conjuratione tantaque vi ac multitudine dome- 
sticorum hostium novem hominum perditissimorum poena, 
re publica conservata reliquorum mentes sanari posse arbi- 
traretur. Atque etiam supplicatio diis immortahbus pro 

30 singulari eorum merito meo nomine decreta est, Quirites ; 
quod mihi primum post hanc urbem conditam togato con- 
tigit: et his decreta verbis est, Quod urbem incendhs, 
c^ede gives, Italiam bello liberassem. Quas supphcatio 
si cum ceteris supplicationibus conferatur, Quirites, hoc 

Bointersit, quod ceterse bene gesta, haec una conservata re 
publica constituta est. Atque illud, quod faciendum pri- 
mum fuit, factum atque transactum est. Nam P. Lentulus, 
quamquam patefactus indiciis et confessionibus suis, judicio 
senatus non modo prcetoris jus, verum etiam civis amiserat, 

10 tamen magistratu se abdicavit : ut, qua? religio C. Mario, 
clarissimo viro, non fuerat, quo minus C. Glauciam, de quo 
nihil nominatim erat decretum, prsetorem occideret, ca nos 
rehgione in privato P. Lentulo puniendo liberaremur. 

VII. 1G. Ifunc, quoniam, Quirites, sceleratissimi jjeii- 



W CATILINAM, CAP. VIII. 33 

culosissimique belli nefarios duces captos jam et coinpre- 
hensos tenetis, existimare debetis omnes Catilina3 copias, 
omnes spes atque opes bis depulsis urbis periculis conci- 
disse. Quern quidem ego quum ex urbe pellebam, hoc 
providebam animo, Quirites, remoto Catilina non mihi esse 5 
P. Lentuli somnum, nee L. Cassii adipes, nee C. Cethegi 
furiosam temeritatem pertimescendam. Hie erat unus ti- 
mendus ex bis omnibus, sed tamdiu, dum moenibus urbis 
continebatur. Omnia norat, omnium aditus tenebat; ap- 
pellare, tentare, sollicitare poterat, audebat; erat ei consi- 10 
Hum ad facinus aptum ; consilio autem neque lingua neque 
manus deerat; jam ad certas res conficiendas certos homines 
delectos ac descriptos babebat ; neque vero, quum aliquid 
mandaverat, confectum putabat. Nihil erat, qudo non ipse 
obiret occurreret, vigilaret laboraret ; frigus sitim famem ferre 15 
poterat. 17. Hunc ego hominem tarn acrem, tam paratum, 
tarn audacem, tam callidum, tam in scelere vigilantem, tam 
in perditis rebus diligentem, nisi ex domesticis insidiis in cas- 
trense latrocinium compulissem (dicam id, quod sentio, Qui- 
rites), non facile hanc tan tam molem mali a cervicibus ves- 20 
tris depulissem. Non ille nobis Saturnalia constituisset neque 
tanto ante exitii ac fati diem rei publicse denuntiavisset nee 
commisisset, ut signum, ut literae suae testes manifesti sceleris 
deprehenderentur. Qua3 nunc illo absente sic gesta sunt, 
ut nullum in privata domo furtum unquam sit tam palam 25 
inventum, quam hsec in tota re publica conjuratio manifesto 
inventa atque deprehensa est. Quod si Catilina in urbe ad 
hanc diem remansisset, quamquam, quoad fuit, omnibus 
ejus consiliis occurri atque obstiti, tamen, ut levissime di- 
cam, dimicandum nobis cum illo fuisset, neque nos unquam, 30 
quum ille in urbe hostis esset, tantis periculis rem publicam 
tanta pace, tanto otio, tanto silentio liberassemus. 

VIII. 18. Quamquam hasc omnia, Quirites, ita sunt a 
me administrata, ut deorum immortalium nutu atque consilio 
et gesta et pro visa esse videantur. Idque quum conjectura 35 
sonsequi possumus, quod vix videtur humani consilii tanta- 
rum rerum gubernatio esse potuisse, turn vero ita prsesentes 
his temporibus opem et auxilium nobis tulerunt, ut eos 
peene oculis videre possemus. Nam, ut ilia omittam, visas 
nocturno tempore ab occidente faces ardoremque cceli, ut 40 
fulminum jactus, ut terrse motus ceteraque, quee s tam multa 
nobis consulibus facta sunt, ut haec, quae nunc fiunt, canere 
dii immortales viderentur: hoc certe, Quirites, quod sum 
dicturus, neque praetermittendum neque rclinquendum est. 



34 ORATIO III. 

19. Nam profecto memoria tenetis Cotta et Torquato con 
sulibus complures in Capitolio res de coelo esse percussas, 
quum et simulacra deorum immortalium depulsa sunt et 
statuae veterum liominum dejectae et legum aera liquefacta ; 
5 tactus est etiam ille, qui hanc urbem condidit, Romulus, 
quern inauratum in Capitolio parvum atque lactentem, ube- 
ribus lupinis inbiantem fuisse meministis. Quo quidem 
tempore quum haruspices ex tota Etruria convenissent, 
caedes atque incendia et legum interitum et bellum civile ac 

1 domesticuni et totius urbis atque imperii occasum appro- 
pinquare dixerunt, nisi dii immortal es omni ratione placati 
suo numine prope fata ipsa flexissent. 20. Itaque illorum 
responsis tunc et ludi per decern dies facti sunt, neque res 
ulla, quae ad placandos deos pertineret, praeterrnissa est : 

15iidemque jusserunt simulacrum Jovis facere majus et in 
excelso collocare et contra, atque ante fuerat, ad orientem 
convertere : ac se sperare dixerunt, si illud signum, quod 
videtis, solis ortum et forum curiamque conspiceret, fore, 
ut ea consilia, quae clam essent inita contra salutem urbis 

?.0 atque imperii, illustrarentur, ut a senatu populoque Romano 
perspici possent. Atque illud signum ita collocandum con- 
sules illi locaverunt, sed tanta fuit operis tarditas, ut neque 
a superioribus consulibus neque a nobis ante hodiernum 
diem collocaretur. 

25 IX. 21. Hie quis potest esse, Quirites, tarn aversus a 
vero, tarn praeceps, tarn mente captus, qui neget bsec omnia, 
quae videmus, praecipueque banc urbem deorum immorta- 
lium nutu ac potestate administrari ? Etenim quum esset 
ita responsum, caedes, incendia interitumque rei publican 

SO comparari, et ea per cives, quae turn propter magnitudinem 
scelerum nonnullis incredibilia videbantur, ea non modo 
cogitata a nefariis civibus, verum etiam suscepta esse sen- 
sistis. Illud vero nonne ita praesens est, ut nutu Jovis 
Optimi Maximi factum esse videatur, ut, quum bodierno die 

35 mane per forum meo jussu et conjurati et eorum indices in 
aedem Concordiae ducerentur, eo ipso tempore signum sta- 
tueretur ? Quo collocato atque ad vos senatumque converso 
omnia et senatus et vos, quae erant contra salutem omnium 
cogitata, illustrata et patefacta vidistis. 22. Quo etiam 

tOmajore sunt isti odio supplicioque digni, qui non solum 
vestris domiciliis atque tectis, sed etiam deorum templis 
atque delubris sunt funestos ac nefarios ignes inferre conati. 
Quibus ego si me restitisse dicam, nimium mihi sumam et 
non sim ferendus : ille, ille Juppiter restitit : ille Capitolium, 



IN CATIL1NAM, CAL'. X. 35 

ille hse% templa, ille banc urbem, ille vos omnes salvos esse 
voluit. Diis ego imrnortalibus ducibus banc mentem, Qui- 
rites, voluntatemque suscepi atque ad haec tanta indicia 
perveni. Jam vero ilia Allobrogum sollicitatio f sic a P. 
Lentulo ceterisque domesticis bostibus tarn dementer tanta 5 
res credita et ignotis et barbaris commissaeque literse nun- 
quam essent profecto, nisi ab diis imrnortalibus buic tantee 
audaciae consilium esset ereptum. Quid vero ? Ut bomines 
Galli ex civitate male pacata, quae gens una restat, quay 
bellum populo Romano facere et posse et non nolle videa- 1 
tur, spem imperii ac rerum amplissimarum ultro sibi a pa- 
triciis bominibus oblatam negligerent vestramque salutem 
suis opibus anteponerent, id non divinitus factum esse pu- 
tatis? Praesertim qui nos non pugnando, sed taccndo 
superare potuerunt. 16 

X. 23. Quamobrem, Quirites, quoniam ad omnia pulvi- 
naria supplicatio decreta est, celebratote illos dies cum 
conjugibus ac liberis vestris. Nam multi saepe bonores 
diis immortalibus justi babiti sunt ac debiti, sed profecto 
justiores nunquam. Erepti enim estis ex crudelissimo ac 20 
miserrimo interitu, et erepti sine csede, sine sanguine, sine 
exercitu, sine dimicatione ; togati me uno togato duce et 
rmperatore vicistis. 24. Etenim rccordamini, Quirites, omnes 
civiles dissensiones, non solum eas, quas audistis, sed eas, 
quas vosmet ipsi meministis atque vidistis : L. Sulla P. 25 
Sulpicium oppressit : ex urbe ejecit C. Marium, custodem 
bujus urbis, multosque fortes viros partim ejecit ex civitate, 
partim interemit. Cn. Octavius, consul, armis expulit ex 
urbe collegam suum ; omnis bic locus acervis corporum et 
civium sanguine redundavit. Superavit [postea] Cinna 30 
cum Mario. Turn vero clarissimis viris interfectis lumina 
civitatis exstincta sunt. Ultus est bujus victories crudeli- 
tatem postea Sulla ; ne dici quidem opus est, quanta de- 
minutione civium et quanta calamitate rei publicae. Dissen- 
sit M. Lepidus a clarissimo ac fortissimo viro, Q. Catulo. 35 
Attulit non tarn ipsius interitus rei publicEe luctum, quam 
ceterorum. 25. Atque illae tamen omnes dissensiones erant 
ejusmodi, Quirites, quae non ad delendam, sed ad commu- 
tandam rem publicam pertinerent ; non illi nullam esse rem 
pubiicam, sed in ea, quae esset, se esse principes, neque 40 
banc urbem conflagrare, sed se in bac urbe florere volue- 
runt. Atque illae tamen omnes dissensiones, quarum nulla 
exitium rei publicae quaesivit, ejusmodi fuerunt, ut non re- 
?onciliatione concordiae, sed internecione civium dijudicatoe 



30 ORATIO III. 

sint. In hoc autem uno post hominum menioriam ^aaximo 
crudelissimoque bello, quale bellum nulla unquani barbaria 
cum sua gente gessit, quo in bello lex haec fuit a Lentulo, 
Catilina, Cethego et Cassio constituta, ut omnes, qui salva 
5 urbe salvi esse possent, in hostium numero ducerentur, ita 
me gessi, Quirites, ut omnes salvi conservaremini ; et, quum 
hostes vestri tantum civium superfuturum esse putassent, 
quantum infinites caedi restitisset, tantum autem urbis, 
quantum flamma obire non potuisset, et urbem et cives 
1 integros incolumesque servavi. 

XI. 26. Quibus pro tantis rebus, Quirites, nullum ego 
a vobis praemium virtutis, nullum insigne honoris, nullum 
monumentum laudis postulabo praeterquam hujus diei me- 
moriam sempiternam. In animis ego vestris omnes trium- 

15 phos meos, omnia ornamenta honoris, monumenta gloriae, 
laudis insignia, condi et collocari volo. Nihil me mutum 
potest delectare, nihil taciturn, nihil denique ejusmodi, quod 
etiam minus digni assequi possint. Memoria vestra, Qui- 
rites, nostras res alentur, sermonibus crescent, literarum 

20monumentis inveterascent et corroborabuntur: eandemque 
diem intelligo, quam spero aeternam fore et ad salutem 
urbis et ad memoriam consulatus mei propagatam f unoque 
tempore in hac re publica duos cives exstitisse, quorum 
alter fines vestri imperii non terras, sed coeli regionibus 

25 terminaret, alter ejusdem imperii domicilium sedemque 
servaret. 

XII. 27. Sed, quoniam earum rerum, quas ego gessi, 
non eadem est fortuna atque conditio, quae illoram, qui 
externa bella gesserimt : quod mihi cum iis vivendum est, 

30quos vici ac subegi, illi hostes aut interfectos aut oppressos 
reliquerunt : vestrum est, Quirites, si ceteris recte facta 
sua prosunt, mihi mea ne quando obsint, providere. Mentes 
enim hominum audacissimorum sceleratae ac nefariae ne 
vobis nocere possent, ego providi : ne mihi noceant, vestrum 

35 est providere. Quamquam, Quirites, mihi quideni ipsi nihil 
ab istis jam noceri potest. Magnum enim est in bonis 
praesidium, quod mihi in perpetuum comparatum est; 
magna in re publica dignitas, quae me semper tacita de- 
fendet ; magna vis conscientiae, quam qui negligent, quum 

£0me violare volent, se ipsi indicabunt. 28. Est etiam in 
nobis is animus, Quirites, ut non modo nullius audaciee 
cedamus, sed etiam omnes improbos ultro semper lacessa* 
mus. Quod si omnis impetus domesticorum hostium de« 
pulsus a vobis se in me unum converterit, vobis erit viden« 



IN CATILINAM, CAP. XII. 



3«J 



dum, Quirites, qua conditione posthac eos esse velitis, qui 
se pro salute vestra obtulerint invidiae periculisque omnibus. 
Mihi quidem ipsi quid est, quod jam ad vitae fructum possit 
acquiri, prassertim quum neque in honore vestro neque in 
gloria virtutis quidquam videam altius, quo mihi libeat5 
ascendere? 29. Illud perficiam profecto, Quirites, ut ea, 
quae gessi in consulatu, privatus tuear atque ornem; ut, si 
qua est invidia in conservanda re publica suscepta, lasdat 
invidos, mihi valeat ad gloriam. Deinde ita me in re publica 
tractabo, ut meminerim semper, quae gesserim, curemque, 10 
ut ea virtute, non casu gesta esse videantur. Vos, Quirites, 
quoniam jam nox est, veneramini ilium Jovem, custodem 
hujus urbis ac vestrum, atque in vestra tecta discedite : et 
ea, quamquam jam periculum est depulsum, tamen aeque 
ac priore nocte custodiis vigiliisque defendite. Id ne vobis 1 5 
diutius faciendum sit atque ut in perpetua pace esse possitis, 
providebo, Quirites. 



IN 

L. CATILINAM 

ORATIO QUARTA 

HABITA IN SENATU 



1. 1. Video, Patres conscripti, in me omnium vestrum 
ora atque oculos esse conversos. Video vos non solum de 
vestro ac rei publicse, verum etiam, si id depulsum sit, de 
meo periculo esse sollicitos. Est milii jucunda in malis et 
5 grata in dolore vestra erga me voluntas : sed earn, per 
deos immortales ! deponite atque obliti salutis meaa de vobis 
ac de vestris liberis cogitate. Mihi si lisec conditio consula- 
tes data est, ut omnes acerbitates, omnes dolores crucia- 
tusque perferrem, feram non solum fortiter, verum etiam 

LO libenter, dummodo meis laboribus vobis populoque Romano 
dignitas salusque pariatur. 2. Ego sum ille consul, Patres 
conscripti, cui non forum, in quo omnis sequitas continetur, 
non campus consularibus auspiciis consecratus, non curia, 
summum auxilium omnium gentium, non domus, commune 

1 5 perfugium, non lectus ad quietem datus, non denique haec 
sedes honoris, sella curulis, unquam vacua mortis periculo 
atque insidiis fuit. Ego multa tacui, multa pertuli, multa 
concessi, multa meo quodam dolore in vestro tirnore sanavi. 
Nunc, si liunc exitum consulates mei dii immortales esse 

20 voluerunt, ut vos, Patres conscripti, popul unique Romanum 
ex csede miserrima, conjuges liberosque vestros virginesque 
Vestales ex acerbissima vexatione, templa atque delubra, 
banc pulcherrimam patriam omnium nostrum ex fcedissima 
rlamma, totam Italiam ex bello et vastitate eriperem, quac- 

25 cunque mihi uni proponetur fortuna, subeatur. Etenim, si 
P. Lentulus suum nomen, inductus a vatibus, fatale ad 
perniciem populi Romani fore putavit, cur ego non laeter 



ORATIO IV. IN CAT1LINAM, CAP. II, III. 39 

meum consulatum ad salutem rei publicae prope fataleni 
exstitisse ? 

II. 3. Quare, Patres conscripti, consulite vobis, prospi- 
cite patriae, conservate vos, conjuges, liberos fortunasque 
vestras, populi Romani nomen salutemque defendite, mihi 5 
parcere ac de me cogitare desinite. Nam primum debeo 
sperare omnes deos, qui huic urbi praesident, pro eo mihi, 
ac mereor, relaturos esse gratiam ; deinde, si quid obtigerit, 
aequo animo paratoque moriar. Nam neque turpis mors 
forti viro potest accidere neque immatura consulari nee 1C 
misera sapienti. Nee tamen ego sum ille ferreus, qui fratris 
carissimi et amantissimi praesentis masrore non movear 
horumque omnium lacrimis, a quibus me circumsessum 
videtis. Neque meam mentem non domum saepe revocat 
exanimata uxor et abjectametu filia et parvulus nlius, quern 15 
mihi videtur amplecti res publica tamquam obsidem consu- 
latus mei ; neque ille, qui exspectans hujus exitum diei 
adstat in conspectu meo gener. Moveor his rebus omnibus, 
sed in earn partem, uti salvi sint vobiscum omnes, etiam si 
me vis aliqua oppresserit, potius quam et illi et nos una rei 20 
publicae peste pereamus. 4. Quare, Patres conscripti, in- 
cumbite ad salutem rei publicae ; circumspicite omnes pro- 
cellas, quae impendent, nisi providetis. Non Ti. Gracchus, 
quod iterum tribunus plebi fieri voluit, non C. Gracchus, 
quod agrarios concitare conatus est, non L. Saturninus, 25 
quod C. Memmium occidit, in discrimen aliquod atque in 
vestrae severitatis judicium adducitur : tenentur ii, qui ad fc 
urbis incendium, ad vestram omnium caedem, ad Catilinam 
accipiendum Romae restiterunt. Tenentur literae signa 
manus, denique unius cujusque confessio; sollicitantur Al- 30 
lobroges ; servitia excitantur ; Catilina arcessitur ; id est 
initum consilium, ut interfectis omnibus nemo ne ad deplo- 
randum quidem populi Romani nomen atque ad lamen tan- 
dam tanti imperii calamitatem relinquatur. 

III. 5. Haec omnia indices detulerunt, rei confessi sunt ; 35 
vos multis jam judiciis judicastis: primum, quod mihi 
gratias egistis singularibus verbis, et mea virtute atque 
diligentia perditorum hominum conjurationem patefactam 
esse decrevistis : deinde quod P. Lentulum, ut se abdicaret 
praetura, coegistis ; turn quod eum et ceteros, de quibus 40 
judicastis, in custodiam dandos censuistis, maximeque, quod 
meo nomine supplicationem decrevistis, qui honos togato 
habitus ante me est nemini ; postremo hesterno die praemia 
legatis Allobrogum Titoque Yolturcio dedistis amplissima. 



40 ORA.TIO IV. 

Quae sunt omnia ejusmodi, ut ii, qui in eustodiam nominalim 
dati sunt, sine ulla dubitatione a vobis damnati esse vide- 
antur. 

6. S<*(d ego institui referre ad vos, Patres conscript!, 
5 tamquam integrum et de facto, quid judicetis, et de poena, 
quid censeatis. Ilia praedicam, quae sunt consulis. Ego 
magnum in re publica versari furorem et nova quaedam 
misceri et concitari mala jampridem videbam; sed banc 
tantam, tarn exitiosam baberi conjurationem a civibus nun- 

10 quam putavi. Nunc, quidquid est, quocunque vestrae men- 
tes inclinant atque sententiae, statuendum vobis ante noctem 
est. Quantum facinus ad vos delatum sit, videtis. Huic 
si paucos putatis affines esse, veliementer erratis. Latius 
opinione disseminatum est boc malum ; manavit non solum 

15 per Italiam, verum etiam transcendit Alpes et obscure 
serpens multas jam provincias occupavit. Id opprimi 
sustentando ac prolatando nullo pacto potest. Quacunque 
ratione placet, celeriter vobis vindicandum est. 

IV. 1. Video duas adhuc esse sententias : unam D. 

20 Silani, qui censet, eos, qui base delere conati sunt, morte 
esse multandos; alteram C. Caesaris, qui mortis pcenam 
removet, ceterorum suppliciorum omnes acerbitates am- 
plectitur. Uterque et pro sui dignitate et pro rerum 
magnitudine in summa severitate versatur. Alter eos, qui 

; - 5 nos omnes, qui populum Romanum vita privare conati sunt, 
qui delere imperium, qui populi Romani nomen exstinguere, 

n punctum temporis frui vita et hoc communi spiritu non 
putat oportere, atque boc genus pcenae saepe in improbos 
cives in hac re publica esse usurpatum recordatur. Alter 

30 intelligit mortem a diis immortalibus non esse supplicii 
causa constitutam, sed aut necessitatem naturae aut laborum 
ac miseriarum quietem esse. Itaque earn sapientes minquam 
inviti, fortes saepe etiam libenter appetiverunt. Vincula 
vero, et ea sempiterna, certe ad singularem pcenam nefarii 

35 sceleris inventa sunt. Municipiis dispertiri jubet. Habere 
videtur ista res iniquitatem, si imperare velis, dimcultatem, 
si rogare. Decernatur tamen, si placet. 8. Ego enim 
suscipiam et, ut spero, reperiam, qui id, quod salutis omnium 
causa statueritis, non putet esse suae dignitatis recusare. 

10 Adjunct gravem pcenam municipiis, si quis eorum vincula 
ruperit; borribiles custodias circumdat et digna scelere 
bominum perditorum sancit, ne quis eorurn pcenam, quos 
condemnat, aut per senatum aut per populum levare possit ; 
eripit etiam spem, quae sola homines in miseriis consolari 



IN CATILINAM, CAP. V, VI. 41 

Bclet. Bona praeterea publican jubet: vitam solam relin- 
qmt nefariis hominibus ; quam si eripuisset, multos uno 
dolore animi atque corporis et omnes scelerum poenas 
ademisset. Itaque ut aliqua in vita formido improbis esset 
posita, apud inferos ejusmodi quae dam illi antiqui supplicia 5 
impiis constituta esse voluerunt ; quod videlicet intelligebant 
his remotis non esse mortem ipsam pertimescendam. . 

V. 9. Nunc, Patres conscripti, ego mea video quid 
intersit. Si eritis secuti sententiam C. Caesaris, quoniam 
hanc is in re publica viam, quae popularis habetur, secutus 1C 
est, fortasse minus erunt hoc auctore et cognitore hujusce 
sentential mihi populares impetus pertimescendi : sin illam 
alteram, nescio, an amplius mihi negotii contrahatur. Sed 
tamen mcorum periculorum rationes utilitas rei publica? 
vincat. Habemus enim a C. Caesare, sicut ipsius dignitas lc 
et majorum ejus amplitudo postulabat, sententiam tamquam 
obsidem perpetuae in rem publicam voluntatis. Intellectum 
est, quid intersit inter levitatem concionatorum et animum 
vere popularem, saluti populi consulentem. 10. Video de 
istis, qui se populares haberi volunt, abesse non neminem, 2C 
ne de capite videlicet civium Romanorum sententiam ferat. 

Is et nudiustertius in custodiam cives Romanos dedit et 
supplicationern mihi decrevit et indices hesterno die maximis 
prcemiis affecit. Jam hoc nemini dubium est, qui reo 
custodiam, quaesitori gratulationem, indici premium decrevit, 25 
quid de tota re et causa judicarit. At vero C. Caesar intel- 
ligit legem Semproniam esse de civibus Romanis constitu- 
tam; qui autem rei publicae sit hostis, eum civem esse 
nullo modo posse : denique ipsum latorem Semproniae legis 
jussu populi poenas rei publicae dependisse. Idem ipsum 30 
largitorem Lentulum et prodigum non putat, quum de 
pernicie populi Romani, exitio hujus urbis tarn acerbe 
tamque crudeliter cogitarit, etiam appellari posse popula- 
rem. Itaque homo mitissimus atque lenissimus non dubitat 
P. Lentulum aeternis tenebris vinculisque mandare et sancit 35 
in posterum, ne quis hujus supplicio levando se jactare et 
in pernicie populi Romani posthac popularis esse possit. 
Adjungit etiam publicationem bonorum, ut omnes animi 
eruciatus et corporis etiam egestas ac mendicitas consequa- 
tur. 40 

VI. 11. Quamobrem sive hoc statueritis, dederitis mihi 
comitem ad concionem populo carum atque jucimdum; 
sive Silani sententiam seqm malueritis, facile me atque vos 
crudelitatis vituperatione populo Romano exsolvetis atque 



42 O RATIO IV. 

obtinebo earn multo leniorem fuisse. Quamquam, Patres 
conscripti, quae potest esse in tanti sceleris immanitate 
punienda crudelitas ? Ego enim de meo sensu judico. 
Nam ita uiihi salva re publica vobiscum perfrui liceat, ut 
5 ego, quod in hac causa vehementior sum, non atrocitate 
animi moveor, (quis enim est me mitior?) sed singular! 
quadam humanitate et misericordia. Videor enim milii 
videre banc urbem, lucem orbis terrarum atque arcem 
omnium gentium, subito uno incendio concidentem ; cerno 

lOanimo sepultam patriam, miseros atque insepultos acervos 
civium; versatur mihi ante oculos adspectus Cethegi et 
furor in vestra caede bacchantis. 12. Quum vero mihi 
proposui regnantem Lentulum, sicut ipse se ex fatis spe- 
rasse confessus est, purpuratum esse huic Gabinium, cum 

15 exercitu venisse Catilinam, turn lamentationem matrum- 
familias, turn fugam virginum atque puerorum ac vexationem 
virginum Vestalium perborresco : et, quia, mihi vebementer 
haec videntur misera atque miseranda, idcirco in eos, qui ea 
perficere voluerunt, me severum vehementemque praebebo. 

20 Etenim quaero, si quis paterfamilias liberis suis a servo 
interfectrs, uxore occisa, incensa domo supplicium de servis 
quam acerbissimum sumpserit, utrum is clemens ac mise- 
ricors, an inhumanissimus et crudelissimus esse videatur ? 
Mihi vero importunus ac ferreus, qui non dolore ac cruciatu 

25 nocentis suum dolorem cruciatumque lenierit. Sic nos in 
his hominibus, qui nos, qui conjuges, qui liberos nostros 
trucidare voluerunt, qui singulas unius cuj usque nostrum 
domos et hoc universum rei publicae domicilium delere 
conati sunt, qui id egerunt, ut gentem Allobrogum in 

30 vestigiis hujus urbis atque in cinere deflagrati imperii collo- 
carent, si vehementissimi fuerimus, misericordes habebimur ; 
sin remissiores esse voluerimus, summae nobis crudelitatis 
in patriae civiumque pernicie fama subeunda est. 13. Nisi 
vero cuipiam L. Caesar, vir fortissimus et amantissimus rei 

35 publicae, crudelior nudiustertius visus est, quum sororis 
suae, feminae lectissimae, virum prsesentem et audientem 
vita privandum esse dixit, quum avum jussu consulis inter- 
fectum flliumque ejus impuberem, legatum a patre missum, 
in carcere necatum esse dixit. Quorum quod simile factum ? 

40 quod initum delendao rei publicae consilium? Largitionia 
voluntas turn in re publica versata est et partium quaedam 
contentio. Atque illo tempore hujus avus Lentuli, clarissi- 
nius vir, armatus Gracchum est persecutus : iiie etiam 
grave turn vulnus acccpit, ne quid do summa re publica 



IN CATILINA&, CAP. VII. 43 

iiuniieretiir : liic ad evertenda fimdamenta rei publico? 
Gallos arccssit, servitia concitat, Catilinam vocat, attribuit 
nos trucidandos Cethego, ceteros cives interficiendos Gabi- 
nio, urbem inflammandam Cassio, totam Italiam vastandam 
diripiendamque Catilinoe. Vereamini, censeo, ne in hoc 5 
scelere tarn immani ac nefando nimis aliquid severius sta- 
tuisse videamini. Mulfo magis est verendum, ne remissione 
poena? crudeles in patriam, quam ne severitate animadver- 
pionis nirais vehementes in acerbissimos hostes fuisse videa- 
mur. 1 

VII. 14. Sed ea, quae exaudio, Patres conscripti, dissi- 
mulare non possum. Jaciuntur enim voces, quce pervcniunt 
ad aures meas, eorum, qui vereri videntur, ut habeam satis 
prsesidii ad ea, quae vos statueritis hodierno die, transi- 
gunda. Omnia et pro visa et parata et constituta sunt, 15 
Patres conscripti, quum mea summa cura atque diligentia, 
turn multo etiam majore populi Romani ad summum impe- 
rium retinendum et ad communes fortunas conservandas 
voluntate. Omnes adsunt omnium ordinum homines, omni- 
um denique cetatum ; plenum est forum, plena templa 20 
circum forum, pleni omnes aditus hujus templi et loci. 
Causa est enim post urbem conditam hose inventa sola, in 
qua omnes sentirent unum atque idem prseter eos, qui, 
quum sibi viderent esse pereundum, cum omnibus potius 
quam soli perire voluerunt. 15. Hosce ego homines excipio 25 
et secerno libenter neque in improborum civium, sed in 
acerbissimorum hostium numero habendos puto. Ceteri 
vero, dii immortales ! qua frequentia, quo studio, qua vir- 
tute ad communem salutem dignitatemque consentiunt? 
Quid ego hie equites Romanos commemorem ? qui vobis 30 
ita summam ordinis consiliique concedunt, ut vobiscum de 
amore rei publicoe certent ; quos ex multorum annorum 
dissensione hujus ordinis ad societatem concordiamque re- 
vocatos hodiernus dies vobiscum atque haec causa conjun- 
git ; quam si conjunctionem in consulatu confirmatam meo 35 
perpetuam in re publica tenuerimus, confirmo vobis nullum 
posthac malum civile ac domesticum ad ullam rei publicae 
partem esse venturum. Pari studio defendendce rei publico? 
convenisse video tribunos o3rarios, fortissimos viros ; scribas 
item universos ; quos quum casu hie dies ad terarium fre- 40 
quentasset, video ab exspectatione sortis ad salutem com- 
munem esse conversos. 16. Omnis ingenuorum adest mul- 
titudo, etiam tenuissimorum. Quis est enim, cui non haec 
templa, adspectus urbis, possessio libertatis, lux deniquo 



44 DRATIO IV. 

haec ipsa ct hoc commune patriae solum quum sit canni, 
turn vero dulce atque jucuiidurn ? 

VIII. Opera pretium est, Patres conscripti, libertinonun 
hominum studia cognoscere ; qui sua virtute fortunam hujua 

5 civitatis consecuti vere hanc suam patriam esse judicanfc, 
quam quidam hie nati et summo nati loco non patriam 
suam, sed urbem hostium esse judicaverunt. Sed quid ego 
hujusce ordinis homines commemoro, quos privatae fortuna), 
quos communis res publica, quos denique libertas, ea, quae 

10 dulcissima est, ad salutem patriae defendendam excitavit? 
Servus est nemo, qui modo tolerabili conditione sit servitutis, 
qui non audaciam civium perhorrescat ; qui non haec stare cu- 
piat ; qui non quantum audet et quantum potest conferat ad 
communem salutem voluntatis. 17. Quare si quem vestrum 

15 forte commovet hoc, quod auditum est lenonem quendam Len- 
tuli concursare circum tabernas, pretio sperare sollicitari posse 
animos egentium atque imoeritorum, est id quidem coeptum 
atque tentatum ; sed nulli sunt inventi tarn aut fortuna miseri 
aut voluntate perditi, qui non ilium ipsum sellae atque operis 

20 et quasstus quotidiani locum, qui non cubile ac lectulum 
suum, qui denique non cursum hunc otiosum vitae sua3 salvum 
esse velint. Multo vero maxima pars eorum, qui in tabernis 
sunt, nisi vero (id enim potius est dicendum) genus hoc 
universum amantissimum est otii. Etenim omne instrumen- 

25 turn, omnis opera atque qusestus frequentia civium susten- 
tatur, alitur otio : quorum si quaestus occlusis tabernis 
minui solet, quid tandem incensis futurum fuit ? 

IX. 18. Quae quum ita sint, Patres conscripti, vobis 
populi Romani praesidia non desunt : vos ne populo Romano 

30 deesse videamini, providete. Habetis consulem ex plurimis 
periculis et insidiis atque ex media morte non ad vitam 
suam, sed ad salutem vestram reservatum ; omnes ordines 
ad conservandam rem publicam mente, voluntate, studio, 
virtute, voce consentiunt ; obsessa facibus et telis impiae 

35 conjurationis vobis supplex manus tendit patria communis ; 
vobis se, vobis vitam omnium civium, vobis arcem et Capi- 
tolium, vobis aras Penatium, vobis ignem ilium Vesta? 
sempiternum, vobis omnia deorum templa atque delubra, 
vobis muros et urbis tecta commendat. Praeterea de vestra 

40 vita, de conjugum vestrarum atque liberorum anima, de 
fortunis omnium, de sedibus, de focis vestris hodierno die 
vobis judicandum est. 19. Habetis ducem memorem 
vestri, oblitum sui, quae non semper facultas datur ; habetis 
omnes ordines, omnes homines, universum populum Roma- 



IN CAT11INAM, CAP. X. 45 

num, id quod in civili causa hodierno die primum videmus, 
unum atque idem sentientem. Cogitate, quantis laborious 
fundatum imperium, quanta virtute stabilitam libertatem, 
quanta deorum benignitate auctas exaggsratasque fortunas 
una nox paene delerit. Id ne unquam posthac non modo 5 
confici, sed ne cogitari quidem possit a civibus, hodierno 
die providendum est. Atque hose, non ut vos, qui mihi 
studio paene praecurritis, excitarem, locutus sum, sed ut 
mea vox, quag debet esse in re publica princeps, officio 
functa consulari videretur. 10 

X. 20. Nunc antequam, [Patres conscripti], ad senten- 
tiam redeo, de me pauca dicam. Ego, quanta manus est 
conjuratorum, quam videtis esse permagnam, tantam me 
inimicorum multitudinem suscepisse video, sed earn esse 
turpem judico, infirmam et abjectam. Quod si aliquando 15 
alicujus furore et scelere concitata manus ista plus valuerit 
quam vestra ac rei publico dignitas, me tamen meorum 
factorum atque consiliorum nunquam, Patres conscripti, 
poenitebit. Etenim mors, quam mihi illi fortasse minitantur, 
omnibus est parata : vitas tantam laudem, quanta vos me 20 
vestris decretis honestastis, nemo est assecutus. Ceteris 
enim bene gesta, mihi uni conservata re publica gratula- 
tionem decrevistis. 21. Sit Scipio clarus ille, cujus consilio 
atque virtute Hannibal in Africam redire atque Italia dece- 
dere coactus est ; ornetur alter eximia laude Africanus, qui 25 
duas nrbes huic imperio infestissimas Karthaginem Numan- 
tiamque delevit ; habeatur vir egregius Paullus ille, cujus 
cuiTum rex potentissimus quondam et nobilissimus Perses 
honestavit : sit aeterna gloria Marius, qui bis Italiam obsi- 
dione et metu servitutis libera vit ; anteponatur omnibus 30 
Pompeius, cujus res gestae atque virtutes iisdem, quibus 
solis cursus, regionibus ac terminis continentur : erit profecto 
inter horum laudes aliquid loci nostrae gloriae ; nisi forte 
majus est patefacere nobis provmcias, quo exire possimus, 
quam curare, ut etiam illi, qui absunt, habeant, quo vie tores 35 
revertantur. 22. Quamquam est uno loco conditio melior 
externas victoriae quam domesticae, quod hostes alienigenae 
aut oppressi serviunt aut recepti beneficio se obligatos pu- 
tant : qui autem ex numero civium dementia aliqua depra- 
vati hostes patriae semel esse coeperunt, eos, quum a perni- 40 
cie rei publicas reppuleris, nee vi coercere nee beneficio 
placare possis ; quare mihi cum perditis civibus aeternum 
bellum susceptum esse video. Id ego vestro bonorumque 
omnium auxilio rcemoriaque tantorum periculoruni, quae 



18 011ATI0 IV. IN CATILINAM, CAP. XI. 

non mode in hoc populo, qui servatus est, sed [etiam] in 
omnium gentium sermonibus ac mentibus semper haerebit, 
a me atque a meis facile propulsari posse confido. Neque 
ulla profecto tanta vis reperictur, qua3 conjunctionem ve- 
5 stram equitumque Romanorum et tantam conspirationem 
bonorum omnium confringere et labefactare possit. 

XI. 23. Quae quum ita sint, Patres conscripti, pro impe- 
rio, pro exercitu, pro provincia, quam neglexi, pro triumplio 
ceterisque laudis insignibus, quae sunt a me propter urbis 

lOvestraeque salutis custodiam repudiata, pro clientelis hospi- 
tiisque provincialibus, qua3 tamen urbanis opibus non minore 
labore tueor, quam comparo : pro his igitur omnibus rebus, 
pro meis in vos singularibus studiis, proque hac, quam 
conspicitis, ad conservandam rem pubheam diligentia nihil 

15 a vobis nisi hujus temporis totiusque mei consulatus memo- 
riam postulo, quae dum erit in vestris fixa mentibus, tutissi- 
mo me muro saeptum esse arbitrabor. Quod si meam spem 
vis improborum fefellerit atque superaverit, commendo vo- 
bis parvum meum filium ; cui profecto satis erit prassidii 

20 non solum ad salutem, verum etiam ad dignitatem, si ejus, 
qui haec omnia suo solius periculo conservaverit, ilium filium 
esse memineritis. 24. Quapropter de summa salute vestra 
populique Romani, Patres conscripti, de vestris conjugibus 
ac liberis, de aris ac focis, de fanis atque templis, de totius 

25 urbis tectis ac sedibus, de imperio ac libertate, de salute 
Italias, de universa re publica decernite diligenter, ut insti- 
tuistis, ac fortiter. Habetis eum consulem, qui et parere 
vestris decretis non dubitet et ea, quae statucritis, quoad 
vivet, defendere et per se ipsum prastarc possit, 



ORATIO 

DE 

IMPEBIO CI. POMPEII 

SIVE 

PRO LEGE MANILIA. 



I. 1. Quamquam mihi semper frequens conspectus ve- 
ster multo jucundissimus, hie autem locus ad agendum 
amplissimus, ad dicendum ornatissimus est visus, Quirites, 
tamen hoc aditu laudis, qui semper optimo cuique maxime 
patuit, non mea me voluntas adhuc, sed vitse meae ra- 5 
tiones ab ineunte estate susceptse prohibuerunt. Nam, 
quum antea per setatem nondum hujus auctoritatem loci 
attingere auderem statueremque nihil hue nisi perfectum 
ingenio, elaboratum industria afFerri oportere, omne meum 
tempus amicorum temporibus transmittendum putavi. 2. 10 
Ita neque hie locus vacuus unquam fuit ab iis, qui vestram 
causam defenderent, et mens labor in privatorum periculis 
caste integreque versatus ex vestro judicio fructum est 
amplissimum consecutus. Nam quum propter dilationem 
comitiorum ter praetor primus centuriis cunctis renuntiatus 15 
sum, facile intellexi, Quirites, et quid de me judicaretis et 
quid aliis praescriberetis. Nunc quum et auctoritatis in me 
tantum sit, quantum vos honoribus mandandis esse voluistis, 
et ad agendum facultatis tantum, quantum homini vigilanti 
ex forensi usu prope quotidiana dicendi exercitatio potuit 20 
afferre ; certe et si quid auctoritatis in me est, [ea] apud 
eos utar, qui earn mihi dederunt; et si quid in dicendo 
consequi possum, iis ostendampotissimum, qui ei quoque 
rei fructum suo judicio tribuendum esse censuerunt. 3. 
Atque Llud in primis mihi laetandum jure esse video, quod 25 
in hac insolita mihi ex hoc loco ratione dicendi causa talis 
oblata est, in qua oratio dcesse nemini possit. Dicendum 



4S O RATIO 

est enim de Cn. Pompeii singulan eximiaque virtute ; hujus 
autem orationis difficilius est exitum quam principium inve- 
nire. Ita mihi non tarn copia, quam modus in dicendo 
quaerendus est. 
5 II. 4. Atque, ut inde oratio mea proficiscatur, unde 
haec omnis causa ducitur, bellum grave et periculosum 
vestris vectigalibus ac sociis a duobus potentissimis regibus 
infertur, Mithridate et Tigrane ; quorum alter relictus, alter 
lacessitus, occasionem sibi ad occupandam Asiam oblatam 

10 esse arbitrantur. Equitibus Romanis, honestissimis viris, 
afferuntur ex Asia quotidie literae, (quorum magnae res 
aguntur in vestris vectigalibus exercendis occupatae ; qui 
ad me pro necessitudine, quae mihi est cum illo ordine, 
causam rei publicae periculaque rerum suarum detulerunt) : 

15 5. Bithyniae, quae nunc vestra provincia est, vicos exustos 
esse complures ; regnum Ariobarzanis, quod finitimum est 
vestris vectigalibus, totum esse in hostium potestate ; Lu- 
cullum magnis rebus gestis ab eo bello discedere ; liuic qui 
successerit, non satis esse paratum ad tantum bellum admi^ 

20 nistrandum ; unum ab omnibus sociis et civibus ad id 
bellum imperatorem deposci atque expeti; eundem hunc 
ur.am ab hostibus metui, praeterea neminem. 

6. Causa quae sit, videtis : nunc quid agendum sit, consi- 
derate. Primum mihi videtur de genere belli, deinde de 

25 magnitudine, turn de imperatore deligendo esse dicendum. 
Genus est enim belli ejusmodi, quod maxime vestros animos 
excitare atque inflammare ad persequendi studium debeat; 
in quo agitur populi Romani gloria, quae vobis a majoribus 
quum magna in omnibus rebus, turn summa in re militari 

30 tradita est ; agitur salus sociorum atque amicorum, pro qua 
multa majores vestri magna et gravia bella gesserunt ; 
aguntur certissima populi Romani vectigalia et maxima, 
quibus amissis et pacis ornamenta et subsidia belli require- 
tis ; aguntur bona multorum civiurn, quibus est a vobis et 

35 ipsorum et rei publicae causa consulendum. 

III. 7. Et quoniam semper appetentes gloriae praeter 
ceteras gentes atque avidi laudis fuistis, delenda vobis est 
ilia macula Mithridatico bello superiore concepta: quae 
penitus jam insedit ac nimis inveteravit in populi Romani 

40 nomine : quod is, qui uno die, tota Asia, tot in civitatibus, 
uno nuntio atque una significatione literarum cives Romanos 
necandos trucidandosque denotavit, non modo adhuc pce- 
nam nullam suo dignam scelere suscepit, sed ab illo tempore 
annum jam tertium et vicesimum regnat, et ita re^nat, ut 



PRO LEGE MANILLA, CAP. IV, V. 49 

se non Ponto ncque Cappadociac latebris occultare velit, 
sed emergere e patrio regno atque in vestris vectigalibus, 
hoc est, in Asiee luce versari. 8. Etenim adliuc ita nostri 
cum illo rege contenderunt imperatores, ut ab illo insignia 
victoriae, non victoriam reportarcnt. Triumphavifc L. Sulla, 5 
triuniphavit L. Murena de Mithridate, duo fortissimi viri et 
sumuii imperatores, sed ita triumpharunt, nt iile pulsus 
superatusque regnaret. Verumtamen illis imperatoribus 
laus est tribuenda, quod egerunt, venia danda, quod reli- 
querunt ; propterea quod ab eo bello Sullam in Italiam res 10 
publica, Murenam Sulla revocavit. 

IV. 9. Mithridates autem omne reliquum tempus non 
ad oblivionem veteris belli, sed ad comparationem novi 
contulit : qui posteaquam maximas aedificasset ornassetque 
classes, exercitusque permagnos, quibuscunque ex gentibus 15 
potuisset, comparasset et se Bosporanis, finitimis suis, bel- 
lum inferre simularet, usque in Hispaniam legatos ac literas 
misit ad cos duces, quibuscum turn bellum gerebamus, ut, 
quum duobus in locis disjunctissimis maxirneque diversis 
uno consilio a binis hostium copiis bellum terra marique 20 
gereretur, vos ancipiti contentione districti de imperio dimi- 
caretis. 10. Sed tamen alterius partis periculum, Sertorianae 
atque Hispaniensis, quae multo plus firmamenti ac roboris 
habebat, Cn. Pompeii divino consilio ac singulari virtute 
depulsum est ; in altera parte ita res a L. Lucullo, summb 25 
viro, est administrata, ut initia ilia rerum gestarum magna 
atque praeclara non felicitati ejus, sed virtuti, haec autem 
extrema, quaa nuper acciderunt, non culpae, sed fortunoa 
tribuenda esse videantur. Sed de Lucullo dicam alio loco, 

et ita dicam, Quirites, ut neque vera laus ei detracta oratione 30 
nostra neque falsa afficta esse videatur. 11. De vestri 
imperii dignitate atque gloria, quoniam is est exorsus ora- 
tionis mea3, videte, quern vobis animum suscipiendum pu- 
tetis. 

V. Majores nostri saspe mercatoribus aut naviculariis 35 
injuriosius tractatis bella gesserunt : vos tot milibus civium 
Romanorum uno nuntio atque uno tempore necatis quo 
tandem animo esse debetis ? Legati quod erant appellati 
superbius, Corinthum patres vestri, totius Grascia3 lumen 
exstinctum esse voluerunt : vos eum regem inultum esse 40 
patiemini, qui legatum populi Roniani consularem vinculis 

ac verberibus atque omni supplicio excruciatum necavit ? 
illi libertatem civium Eomanorum imminutam non tulerunt ; 
vos vitam ereptam negligetis ? Jus legationis verbo viola- 



BO O RATIO 

turn illi perseouti sunt ; vos legatum omni supplicio inter- 
fectum relinquetis? 12. Videte, ne, ut illis pulcberrimura 
fuit tantam vobis imperii gloriam tradere, sic vobis turpis- 
simimi sit, id, quod accepistis, tueri et conservare non 
5 posse. 

Quid, quod salus sociorum summum in periculum ac 
discrimen vocatur quo tandem animo ferre debetis ? Regno 
est expulsus Ariobarzanes rex, socius populi Romani atque 
amicus ; imminent duo reges toti Asise non solum vobis 

10 inimicissimi, sed etiam vestris sociis atque amicis ; civitates 
autem omnes cuncta Asia atque Grcecia vestrum auxilium 
exspectare propter periculi magnitudinem coguntur ; impe- 
ratorem a vobis certum deposcere, quum prsesertim vos 
alium miseritis, neque audent neque se id facere sine summo 

15periculo posse arbitrantur. 13. Vident et sentiunt hoc 
idem, quod vos, unum virum esse, in quo summa sint 
omnia, et eum propter esse, quo etiam carent segrius : cujus 
adventu ipso atque nomine, tametsi ille ad maritimum 
bellum venerit, tamen impetus liostium repressos esse intel- 

20 ligunt ac retardatos. Hi vos, quoniam libere loqui non licet, 
tacite rogant, ut se quoque, sicut ceterarum provinciarum 
socios, dignos existimetis, quorum salutem tali viro corn- 
mendetis ; atque hoc etiam magis, quod ceteros in provin- 
ciam ejusmodi homines cum imperio mittimus, ut, etiamsi 

25 ao hoste defendant, tamen ipsorum adventus in urbes 
sociorum non multum ab hostili expugnatione differant. 
Hunc audiebant antea, nunc prsesentem vident tanta tempe- 
rantia, tanta mansuetudine, tanta humanitate, ut ii beatissimi 
esse videantur, apud quos ille diutissime commoratur. 

30 VI. 14. Quare, si propter socios nulla ipsi injuria la- 
cessiti, majores nostri cum Antiocho, cum Philippo, cum 
JEtoYis, cum Poenis bella gesserunt, quanto vos studio con- 
venit injuriis provocatos sociorum salutem una cum imperii 
vestri dignitate defendere? prsesertim quum de maximis 

35 vestris vectigalibus agatur. 

Nam ceterarum provinciarum vectigalia, Quirites, tanta 
sunt, ut iis ad ipsas provincias tutandas vix contend esse 
possimus ; Asia vero tarn opima est ac fertilis, ut et uber- 
tate agrorum et varietate fructuum et magnitudine pastionia 

10 et multitudiue earum rerum, quae exportantur, facile omni- 
bus tcrris antecellat. Itaque hsec vobis provincia, Quirites, 
si et belli utilitatem et pacis dignitatem retinere vultis, non 
modo a calamitate, sed etiam a metu calamitatis est defen- 
denda. 15. Nam in ceteris rebus, quum venit calamitas, 



PRO LEG^ MANILLA, CAP. -VII. 51 

ium dctrimcntum accipitur ; at in vectigalibus non solum 
adventus mali, sod etiam metus ipse affert calamitatcra. 
Nam quum hostium copiee non longe absunt, etiam si 
irruptio nulla facta est, tamen pecua relinquuntur, agri 
cultura deseritur, mercatorum navigatio conquiescit. Ita 5 
neque ex portu neque ex decumis neque ex scriptura vecti- 
gal conservari potest; quare saepe totius anni fructus uno 
rumore periculi atque uno belli terrore amittitur. 16. Quo 
tandem igitur animo esse existimatis aut eos, qui vectigalia 
nobis pensitant, aut eos, qui exercent atque exigunt, quum 1C 
duo reges cum maximis copiis propter adsint ? quum una 
excursio equitatus perbrevi tempore totius anni vectigal 
auferre possit ? quum publicani familias maximas, quas in 
salinis habent, quas in agris, quas in portubus atque custo- 
diis, magno periculo se habere arbitrentur? Putatisne vos 15 
illis rebus frui posse, nisi eos, qui vobis fructui sunt, conser- 
varitis, non solum (ut ante dixi) calamitate, sed etiam 
calamitatis formidinc liberatos ? 

VII. 17. Ac ne illud quidem vobis negligendum est, 
quod milii ego extremum proposueram, quum essem de belli 20 
genere dicturus, quod ad multorum bona civium Romanorum 
pertinet ; quorum vobis pro vestra sapientia, Quirites, ha- 
benda est ratio diligenter. Nam et publicani, homines 
honestissimi atque ornatissimi, suas rationes et copias in 
illam provinciam contulerunt ; quorum ipsorum per se res 25 
et fortunae vobis curae esse debent. Etenim si vectigalia 
nervos esse rei publicae semper duximus, cum certe ordinem, 
qui exercet ilia, firmamentum ceterorum ordinum recte esse 
dicemus. 18. Deinde ex ceteris ordinibus homines navi 
atque industrii partim ipsi in Asia negotiantur, quibus vos 30 
absentibus consulere debetis, partim eorum in ea provincia 
pecunias magnas collocatas Labent. Est igitur humanitatis 
vestrae magnum numerum eorum civium calamitate prohi- 
bere, sapientiae, videre multorum civium calamitatem a re 
publica sejunctam esse non posse. Etenim primum illud 35 
parvi refert, nos publicanis amissis vectigalia postea victoria 
recuperare: neque enim iisdem redimendi facultas erit 
propter calamitatem, neque aliis voluntas propter timorem. 
19. Deinde quod nos eadem Asia atque idem iste Mithri- 
dates initio belli Asiatic! docuit, certe id quidem calamitate A Q 
docti memoria retinere debemus : nam turn, quum in Asia 
res magnas permulti amiserant, scimus, Romae solutione 
impedita fidem concidisse. Non enim possunt una in civi- 
tate multi rem atque fortunas amittere, ut non plures secum 



$2 RATIO 

in eandem trahant calamitatem. A quo poriculo prohibcto 
rem publican) et mihi credite, id quod ipsi videtis : hcec fides 
atquc hffic ratio pecuniarum, quse Romae, quae in foro 
versatur, implicita est cum illis pecuniis Asiaticis etcchaeret; 
6 mere ilia non possunt, ut hoec non eodem labefacta motu 
concidant. Quare videte, nura dubitandura vobis sit omni 
studio ad id bellum incumbere, in quo gloria nominis vestri, 
salus sociorum, vectigalia maxima, fortunse plurimorum 
civium cum re publica defenduntur. 

10 VIII. 20. Quoniam de genere belli dixi, nunc de ma- 
gnitudine pauca dicam. Potest hoc enim dici : belli genus 
esse ita necessarium, ut sit gerendum ; non esse ita magnum, 
ut sit pertimescendum. In quo maxime laborandum est, 
ne forte a vobis, quae diligentissime providenda sunt, con- 

1 5 temnenda esse videantur. Atque ut omnes intelligant me 
L. Lucullo tantum impertire laudis, quantum forti viro et 
sapienti homini et magno imperatori debeatur, dico, ejus 
adventu maximas Mithridatis copias omnibus rebus ornatas 
atque instructas fuisse, urbemque Asise clarissimam nobisque 

20 amicissimam Cyzicenorum obsessam esse ab ipso rege ma- 
xima multitudine et oppugnatam veliementissime, quam L. 
Lucullus virtute assiduitate consilio summis obsidionis peri- 
culis libera vit; 21. ab eodem imperatore classem magnam et 
ornatam, quae ducibus Sertorianis ad Italiam studio atque 

25 odio inflammata raperetur, superatam esse atque depressam ; 
magnas hostium prasterea copias multis prceliis esse deletas 
patefactumque nostris legionibus esse Pontum, qui ante 
populo Romano ex omni aditu clausus fuisset; Sinopen 
atque Amisum, quibus in oppidis erant domicilia regis, 

30 omnibus rebus ornatas atque refertas ceterasque urbes 
Ponti et Cappadocise permultas uno aditu adventuque esse 
captas ; regem spoliatum regno patrio atque avito ad alios 
se reges atque ad alias gentes supplicem contulisse : atque 
hsec omnia salvis populi Romani sociis atque integris vecti- 

35 galibus esse gesta. Satis opinor hoc esse laudis, atque ita, 
Quirites, ut hoc vos intelligatis, a nullo istorum, qui huic 
obtrectant legi atque causae, L. Lucullum similiter ex hoc 
loco esse laudatum. 

IX. 22. Requiretur fortasse nunc, quemadmodum, quum 

<0 haoc ita sint, reliquum possit magnum esse bellum. Cogno- 
scite, Quirites, non enim hoc sine causa queeri videtur. 
Primum ex suo regno sic Mithridates profugit, ut ex eodem 
Ponto Medea ilia quondam prof ugisse dicitur; quam pra> 
dicant in fuga fratris sui membra in iis locis, qua se parens 



PRO LEGE MANILIA, CAP. IX. 53 

persequeretur, dissipavisse, ut corum collectio dispcrsa mae- 
rorque patrius celeritatem perscquendi retardarct. Sic 
Mithridatcs fugiens maximam vim ami atque argcnti pu]» 
cherrimarumque rcrum omnium, quas et a majoribus acce- 
perat, et ipse bello superiore ex tota Asia direptas in snum 5 
regnum congesserat, in Ponto omnem reliquit. Hcec dum 
nostri colligunt omnia diligentius, rex ipse e manibus efFugit. 
Ita ilium a persequendi studio mairor, hos lcetitia tardavit. 
23. Hunc in illo timore et fuga Tigranes, rex Armenius, 
excepit diffidentemque rebus suis confirmavit et afflictum 10 
erexit perditumque recreant : cujus in regnum posteaquam 
L. Lucullus cum excrcitu venit, plures etiam gentes contra 
imperatorem nostrum concitatce sunt. Erat enim metus 
injcctus iis nationibus, quas nunquam populus Romanus 
neque lacessendas bello neque tentandas putavit; erat etiam 15 
alia gravis atque vehemens opinio, quse per animos gentium 
barbararum pervaserat, fani locupletissimi et religiosissimi 
diripiendi causa in cas oras nostrum esse exercitum addu- 
ctum. Ita nationes multse atque magnas novo quodam 
terrore ac metu concitabantur. Foster autem exercitus, 20 
tametsi urbeni ex Tigrani regno ceperat et proeliis usus 
erat secundis, taraen nimia longinquitate locorum ac deside- 
rio suorum commovebatur. 24. Hie jam plura non dicam. 
Fuit enim illud extremum, ut ex iis locis a militibus nostris 
reditus magis maturus quam processio longior qusereretur: 25 
Mithridatcs autem et suam manum jam confirrnarat [et eo- 
rum, qui se ex ipsius regno collegerant] et magnis ad- 
venticiis auxiliis multorum regum et nationum juvabatur. 
Jam hoc fere sic fieri solere accepimus, ut regum afflictce 
fortunee facile multorum opes alliciant ad misericordiam, 30 
maximeque eorum, qui aut reges sunt aut vivunt in regno : 
ut [iis] nomen regale magnum et sanctum esse videatur. 
25. Itaque tantum victus emcere potuit, quantum incolumis 
uunquam est ausus optare. Nam quum se in regnum suum 
recepisset, non fuit eo contentus, quod ei praater spem 35 
acciderat, ut illam, posteaquam pulsus erat, terrain unquam 
attingeret, sed in exercitum nostrum clarum atque victorem 
impetum fecit. Sinite hoc loco, Quirites, sicut poetae so- 
lent, qui res Romanas scribunt, prssterire me nostram 
calamitatem, quae tanta fuit, ut earn ad aures imperatoris 4 
non ex pruelio nuntius, sed ex sermone rumor afFerret. 26. 
Hie in illo ipso malo gravissimaque belli offensione L. 
Lucullus, qui tarnen aliqua ex parte iis incommodis mederi 
fortasse potuisset, vestro jussu coactus, quod imperii diu- 



54 O RATIO 

f.urniiati modum staluendum veterc exemplo tutavistis, 
partem milituin, qui jam stipendiis confecti erant, dimisit, 
partem Glabrioni tradidit. Multa praatereo consulto : sed 
ea vos conjectura perspicite, quantum illud bellum factum 
5 putetis, quod conjungant reges potentisshni, renovent agi- 
tatoe nationes, suscipiant integrae gentes, novus imperator 
noster accipiat, vetere exercitu pulso. 

X. 27. Satis mihi multa verba fecisse videor, quare 
esset hoc- bellum genere ipso necessarium, magnitudine 

lOpericulosum: restat, ut de imperatore ad id bellum deli- 
gendo ac tantis rebus praeficiendo dicendum esse videatur. 
Utinam, Quirites, virorum fortium atque innocentium copiain 
tantam haberetis, ut base vobis deliberatio difficilis esset, 
quemnam potissimum tantis rebus ac tanto bello praefici- 

15 endum putaretis. Nunc vero quum sit unus Cn. Pompeius, 
qui non modo eorum hominum, qui nunc sunt, gloriam, sed 
etiam antiquitatis memoriam virtute superarit, quae res est, 
quae cujusquam animum in bac causa dubium facere possit? 
28. Ego enim sic existimo, in summo imperatore quattuor 

20 lias res inesse oportere, scientiam rei militaris, virtutem, 
auctoritatem, felicitatem. Quis igitur hoc bomine scientior 
uuquam aut fuit aut esse debuit ? qui e ludo atque pueritiae 
disciplinis bello maximo atque acerrimis bostibus ad patris 
exercitum atque in militia? disciplinam profectus est ; qui 

25 extrema pueritia miles in exercitu fuit summi imperatoris, 
ineunte adolescentia maximi ipse exercitus imperator ; qui 
saepius cum boste conflixit, quam qmsquam cum inimico 
concertavit ; plura bella gessit, quam ceteri legerunt ; plures 
provincias confecit, quam alii concupiverunt ; cujus adole- 

30 scentia ad scientiam rei militaris non alienis praeceptis, sed 
suis imperils, non offensionibus belli, sed victoriis, non sti- 
pendiis, sed triumpbis est erudita. Quod denique genus 
esse belli potest, in quo ilium non exercuerit fortuna rei 
publicae? Civile, Africanum, Transalpinum, Hispaniense 

35 mixtum ex incitatis atque bellicosissimis nationibus, servile, 
navale bellum, varia et diversa genera et bellorum et ho- 
stKim, non solum gesta ab hoc uno, sed etiam confecta, 
nullam rem esse declarant in usu positam militari, qua) hu- 
jus viri scientiam fugere possit. 

10 XI. 29. Jam vero virtuti Cn. Pompeii quae potest oratio 
par inveniri ? Quid est, quod quisquam aut illo dignum 
aut vobis novum aut cuiquam inauditum possit afferre? 
Neque enim illse sunt solac virtutes imperatoria5, quas vulgo 
cxistimantur, labor in negotiis, fortitudo in periculis, industria 



TRO LEGE MANILIA, CAP. XII. 55 

in agendo, celeritas in conficiendo, consilium in providendo; 
quas tanta sunt in hoc uno, quanta in omnibus reliquis 
imperatoribus, quos aut vidimus aut audivimus, non fuerunt. 
Testis est Italia, quam ille ipse victor, L. Sulla, hujus 
virtute et subsidio confessus est liberatam. 30. Testis est 5 
Sicilia, quam multis undique cinctam periculis non terrore 
belli, sed consilii celeritafe explicavit. Testis est Africa, 
quae magnis oppressa hostium copiis eorum ipsorum san- 
guine redundavit. Testis est Gallia, per quam legionibus 
nostris in Hispaniam iter Gallorum internecione patefactum 10 
est. Testis est Hispania, quas soepissime plurimos hostes 
ab hoc superatos prostratosque conspexit. Testis est iterum 
et scepius Italia, qua3, quum servili bello tetro periculosoque 
premeretur, ab hoc auxilium absente expetivit: quod, bellum 
exspectatione ejus attenuatum atque imminutum est, adventu 15 
sublatum ac sepultum. 31. Testes nunc vero jam omnes 
orce atque omnes exterse gentes ac nationes, denique maria 
omnia, quum universa, turn in singulis oris omnes sinus atque 
portus. Quis enim toto mari locus per hos annos aut tarn 
lirmum habuit presidium, ut tutus esset? aut tarn fuit20 
abditus, ut lateret ? Quis navigavit, qui non se aut mortis 
aut servitutis peiiculo committeret, quum aut hieme aut 
referto prsedonum mari navigaret ? Hoc tantum bellum, 
tarn turpe, tam vetus, tarn late divisum atque dispersum, 
quis unquam arbitraretur aut ab omnibus imperatoribus 25 
uno anno, aut omnibus annis ab uno imperatore confici 
posse? 32. Quam provinciam tenuistis a prsedonibus libe- 
ram per hosce annos? quod vectigal vobis tutum fuit? 
quern socium defendistis ? cui prsesidio classibus vestris 
fuistis ? quam multas existimatis insulas esse desertas ? 30 
quam multas aut metu relictas aut a prsedonibus captas 
urbes esse sociorum ? 

XII. Sed quid ego longinqua commemoro ? Fuit hoc 
quondam, fuit proprium populi Romani, longe a domo bel- 
lare et propugnaculis imperii sociorum fortunas, non sua 35 
tecta defendere. Sociis ego nostris mare per hos annos 
clausum fuisse dicam, quum exercitus nostri nunquam a 
Biundisio nisi hieme summa transmiserint ? Qui ad vos ab 
exteris nationibus venirent, captos querar, quum legati 
populi Romani redempti sint ? Mercatoribus tutum mare 4 
non fuisse dicam, quum duodecim secures in preedonum 
potestatem pervenerint ? 33. Cnidum aut Coiophonem 
aut Samum, nobilissimas urbes, innumerabilesque alias ca- 
ptas esse commemorem, quum vestros portus, atque eos 



50 ORATIO 

portus quibus vitam et spiritum ducitis, in priedonum fttisse 
potestate sciatis? An vero ignoratis portuni Caietae cele 
berrimum atque plenissimum navium inspectante pnetoic a 
preedonibus esse direptum ? ex Miseno autem ejus ipsius 
5 liberos, qui cum prsedonibus antea ibi bellum gesserat, a 
prredonibus esse sublatos? Nam quid ego Ostiense in- 
commodum atque illam labem atque ignominiam rcipublicaa 
querar, quum prope inspectantibus vobis classis ea, cui 
consul populi Romani propositus esset, a prredonibus capta 

10 atque oppressa est? Pro dii immortales ! tantamne unius 
hominis incredibilis ac divina virtus tarn brevi tempore 
lucem afferre rei publicoe potuit, ut vos, qui modo ante 
ostium Tiberinum classem hostium videbatis, nunc nullam 
intra Oceani ostium prsedonum navem esse audiatis ? 31 

15 Atque haec qua celeritate gesta sint, quamquam videtis, 
tamen a me in dicendo praetereunda non sunt. Q.uis enim 
unquam aut obeundi negotii aut consequendi qusestus studio 
lam brevi tempore tot loca adire, tantos cursus conficere 
potuit, quam celeriter Cn. Pompeio duce tanti belli impetus 

20 navigavit ? qui nondum tempestivo ad navigandum man 
Siciliam adiit, Africam exploravit, inde Sardiniam cum classe 
venit atque hoec tria frumentaria subsidia rei publicse firmis- 
simis prcesidiis classibusque munivit. 35. Inde quum se in 
Italiam recepisset, duabus Hispaniis et Gallia [Transalpina] 

25 praesidiis ac navibus confirmata, missis item in oram Illyrici 
maris et in Achaiam omnemque Grceciani navibus Italia? 
duo maria maximis classibus firmissimisque prcesidiis ador- 
navit; ipse autem, ut Brundisio profectus est, undequinqua- 
gesimo die totam ad imperium populi Romani Ciliciam 

SOadjunxit: omnes, qui ubique proedones fuerunt, partim 
capti interfectique sunt, partim unius hujus se imperio ac 
potestati dediderunt. Idem Cretensibus, quum ad eum 
usque in Pamphyliam legatos deprecatoresque misissent 5 
spem deditionis non ademit obsidesque imperavit. Iia 

J 5 tantum bellum, tarn diutunium, tarn longe latequc disper- 
sum, quo bello omnes gentes ac naliones premebantur, Cn. 
Pompeius extrema hieme apparavit, ineunte vere suscepit, 
media oestate confecit. 

XIII. 3G. Est luec divina atque incredibilis virtus mipe- 

40 ratoris. Quid cetera?, quas paulo ante commemorare cce- 
peram, quanta? atque quam multoe sunt ? Non enim bel- 
landi virtus solum in summo ac perfecto imperatore qua?- 
renda est, sed multce sunt artes eximise, hujus adminisira? 
comitesque virtutis. Ac primum quanta innocentia dehent 



PRO LEGE MAXIMA, CAP. XIV. 51 

esse imperatores ! quanta deinde in omnibus rebus tempe- 
rantia ! quanta fide, quanta facilitate, quanto ingcnio, quanta 
humanitate ! qua? breviter, qualia sint in Cn. Pompeio, 
consideremus. Summa enim omnia sunt, Quirites, sed ea 
magis ex aliorum contentione quam ipsa per sese cognosci 5 
atque intelligi possunt. 37. Quern enim imperatorem pos- 
sumus ullo in numero putare, cujus in exercitu centuriatus 
veneant atque venierint ? quid hunc hominem magnum aut 
ampluni de re publica cogitare, qui pecuniam ex serario 
depromptam ad bellum administrandum aut propter cupi- 10 
ditatem provincise magistratibus diviserit aut propter avari- 
tiam Roma? in qusestu reliquerit? Vestra admunnuratio 
facit, Quirites, ut agnoscere videamini, qui hsec fecerint : 
ego autem nomino neminem ; quare irasci mibi nemo poterit, 
nisi qui ante de se voluerit confiteri. 38. Itaque propter 15 
banc avaritiani imperatorum quantas calamitates, quocunque 
ventum sit, nostri exercitus ferant, quis ignorat ? Itinera, 
quae per hosce annos in Italia per agros atque oppida 
civium Romanoruni nostri imperatores fecerint, recorda- 
mini ; turn facilius statuetis, quid apud exteras nationes fieri 20 
existimetis. Utrum plures arbitramini per hosce annos mili- 
Lurn vestrorum armis hostium urbes, an hibernis sociorum 
civitates esse deletas ? Neque enim potest exercitum is 
continere imperator, qui se ipse non continet, neque severus 
esse in judicando, qui alios in se severos esse judices non 25 
vult. 39. Hie miramur hunc hominem tantum excellere 
ceteris, cujus legiones sic in Asiam pervenerint, ut non 
modo manus tanti exercitus, sed ne vestigium quidem cui- 
quam pacato nocuisse dicatur ? Jam vero, quemadmodum 
milites hibernent, quotidie sermones ac literae perferuntur ; 30 
non modo, ut sumptum faciat in militem, nemini vis affertur, 
sed ne cupienti quidem cuiquam permittitur. Hiemis enim, 
non avaritioe perfugium majores nostri in sociorum atque 
amicorum tectis esse voluerunt. 

XIV. 40. Age vero, ceteris in rebus qua sit temperantia, 3D 
considerate. Unde illam tantam celeritatem et tarn incre- 
dibilem cursum in ventum putatis ? Non enim ilium eximia vis 
remigum aut ars inaudita qusedam gubernandi aut venti aliqui 
novi tarn celeriter in ultimas terras pertulerunt, sed ese res, 
quae ceteros remorari solent, non retardarunt ; non avaritia ab 40 
instituto cursu ad pradam aliquam devocavit, non libido ad 
voluptatem, non amcenitas ad delectation em, non nobilitas 
urbis ad cognitionem, non denique labor ipse ad quietem. 
Postremo signa et tabulas ceteraque ornamenta Graxorum 



68 ORATIO 

oppidorum, quce ceteri tollenda esse arbitrantur, ea sibi illc 
ne visenda quidem ezistimavit. 41. Itaque omnes nunc in 
iis locis Cn. Pompeium sicut aliquem non ex hac urbe 
missum, sed dc coelo delapsum intuentur; nunc deniquo 
5 incipiunt credere, fuisse homines Romanos hac quondam 
continentia, quod jam nationibus exteris incredibile ac falso 
memoriae proditum videbatur. Nunc imperii vestri splendor 
illis gentibus lucet ; nunc intelligunt non sine causa majores 
suos turn, quum ea temperantia magistratus habebamus, 

1 servire populo Romano quam imperare aliis maluisse. Jam 
vero ita faciles aditus ad eum privatorum, ita liberee queri- 
moniae de aliorum injuriis esse dicuntur, ut is, qui dignitate 
principibus excellit, facilitate infimis par esse videatur. 42. 
Jam quantum consilio, quantum dicendi gravitate et copia 

15 valeat, in quo ipso inest quaedam dignitas imperatoria, vos, 
Quirites, hoc ipso ex loco saspe cognovistis. Fidem vero ejus 
quantam inter socios existimari putatis, quam hostes omnes 
omnium generum sanctissimam judicarint ? Humanitate jam 
tanta est, ut difficile dictu sit, utrum hostes magis virtutem 

20 ejus pugnantes timuerint, an mansuetudinem victi dilexerint. 
Et quisquam dubitabit, quin huic hoc tantum bellum trans- 
mittendum sit, qui ad omnia nostras memoriae bella con- 
ficienda divino quodam consilio natus esse videatur ? 

XV. 43. Et, quoniam auctoritas quoque in bellis ad- 

25 ministrandis multum atque in imperio militari valet, certe 
nemini dubium est, quin ea re idem ille imperator plurimum 
possit. Vehementer autem pertinere ad bella administranda, 
quid hostes, quid socii de imperatoribus nostris existiment, 
quis ignorat, quum sciamus homines in tantis rebus, ut aut 

30 contemnant aut metuant aut oderint aut ament, opinione 
non minus et fama quam aliqua ratione certa commoveri ? 
Quod igitur nomen unquam in orbe terrarum clarius fuit? 
cujus res gestae pares? de quo homine vos, id quodmaxime 
facit auctoritatem, tanta et tarn praeclara iudicia fecistis ? 

35 44. An vero ullam usquam esse oram tarn desertam putatis, 
quo non illius diei fama pervaserit, quum universus populus 
Romanus referto foro completisque omnibus templis, ex 
quibus hie locus conspici potest, unum sibi ad commune 
omnium gentium bellum Cn. Pompeium imperatorem de- 

(Opoposcit? Itaque, ut plura non dicam neque aliorum 
exemplis confirmem, quantum auctoritas valeat in bello, ab 
eodem Cn. Pompeio omnium rerum egregiarum exempla 
sumantur ; qui quo die a vobis maritimo bello praepositus 
est imperator, tanta repente vilitas annonae ex sum ma 



PRO LEGE MANILLA, JA1>. XVI. 60 

inopia et caritate rei frumentariai consccuta est unius homi- 
nis spe ac nomine, quantara vix ex summa ubertate agrorum 
diuturna pax efficere potuisset. 45. Jam, accepta in Ponto 
calamitate ex co proelio, de quo vos paulo ante invitus 
admonui, quum socii pertimuissent, hostium opes animique 5 
crevissent, satis firmum presidium provincia non haberet, 
amisissetis Asiam, Quirites, nisi ad ipsum discrimcn ejus 
tempoi is divinitus Cn. Pompeium ad eas regiones fortuna 
populi llomani attulisset. Hujus adventus et Mitliridatem 
insolita inflammatum victoria continuit et Tigranem magnis ] 
copiis minitantem Asise retardavit. Et quisquam dubitabit, 
quid virtute perfecturus sit, qui tantum auctoritate perfecerit? 
aut quam facile irnperio atque exercitu socios et vectigalia 
conservaturus sit, qui ipso nomine ac rumore defenderit ? 

XVI. 46. Age vero, ilia res quantam declarat ejusdem 15 
hominis apud hostes populi llomani auctoritatem, quod ex 
locis tarn longinquis tamque diversis tarn brevi tempore 
omnes huic se uni dediderunt ! quod Cretensium legati, 
quum in eorum insula noster imperator exercitusque esset, 
ad Cn. Pompeium in ultimas prope terras venerunt eique 20 
se omnes Cretensium civitates dederevelle dixerunt ! Quid? 
idem iste Mithridates nonne ad eundem Cn. Pompeium 
legatum usque ad Hispaniam misit eum, quern Pompeius 
legatum semper judicavit, ii, quibus erat semper molestum 
ad eum potissimum esse missum, speculatorem quam lega- 25 
turn judicari maluerunt. Po testis igitur jam constituere, 
Quirites, banc auctoritatem multis postea rebus gestis ma- 
gnisque vestris judiciis amplificatam quantum apud illos 
reges, quantum apud exteras nationes valituram esse existi- 
metis. 30 

47. Reliquum est, ut de felicitate, quam prcestare de se 
ipso nemo potest, meminisse et commemorare de altero 
possumus, sicut sequum est homines de potestate deorum, 
limide et pauca dicamus. Ego enim sic existimo : Maximo, 
Marcello, Scipioni, Mario et ceteris magnis imperatoribus 35 
non solum propter virtutem, sed etiam propter fortunam 
saepius imperia mandata atque exercitus esse commissos. 
Fuit enim profecto quibusdam summis viris qusedam ad 
amplitudinem et ad gloriam et ad res magnas bene gerendas 
divinitus adjuncta fortuna. De hujus autem hominis felici-'40 
iate, de quo nunc agimus, hac utar moderatione dicendi, 
non ut in illius potestate fortunam positam esse dicam, sed 
ut prseteiita meminisse, reliqua sperare videamur, ne aut 
invisa diis immortalibus oratio nostra aut ingrata esse vi- 



20 OUATIO 

deatur. 48. Itaque non sum praedicaturus, quantas ilk 
resdomi militias, terra marique quantaque felicitate gesserit; 
ut ejus semper vohmtatibus non modo cives assenserint, 
socii obtemperarint, liostes obedierint, sed etiam venti tem- 
5 pestatesque obsecundarint : hoc brevissime dicam, neminem 
unquam tarn irapudentcm fuisse, qui ab diis immortalibus 
tot et tantas res tacitus auderet optare, quot et quantas dii 
immortales ad Cn. Pompeium detulerunt : quod ut illi pro- 
prium ac perpetuum sit, Quirites, quum communis salutis 

1 atque imperii, turn ipsius hominis causa, sicuti facitis, velle 
et optare debetis. 

49. Quare quum et bellum sit ita necessarium, ut negligi 
non possit, ita magnum, ut accuratissime sit administrandum, 
et quum ei imperatorem praeficere possitis, in quo sit eximia 

1 5 belli scientia, singularis virtus, clarissima au'storitas, egregia 

fortuna, dubitabitis, Quirites, quin hoc tantum boni, quoa 

vobis ab diis immortalibus oblatum et datum est, in rem 

publicam conservandam atque amplificandam conferatis ? 

XVII. 50. Quod si Romse Cn. Pompeius privatus esset 

20 hoc tempore, tamen ad tantum bellum is erat deligendus 
atque mittendus. Nunc, quum ad ceteras summas utilitales 
haec quoque opportunitas adjungatur, ut in iis ipsis locis 
adsit, ut habeat exercitum, ut ab iis qui habent, accipere 
statim possit, quid exspectamus ? aut cur non ducibus diis 

25 immortalibus eidem, cui cetera summa cum salute rei pu- 
blico commissa sunt, hoc quoque bellum regium committa- 
mus ? 

51. At enim vir clarissimus, amantissimus rei publico, 
vestris beneficiis amplissimis affectus, Q. Catulus, itemquc 

30 summis ornamentis honoris fortunae, virtutis ingenii prsedi- 
tus, Q. Hortensius, ab hac ratione disscntiunt : quorum ego 
auctoritatem apud vos multis locis plurimum valuisse et 
valere oportcre confiteor ; sed in hac causa, tametsi cogno- 
scetis auctoritates contrarias virorum fortissimorum et cla- 

35 rissimorum, tamen omissis auctoritatibus ipsa re ac ratione 
exquirere possumus veritatem ; atque hoc facilius, quod ea 
omnia, qua) a me adhuc dicta sunt, iidem isti vera esse 
concedunt, et necessarium bellum esse et magnum et in uno 
Cn. Pompeio summa esse omnia. 52. Quid igitur ait Hor- 

<J9 tensius? Si uni omnia tribuenda sint, [unum] dignissimuni 
esse Pompeium ; sed ad unum tamen omnia deferri non 
oportcre. Obsolevit jam ista oratio, re multo magis quam 
verbis refutata. Nam tu idem, Q. Hortensi, multa pro tua 
summa c)pia ac singular! facilitate dicendi et in senata 



PRO LEGE MANILIA, CAP. XVI11, XIX. 61 

contra virum fortem, A. Gabinium, graviter ornateque dixi- 
sti, quum is dc uno imperatdre contra praedones constituendo 
legem promulgasset, et ex hoc ipso loco permulta item 
contra legem earn verba fecisti. 53. Quid ? turn, per deos 
immortales ! si plus apud populum Romanum auctoritas 5 
tua quam ipsius populi Romani salus et vera causa valuisset, 
hodie banc gloriam atque hoc orbis terras imperium tenere- 
Qius ? An tibi turn imperium esse hoc videbatur, quum 
populi Romani legati, quaestores praetoresque capiebantur ? 
quum ex omnibus provinciis commeatu et private et publico IG 
prohibebamur ? quum ita clausa nobis erant maria omnia, 
ut neque privatam rem transmarinam neque publicam jam 
obire possemus? 

XVIII. 54. Quae civitas antea unquam fuit, non dico 
Atheniensium, quas satis late quondam mare tenuisse dici- 15 
tur ; non Karthaginiensium, qui permultum classe ac mari- 
timis rebus valuerunt ; non Rhodiorum, quorum usque ad 
nostram memoriam disciplina navalis et gloria remansit: 
quae civitas unquam tarn tenuis, quae tarn parva insula fuit, 
quae non portus suos et agros et aliquam partem regionis 20 
atque orae maritimae per se ipsa defenderet ? At hercule 
aliquot annos continuos ante legem Gabiniam ille populus 
Romanus, cujus usque ad nostram memoriam nomen invi- 
ctum in navalibus pugnis permanserat, magna ac multo 
maxima parte non modo utilitatis, sed dignitatis atque 25 
imperii caruit. 55. JSTos, quorum majores Antiochum regem 
classe Persenque superarunt, omnibusque navalibus pugnis 
Lvarthaginienses, homines in maritimis rebus exercitatissimos 
paratissimosque, vicerunt, ii nullo in loco jam praedonibus 
pares esse poteramus. Nos, qui antea non modo Italiam 30 
tutam habebamus, sed omnes socios in ultimis oris auctori- 
tate nostri imperii salvos praestare poteramus, turn, quum 
insula Delos tarn procul a nobis in jEgseo man posita, quo 
omnes undique cum mercibus atque oneribus commeabant, 
referta divitiis, parva, sine muro nihil timebat, iidem non 35 
modo provinciis atque oris Italiae maritimis ac por tubus 
nostris, sed etiam Appia jam via carebamus : et his tempo- 
ribus non pudebat magistratus populi Romani in hunc 
ipsum locum ascendere, quum eum nobis- majores nostri 
exuviis nauticis et classium spoliis ornatum reliquissent ! 4C 

XIX. 5G. Bono te ammo, Q. Hortcnsi, populus Roma- 
nus et ceteros, qui erant in eadem sententia, dicerc existi- 
mavit ea, quae sentiebatis : sed tamen in salute communi 
Idem populus Romanus dolori suo maluit quam auctoritati 



62 ORATIO 

vestrre obtemperare. Itaque una lex, unus vir, unus annus 
non modo nos Ulamiseria ac turpitudine liberavit, sed etiam 
offecit, ut aliquando vcrc videremur omnibus gentibus ac 
iiationibus terra manque imperare. 

6 57. Quo mihi etiam indignius vidctur obtrectatum esse 
adhuc, Qabinio dicam, anne Pompeio, an utrique? id quod 
est verius ; ne legaretur A. Gabinius Cn. Pompeio expetenli 
ac postulanti. Utrum ille, qui poslulat ad tantum bellum 
legatum, quern velit, idoneus non est, qui impetret, quum 

10 ceteri ad expilandos socios diripiendasque provincias, quos 
volucrunt, legatos eduxcrint ; an ipse, cujus lege salus ac 
dignitas populo Romano atque omnibus gentibus constituta 
est, expers esse debet ejus gloriae imperatoris atque ejus 
exercitus, qui consilio ipsius ac periculo est constitutus ? 

15 58. An C. Falcidius, Q. Metellus, Q. Ccelius Latiniensis, 
Cn. Lentulus, quos omnes honoris causa nomino, quum 
tribuni plebi fuissent, anno proximo legati esse potuerunt ; 
in uno Gabinio sunt tarn diligentes ? qui in hoc bello, quod 
lege Gabinia geritur, in hoc imperatore atque exercitu, 

20 quern per vos ipse constituit, etiam praecipuo jure esse 
deberet? De quo lcgando consules spero ad senatum 
relaturos. Qui si dubitabunt aut gravabuntur, ego me 
profiteor relaturum ; neque me impediet cujusquam inimi- 
cum edictum, quo minus vobis fretus, vestrum jus benefi- 

25 ciumque defendam ; neque praeter intercessionem quidquam 
audiam ; de qua, ut arbitror, isti ipsi, qui minantur, etiam 
atque etiam, quid liceat, considerabunt. Mea quidem sen- 
tcntia, Quirites, unus A. Gabinius belli maritimi rerumque 
gestarum Cn. Pompeio socius adscribitur ; propterea quod 

30 alter uni illud bellum suscipiendum vestris suffragiis detulit, 
alter delatum susceptumque confecifc. 

XX. 59. Reliquum est, ut de Q. Catuli auctoritate et 
sententia dicendum esse videatur. Qui quum ex vobis 
quEereret, si in uno Cn. Pompeio omnia poneretis, si quid 

35 eo factum esset, in quo spem essetis habituri, cepit magnum 
suae virtutis fructum ac dignitatis, quum omnes una prope 
voce in ipso vos spem habituros esse dixistis. Etenim talis 
est vir, ut nulla res tanta sit ac tam difficilis, quani ille non 
et consilio regere et integritate tueri et virtute conficere 

40 possit. Sed in hoc ipso ab eo vehementissime dissentio, 
quod, quo minus certa est hominum ac minus diuturna vita, 
hoc magis res publica, dum per deos immortales licet, frui 
debet summi viri vita atque virtute. — 60. At enim ne quid 
uovi fiat contra exempla atque instituta majorum. — Non 



rilO LEGE MANILLA, CA1\ XXI. G8 

dicam hoc loco majorcs nostros semper in pace consuetudini, 
in bello utilitati paruisse ; semper ad novos casus temporum 
Bovorum consiliorum rationes accommodasse ; non dicam 
duo bella maxima, Punicum atque Hispaniense, ab uuo 
imperatore esse confecta ; duasque urbes potenlissimas, 5 
quae huic imperio maxime rninitabantur, Kartliaginem atque 
Numantiam, ab eodem Scipione esse dcletas : non comme- 
morabo nuper ita vobis patribusque vestris esse visum, ut 
in uno C. Mario spes imperii poneretur, ut idem cum 
Jugurtha, idem cum Cimbris, idem cum Teutonis bellum 10 
administraret : 61. in ipso Cn. Pompeio, in quo novi consti- 
tui nihil vult Q. Catulus, quam multa sint nova summa Q,. 
Catuli voluntate constituta, recordamini. 

XXI. Quid tarn novum, quam adolescentulum, privatum, 
exercitum difficili rei publicce tempore conficere ? confecit : 15 
lmic prEeesse ? prsefuit : rem optime ductu suo gerere ? 
gessit. Quid tarn praeter consuetudinem, quam homini 
peradolescenti, cujus setas a senatorio gradu longe abesset, 
imperium atque exercitum dari, Siciiiam pemiitti atque 
Airicam bellumque in ea administrandum ? Fuit in his 20 
provinces singulari innocentia gravitate virtute : bellum in 
Africa maximum confecit, victorem exercitum- deportavit. 
Quid vero tarn inauditum, quam equitem Romanum triunv 
phare ? at earn quoque rem populus Romanus non modo 
ridifc, sed omni etiam studio visendam et concelebrandam 25 
putavit. 62. Quid tarn inusitatum, quam ut, quum duo 
consules clarissimi fortissimique essent, eques Romanus ad 
bellum maximum formidolosissimumque pro consule mitte- 
rctur ? missus est. Quo quidem tempore, quum esset non 
nemo in senatu, qui diceret, Non oportere mitti hominem 30 
privatum pro consule ; L. Philippus dixisse dicitur : Non 
se ilium sua sententia pro consule, sed pro consulibiis 
mittere. Tanta in eo rei publicas bene gerendae spes con- 
stituebatur, ut duorum consulum munus unius adolescentis 
virtuti committeretur. Quid tarn singulare, quam ut ex 35 
senatus consulto legibus solutus consul ante fieret, quam 
ullum alium magistratum per leges capere licuisset ? quid 
tarn incredibile, quam ut iterum eques Romanus ex senatus 
consulto triumpharet ? Quae in omnibus hominibus nova 
post hominum memoriam constituta sunt, ea tarn multa non 40 
sunt, quam hcec, quae in hoc uno homine videmus. 63. 
Atque haec tot exempla tanta ac tarn nova profecta sunt in 
eundem hominem a Q. Catuli atque a ceterorum ejusdem 
dignitatis amplissimorum hominum auctoritate. 



04 ORATIO 

XXII. Quare videant, ne sit periniquum ct non ferendunj 
illorum auctoritatem de Cn. Pompeii dignitatc a vobis com- 
probatam semper esse, vestrum ab illis de eodem* homine 
judicium populique Romani auctoritatem improbari ; pra> 

5 sertim quum jam suo jure populus Romanus in hoc homine 
Buam auctoritatem vel contra omnes, qui dissentiunt, possit 
defendere ; propterea quod, iisdem istis reclamantibus, vos 
unum ilium ex omnibus delegistis, quern bello prcedonum 
praeponeretis. G4. Hoc si vos temere fecistis et rei publicaj 

lOparum consul uistis, recte isti studia vestra suis consiliis 
regere conantur ; sin autem yos plus turn in re publica 
\ idistis, vos his repugnantibus per vosmet ipsos dignitatem 
lmic imperio, salutem orbi terrarum attulistis ; aliquando 
isti principes et sibi et ceteris populi Romani universi 

15 auctoritati parendum esse fateantur ! [Atque in hoc bello 
Asiatico et regio non solum militaris ilia virtus, quas est in 
Cn. Pompeio singularis, sed alia? quoque virtutes animi 
magnse et multre requiruntur. Difficile est in Asia, Cilicia, 
Syria regnisque interiorum nationum ita versari nostrum 

20 imperatorem, ut nihil aliud nisi de hosteac de laude cogitet. 
Deinde etiam si qui sunt pudore ac temperantia modera- 
tiores, tamen eos esse tales, propter multitudinem cupidorum 
hominumnemo arbitratur. 65. Difficile est dictu, Quirites, 
quanto in odio simus apud exteras nationes propter eorum, 

25 quos ad eas per hos annos cum imperio misimus, libidines 
et injurias. Quod enim fanum putatis in illis terris nostris 
magistratibus religiosum, quam civitatem sanctam, quam 
domura satis clausam ac munitam fuisse ? Urbes jam locu- 
pletcs ac copiosae requiruntur, quibus causa belli proptci 

30 diripiendi cupiditatem inferatur. 66. Libenter haec coram 
cum Q. Catulo et Q. Hortensio summis et clarissimis viris, 
disputarem ; noverunt enim sociorum vulnera, vident eorum 
calamitates, querimonias audiunt. Pro sociis vos contra 
hostes excrcitum mittere putatis, an hostium simulatione 

35 contra socios atque amicos ? quas civitas est in Asia, quae 
non modo imperatoris aut legati, sed unius tribuni militum 
animos ac spiritus capere possit? 

XXIII. Quare, etiam si quern habetis, qui collatis signis 
excrcitus regios superare posse videatur, tamen, nisi erit 

40 idem, qui se a pecuniis sociorum, qui ab eorum conjugibus 
ac liberis, qui ab ornamentis fanorum atque oppidorum, qui 
ab auro gazaque regia manus oculos animum cohibere 
possit, non erit idoneus, qui ad bellum Asiaticum regiumque 
mittatur. 07. Ecquam putatis ci\itatcm pacatam fuisse, 



PRO "lege MAXIMA, CAT. XXIV. 05 

inn lo&uples sit? ecquam esse locuplctem, quae istis pacata 
esse videatar ? Ora maritima, Quirites, Cn. Pompeium nou 
solum propter rei militaris gloriam, scd etiam propter animi 
continentiam requisivit. Videbat enim praetores locupletari 
quotannis pccunia publica, praeter paucos ; neque eos quid- S 
quam aliud assequi classium nomine, nisi ut detrimentis 
accipiendis majore affici tiirpitudine vidercmur. Nunc qua 
cupiditate homines in provincias, quibus jactulis, quibus 
condilionibus proficiscantur, ignorant videlicet isti, qui ad 
unura deferenda omnia esse non arbitrantur : quasi veio Cn. 1C 
Pompeium non qiuim suis virtutibus, turn etiam alienis vitiis 
magnum esse videamus. 

G8. Quare nolite dubitare, quin lmic uni credatis omnia, 
qui inter tot annos unus inventus sit, quern socii in urbes 
suas cum exercitu venisse gaudeant.] Quod si auctoritatibus 15 
banc causam, Quirites, confirmandam putatis, est vobis 
auctor vir bellorum omnium maximarumque rerum peritis- 
simus P. Servilius, cujus tantae res gestae terra manque 
exstiterunt, ut, quum de bello deliberetis, auctor vobis gra- 
vior nemo esse debeat ; est C. Curio summis vestris bene- 20 
ficiis maximisque rebus gestis, summo ingenio et prudentia 
praeditus ; est Cn. Lentulus, in quo omnes pro amplissimis 
vestris bonoribus summum consilium, summam gravitatem 
esse cognovistis ; est C. Cassius, integritate virtute con- 
stantia singulari. Quare videte, ut horum auctoritatibus 25 
illorum orationi, qui dissentiunt, respondere posse videamur. 

XXIV. 69. Quae quum ita sint, C. Manili, primum 
istam tuam et legem et voluntatem et sententiam laudo 
vehementissimeque comprobo : deinde te hortor, ut auctore 
populo Romano mancas in sententia neve cujusquam vim 30 
aut minas pertimescas. Primum in te satis esse animi 
perseverantiaeque arbitror ; deinde quum tantam multitudi- 
nem cum tanto studio adesse videamus, quantam nunc 
iterum in eodem homine prasficiendo videmus, quid est, 
quod aut de re aut de perficiendi facilitate dubitemus ? 35 
Ego autem, quidquid est iu me studii consilii, laboris ingenii, 
quidquid hoc beneficio populi Romani atque hac potestate 
praBtoria, quidquid auctoritate fide constantia possum, id 
omne ad banc rem conficiendam tibi et populo Romano 
polliceor ac defero: *70. testorque omnes deos, et eos 40 
maxime, qui huic loco temploque praesident, qui omnium 
nientcs eorum, qui ad rem publicam adeunt, maxime per- 
spiciunt, me hoc neque rogatu facere cujusquam neque quo 
Cn. Pompeii gratiam mihi per banc causam conciliari putem 



5G 0RATI0 PRO LEGE MANILLA, CAP. XXIV. 

neque quo mihi ex cujusquam amplitudinc aut prsesidia 
periculis aut adjumenta honoribus qiujeram; proptcrca quod 
pericula facile, ut liominera prsestare oportet, innocentia 
tecti repellemus ; honorem autem neque ab uno neque ex 
5 hoc loco, sed eadem ilia nostra laboriosissima ratione vita?, 
si vcstra voluntas feret, consequemur. 11. Quamobrem, 
quidquid in hac causa mihi susceptura est, Quirites, id ego 
omne me rei publicae causa suscepisse confirmo ; tantumque 
abest, ut aliquam mihi bonam gratiam quaesisse videar, ut 

10 multas me etiam simultates partim obscuras, partim apertas 
iatelligam mihi non necessarias, vobis non inutiles suscepisse. 
Sed ego me hoc honore prseditum, tantis vestris beneficiis 
affectum statui, Quirites, vestram voluntatem et rei publicce 
dignitatem et salutem provinciarum atque sociorum meis 

1 5 omnibus commodis et rationibus praeferre oportere. 



ORATIO 

PRO M. MARCELLO 



I. 1. Diuturni silentii, Palres conscripti, quo cram his 
temporibus usus, non timore aliquo sed partim dolore, 
partim verecundia, finem hodiernus dies attulit, idemque 
initium, qua3 vellem quaeque sentirem meo pristiuo more 
dicendi. Tantam enim mansuetudinem, tarn inusitatam 5 
inauditamque cleinentiam, tantum in summa potestate omni- 
um rerum modum, tarn denique incredibilem sapientiam ac 
paene divinam tacitus praeterire nullo modo possum. 2. M. 
enim Marcello vobis, Patres conscripti, reique publican red- 
dito, non illius solum, sed etiam meam vocem et auctoriia- 1C 
tem et vobis et rei publicse conservatam ac restitutam puto. 
Dolebam enim, Patres conscripti, et veliementer angebar, 
quum viderem, virum talem, qui in eadem causa esset, in 
qua ego fuissem, non in eadem esse fortuna : nee mihi 
persuadere poteram nee fas esse ducebam, versari me in 15 
nostro vetere curriculo, illo aemulo atque imitatore studiorum 
ac- laborum meorum quasi quodam socio a me et comite 
distracto. Ergo et mihi- nieae pristinoe vitas consuetudinem, 
C. Caesar, interclusam aperuisti et his omnibus ad bene de 
omni re publica sperandum quasi signum aliquod sustulisti. 20 
3. Intellectum est enim mihi quid em in multis et maxime 
in me ipso, sed paulo ante omnibus, quum M. Marcellum 
senatui reique publicae concessisti, commemoratis pra3- 
scrtim offensionibus, te auctoritatcm hujus ordinis dignita- 
temque rei publicoe tuis vel doloribus vel suspicionibus 25 
anteferre. Ilia quidem fructum omnis ante actoe vitas 
nodierno die maximum cepit, quum summo consensu senatus 
turn praoterea judicio tuo gravissimo et maximo. Ex quo 
profecto intelligis, quanta in dato beneficio sit laus, quum 
m accepto sit tanta gloria Est vero fortunatus ille, cujus 30 



Od ORATIO 

ex salute non minor paenc ad omnes, quam ad ilium ventura 
sit, ketitia perveneril : 4. quod quidcm ci merito atque 
optimo jure contigit. Quis enim est illo aut nobilitate a at 
probitate aut optimarum artium studio aut innocentia aut 
5 ullo laudis genere prsestantior ? 

II. Nullius tantum flumen est ingenii, nullius dicendi aut 
scribcndi tanta vis, tanta copia, qua? non dicam exornare, 
sed enarrare, C. Caesar, res tuas gestas possit. Tamen 
affirmo et hoc pace dicam tua : nullam in his laudem esse 

lOampliorem, quam earn, quam hodierno die consecutus es. 
5. Soleo scepe ante oculos ponere idque libenter crebris 
usurpare sermonibus : omnes nostrorum imperatorum, omnes 
exterarum gentium potentissimorumque populorum, omnes 
clarissimorum regum res gestas cum tuis nee contentionum 

15 magnitudine nee numero prceliorum nee varietate regionum 
nee celeritate conficiendi nee dissimilitudine bellorum posse 
conferri ; nee vero disjunctissimas terras citius passibas 
cujusquam potuisse peragrari, quam tuis non dicam cur- 
sibus, sed victoriis lustratse sunt. G. Quas quidem ego 

20 nisi tarn magna esse fatear, ut ea vix cujusquam mens aut 
cogitatio capere possit, amens sim, sed tamen sunt alia 
inajora. Nam bellicas laudes solent quidam extenuare 
verbis casque detrahere ducibus, communicare cum multis, 
nc propriae sint imperatorum. Et ccrte in armis militum 

25 virtus, locorum opportunitas, auxilia sociorum, classes, com- 
meatus multum juvant, maximam vero partem quasi suo 
jure fortuna sibi vindicat et quidquid prospere gestum est- 
id pcene omne ducit suum. 1. At vero hujus glories, C 
Caesar, quam es paulo ante adeptus, socium habes neminem: 

30 totum hoc quantumcunque est, quod certe maximum est, 
totum est, inquam, tuum. Nihil sibi ex ista laude centurio, 
nihil prsefectus, nihil cohors, nihil turma decerpit: quin 
etiam ilia ipsa rerum humanarum domina, Fortuna, in istius 
societatem glorice se non offert, tibi cedit, tuam se esse 

35 totam et propriam fatetur. Nunquam enim temeritas cum 
sapientia commiscetur neque ad consilium casus admittitur. 

III. S. Domuisti gentcs immanitate barbaras.. multitu- 
dinc mnumerabiles, locis inlinitas, omni copiarum genere 
abundantes : sed tamen ea vicisti, qua3 et naturam et eondi- 

10 tioncm, ut vinci possent, habebant. Nulla est enim tanta 
vis, quae non ferro et viribus debilitari frangique possit. 
Animum vincere, iracundiam cohibere, victoriam temperare, 
adversarium nobilitate, ingenio, virtute prasstantem non 
modo extollere jacentcm, sed etiam ampliricare ejus pristi- 



PRO M. MARCELLO, CAP. IV. CO 

nam dignitatem, haec qui facit, non ego eum cum summis 
viris comparo, sed simillimum deo judico. 9. Itaque, C- 
Caesar, bellicae tuae laudes celebrabuntur illae quidem non 
solis nostris, sed paene omnium gentium Uteris atque linguis, 
ncc ulla unquam aetas de tuis laudibus conticescet : sed 5 
tamen ejusmodi res nescio quomodo etiam quum leguntur, 
obstrepi clamore militum videntur et tubarum sono. At 
vero quum aliquid clementer, mansuete, juste, moderate, 
sapienter factum, in iracundia prossertim, quae est inimica 
consilio, et in victoria, quae natura insolens et superba est, 10 
audimus aut legimus, quo studio incendimur, non modo in 
gestis rebus, sed etiam in fictis, ut eos saepe, quos nunquam 
vidimus, diligamus ! 10. Te vero, quern preesentem intue- 
mur, cujus mentem sensusque et os cernimus, ut quidquid 
belli fortuna reliquum rei publicae fecerit, id esse salvum 15 
velis, quibus laudibus efferemus ? quibus studiis proseque- 
mur? qua benevolentia complectemur ? Parietes, medius 
fidius, ut mihi videtur, hujus curia3 tibi gratias agere 
gestiunt, quod brevi tempore futura sit ilia auctoritas in his 
majorum suorum et suis sedibus. 20 

IV. Equidem quum C. Marcelli viri optimi et incompa- 
rabili pietate praediti lacrimas modo vobiscum viderem, 
omnium Marcellorum meum pectus memoria obfudit, quibus 
tu etiam mortuis, M. Marcello conservato, dignitatem suam 
reddidisti nobilissimamque familiam jam ad paucos redactam 25 
paene ab interitu vindicasti. 11. Hunc tu igitur diem tuis 
maximis et innumerabilibus gratulationibus jure anteponis. 
Plaec enim res unius est propria Cassaris : ceterae duce te 
gestae, magnae illae quidem, sed tamen multo magnoque 
comitatu. Hujus autem rei tu idem es et dux et comes, 30 
quae quidem tanta est, ut nulla tropaeis et monumentis tuis 
allatura finem sit aetas : nihil est enim opere et manu factum, 
quod non aliquando conficiat et consumat vetustas : 12. at 
haec tua justitia et lenitas animi florescit quotidie magis, ita 
ut quantum tuis operibus diuturnitas detrahet, tantum afFe- 35 
rat laudibus. Et ceteros quidem omnes victores bellorum 
civilium jam ante aequitate et misericordia viceras: hodierno 
vero die te ipsum vicisti. Vereor ut hoc, quod dicam, 
perinde intelligi auditu possit atque ipse cogitans sentio : 
ipsam victoriam vicisse videris, quum ea, quae ilia erat 40 
adepta, victis remisisti. ISTam quum ipsius victoriae condi- 
tione omnes victi occidissemus, clementiae tuae judicio con- 
servati sumus. Recte igitur unus invictus es, a quo etiam 
ipsius victoriae conditio visque devicta est. 



70 RATIO 

V. 13. Atque hoc C. Csesaris judicium, Patres coil- 
Bcripti, quam late pateat attendite : omnes enira, qui ad ilia 
anna fa to sumus nescio quo rei publican misero funestoque 
compulsi, etsi aliqua culpa tenemur erroris liumani, a scelere 

5 certe liberati sumus. Nam quum M. Marccllum depre 
cantibus vobis rei publica? conservavit : memet mihi et item 
rei publicce nullo deprecante reliquos amplissimos viros et 
sibi ipsos et patriae reddidit : quorum et frequentiam et 
dignitatem hoc ipso in consessu videtis. Non ille hostes 

lOinduxit in curiam, sed judicavit a plerisque ignoratione 
potius et falso atque inani metu, quam cupiditate aut cru- 
delitate bellum esse susceptum. 14. Quo quidem in bello 
semper de pace audiendum putavi semperque dolui non 
modo pacem, sed etiam orationem civium pacem flagitan- 

15 tium repudiari. Neque enim ego ilia nee ulla unquam 
secutus sum arnia civilia semperque mea consilia pacis et 
togas socia, non belli atque armorum fuerunt. Hominem 
sum secutus privato consilio, non publico : tantumque apud 
me grati animi fidelis memoria valuit, ut nulla non modo 

20 cupiditate, sed ne spe quidem prudens et sciens tamquam 
ad interitum ruerem voluntarium. 15. Quod quidem meum 
consilium minime obscurum fuit. Nam et in hoc ordine 
Integra re multa de pace dixi et in ipso bello eadem etiarr. 
cum capitis mei periculo sensi. Ex quo nemo jam erit tarn 

25 injustus existimator rerum qui dubitet, quae Caesaris de 
bello voluntas fuerit, quum pacis auctores conservandos 
statim censuerit, ceteris fuerit iratior. Atque id minus 
fortassc mirum turn, quum esset incertus exitus et anceps 
fortuna belli : qui vero victor pacis auctores diligit, is pro- 

30 fecto declarat se maluisse non dimicare quam vincere. 

VI. 16. Atque hujus quidem rei M. Marcello sum 
testis. Nostri enim sensus, ut in pace semper, sic turn 
etiam in bello congruebant. Quoties ego eum et quanto 
cum dolore vidi, quum insolentiam certorum hominum turn 

35 etiam ipsius victoria? ferocitatera extimescentem ! Quo 
gratior tua liberalitas, C. Csesar, nobis, qui ilia vidimus, 
debet esse. Non enim jam causae sunt inter se, sed victo- 
ries comparandae. 17. Vidimus tuam victoriam prceliorum 
exitu terminatam: gladium vagina vacuum in urbe non 

40 vidimus. Quos amisimus cives, eos Martis vis perculit, non 
ira victoriac, ut dubitfTre debeat nemo quin multos si fieri 
posset, C. Csesar ab inferis excitaret, quoniam ex eadem 
acie conservat, quos potest. Alterius vero partis nihil 
amplius dicam quam id, quod omnes verebamur, nimi3 ira- 



PRO M. MARCELL0, CAP. VII. 71 

cimdaui futuram fuisse victoriam. 18. Quidam cnim non 
modo armatis, sed interdum ctiam otiosis minabantur, nee 
quid quisque sensisset, sed ubi fuisset, cogitandum esse 
dicebant : ut mihi quidem videantur dii immortales, etiam 
si pcenas a populo Romano ob aliquod delictum expetive- 5 
runt, qui civile bellum tantum et tarn luctaosum excitave- 
runt, vel placati jam vel satiati aliquando omnem spem 
salutis ad clementiam victoris et sapientiam contulisse. 

19. Quare gaude tuo isto tarn excellenti bono : et fruere 
quum fortuna et gloria turn etiam natura et moribus tuis : 1 
ex quo quidem maximus est fructus jucunditasque sapienti. 
Cetera quum tua recordabere, etsi persaepe virtuti, tamen 
plevumque felicitati tuse gratulabere : de nobis, quos in re 
publica tecum simul salvos esse voluisti, quoties cogitabis, 
toties de maximis tuis beneficiis, toties de incredibili libe- 15 
ralitate, toties de singulari sapientia tua cogitabis : quce 
non modo summa bona, sed nimirum audebo vel sola dicere. 
Tantus est enim splendor in laude vera, tanta in magnitu- 
dine animi et consilii dignitas, ut base a virtute donata, 
cetera a fortuna commodata esse videantur. 20. Noli 20 
igitur in conservandis bonis viris defatigari, non cupiditate 
praesertim aliqua aut pravitate lapsis, sed opinione officii 
stulta fortasse, certe non improba, et specie quadam rei 
publican ; non enim tua ulla culpa est, si te aliqui timue- 
runt ? contraque summa laus, quod minime timendum fuisse 25 
senserunt. 

VII. 21. Nunc venio ad gravissimam querelam et atro- 
cissimam suspicionem tuam; quae non tibi ipsi magis quam 
quum omnibus civibus turn maxime nobis, qui a te conser- 
vati sumus, providenda est : quam etsi spero falsam esse, 30 
tamen nunquam extennabo verbis. Tua enim cautio nostra 
cautio est, ut si in alterutro peccandum sit, malim videri 
nimis timidus, quam parum prudens. Sed quisnam est iste 
tarn demens ? De tuisne ? — tametsi qui magis sunt tui, quam 
quibus tu salutem insperantibus reddidisti ? an ex hoc 35 
numero, qui una tecum fuerunt ? Non est credibilis tantus 
in ullo furor, ut quo duce omnia summa sit adeptus, hujus 
vitam non anteponat suae. An si nihil tui cogitant sceleris, 
cavendum est ne quid inimici ? Qui ? omnes enim, qui 
fuerunt, aut sua pertinacia vitam amiserunt aut tua miseri- 40 
cordia retinuerunt, ut aut nulli supersint de inimicis aut qui 
superfuerunt sint amicissimi. 22. Sed tamen quum in 
animis hominum tantse latebrse sint et tanti recessus, augea- 
mus sane suspicionem tuam: simul enim augebimus dili- 



72 OKATIO 

gentiam. Nam quis est omnium tarn ignarus rerum, tam 

rudis in re publica, tam nihil unquam nee de sua nee de 
communi salute cogitans, qui non intelligat tua salute con- 
tineri suam ct ex unius tua vita pendere omnium? Equidem 
5 de te dies noctesque, ut debeo, cogitans casus dumtaxat 
humanos et incertos eventus valetudinis et naturae communis 
fragilitatem extimesco, doleoque, quum res publica immor- 
talis esse debeat, earn in unius mortalis anima consistere. 

23. Sivero ad humanos casus incertosque motus valetudinis 
lOseeleris etiam accedit insidiarumque consensio : quern deum, 

si cupiat, posse opitulari rei publicae cvedamus ? 

VIII. Omnia sunt excitanda tibi, C. Caesar, uni, qua? 

jacere sentis, belli ipsius hnpetu, quod necesse fuit, pro 

strata atque perculsa ; constituenda judicia, revocanda fides, 

15 compriinendae libidines, propaganda suboles, omnia, quae 

delapsa jam defluxerunt, severis legibus vincienda sunt. 

24. Non fuit recusandum in tanto civili bello, tanto animo- 
rum ardore et armorum, quin quassata res publica, qui- 
cunque belli eventus fuisset, multa perderet et ornamenta 

20 dignitatis et prassidia stabilitatis sudd : multaque uterque 
dux faceret armatus, quae idem togatus fieri prohibuisset. 
Quae quidem tibi nunc omnia belli vulnera sananda sunt, 
quibus praater te nemo mederi potest. 25. Itaque illam 
tuam praeclarissimam et sapientissimam vocem invitus audi- 

25 vi : " Satis diu vel naturae vixi vel glorias." Satis, si ita 
vis, fortasse naturae, addo etiam, si placet, glorias : at quod 
maximum est, patriae certe parum. Quare omitte istam, 
quseso, doctorum hominum in contemnenda morte pruden- 
tiam : noli nostro periculo esse sapiens. Saepe enim venit 

50 ad aures meas, te idem istud nimis crebro dicere tibi te 
satis vixisse. Credo : sed turn id audirem, si tibi soli viveres 
aut si tibi etiam soli natus esses, nunc, quum omnium salu- 
tem civium cunctamque rem publicam res tuae gestae com- 
plexae sint, tantum abes a perfectione maximorum operum, 

35 ut fundamenta nondum, quae cogitas, jeceris. Hie tu 
modum vitae tuae, non salute rei publicae, sed aequitat-e 
animi definies ? Quid? si istud ne glorias tuae quidem 
satis est? cujus te esse avidissimum, quamvis sis sapiens 
non negabis. 2G. Parumne igitur, inquies, gloriam magnam 

40 relinquemus ? Immo vero aliis quamvis multis satis, tibi 
uni parum. Quidquid est enim quamvis amplum sit, est 
certe parum tunc, quum est aliquid amplius. Quod si 
rerum tuarum immortalium, C. Caesar, hie exitus futurus 
fuit, ut devictis adversariis rem publicam in eo statu reliu- 



PRO M. MAHCELLO, CAP. IX, X. 73 

queres, in quo nunc est : vide, quaeso, ne tua divina virtus 
admirationis plus sit habitura quam gloria? : siquidem glo- 
ria est illustris ac pervagata magnorum vel in suos cives 
vel in patriam vel in omne genus hominum fama meritoriun. 
IX. 27. Haec igitur tibi reliqua pars est: hie restat actus, 5 
in hoc elaborandum est, ut rem publicam constituas eaque 
tu in primis summa tranquillitate et otio perfruare : turn te, 
m voles, quum patriae, quod debes, solveris, et naturam 
ipsam expleveris satietate vivendi, satis diu vixisse dicito. 
Quid enim est omnino hoc ipsum diu, in quo est aliquid 10 
cxtremum? quod quum venit, omnis voluptas praeterita 
pro nihilo est, quia postea nulla est futura. Quamquam 
iste tuus animus nunquam his angustiis, quas natura nobis 
ad vivendum dedit, contentus fuit, semper immortalitatis 
amore flagravit. 28. Nee vero haec tua vita dicenda est, 15 
quae corpore et spiritu continetur. Ilia, inquam, ilia vita 
est tua, quoa vigebit memoria seculorum omnium, quam 
posteritas alet, quam ipsa aeternitas semper tuebitur. Huic 
tu inservias, huic te ostentes oportet, quae quidem, quae 
miretur, jampridem multa habet, nunc etiam quae laudet 20 
exspectat. Obstupescent posteri certe imperia, provincial, 
Rhenum, Oceanum, Nilum, pugnas innumerabiles, incredi- 
biles victorias, monumenta, munera, triumphos audientes 
et legentes tuos. 29. Sed nisi haec urbs stabilita tuis 
consiliis et institutis erit, vagabitur modo nomen tuum longe 25 
atque late : sedem stabilem et domicilium certum non 
habebit. Erit inter eos etiam, qui nascentur, sicut inter 
nos fuit, magna dissensio, quum alii laudibus ad ccelum 
res tuas gestas efferent, alii fortasse aliquid requirent, idque 
vel maximum, nisi belli civilis incendium salute patriae 30 
restinxeris : ut illud fati fuisse videatur, hoc consilii. Servi 
igitur iis etiam judicibus, qui multis post seculis de te 
judicabunt et quidem haud scio an incorruptius, quam nos : 
nam et sine amore et sine cupiditate et rursus sine odio et 
sine invidia judicabunt. 30. Id autem etiam si turn ad te, 35 
ut quidam falso putant, non pertinebit : nunc certe pertinet 
esse te talem, ut tuas laudes obscuratura nulla unquam sit 
oblivio. 

X. Diversae voluntates civium fuerunt distractaeque sen- 
tentiae. Non enim consiliis solum et studiis, sed armis40 
etiam et castris dissidebamus, erat enim obscuritas quaedam : 
erat certamen inter clarissimos duces : multi dubitabant, 
quid optimum esset, multi quid sibi expediret, multi quid 
deceret, nonnuUi etiam quid liceret. 31. Perfuncta res 



74 ORATIO PRO M. MARCELLO, CAP. XI. 

publica est hoc misero fatalique bello: vicit is, qui non 
fortuna inflammaret odium suum, sed bonitate leniret : nee 
qui onines, quibus iratus esset, eosdem etiam exsilio aut 
morte dignos judicaret. Arma ab aliis posita, ab aliis 
5 erepta sunt. Ingratus est injustusque civis, qui armorum 
periculo liberatus, animum tamen retinet armatum, ut etiam 
ille melior sit, qui in acie cecidit, qui in causa animam pro- 
fudit. Quad enim pertinacia quibusdam, eadem aliis con- 
stantia videri potest. 32. Sed jam omnis fracta dissensio 

1 est armis, exstincta sequitate victoris : restat ut omnes 
unum velint, qui modo habent aliquid non solum sapiential, 
sed etiam sanitatis. Nisi te, C. Caesar, salvo et in ista 
sententia, qua quum antea turn bodie vel maxime usus es, 
manente, salvi esse non possumus. Quare omnes te, qui 

] 5 hsec salva esse volumus, et liortamur et obsecramus, ut vitaa 
tuae et saluti consulas, omnesque tibi, (ut pro aliis etiam 
loquar, quod de me ipse sentio), quoniam subesse aliquid 
putas, quod cavendum sit, non modo excubias et custodias, 
sed etiam laterum nostrorum oppositus et corporum polli- 

20 cemur. 

XI. 33. Sed ut unde est orsa, in eodem terminetur 
oratio : maximas tibi omnes gratias agimus, C. Caesar, 
majores etiam habemus. Nam omnes idem sentiunt, quod 
ex omnium precibus et lacrimis sentire potuisti : sed quia 

25 non est omnibus stantibus necesse dicere, a me certe dici 
volunt, cui necesse est quodammodo, et quod fieri decet M. 
Marcello a te huic ordini populoque Romano et rei publica? 
reddito, fieri id intelligo. Nam lsetari omnes non de unius 
solum, sed de communi salute sentio. 34. Quod autem 

30 summse benevolentiae est, quae mea erga ilium omnibus 
semper nota fuit, ut vix C. Marcello, optimo et amantissimo 
fratri, praater eum quidem cederem nemini, quum id sollici- 
tudine, cura, labore tamdiu prsestiterim, quamdiu est de 
illius salute dubitatum, certe hoc tempore, magnis curis, 

35molestiis, doloribus liberatus, praestare debeo. Itaque, C. 
Caesar, sic tibi gratias ago, ut omnibus me rebus a te non 
conservato solum, sed etiam ornato, tamen ad tua in n:e 
unum innumerabilia merita, quod fieri jam posse non arbi- 
trabar maximus hoc tuo facto cumulus aceesserit. 



O It A T I O 

PRO Q. LIGARIO 



I. 1. Novum crimen, C. Caesar, et ante hunc diem 
tuauditum propinquus meus ad te Q. Tubero detulit, Q. 
Ligarium in Africa fuisse ; idqne C. Pansa, praestanti vir 
ingenio, fretus fortasse familiaritate ea, quae est ei tecum, 
ausus est confiteri. Itaque, quo me vertam, nescio. Paratus 5 
enim veneram, quimi tu id neque per te scires neque audire 
aliunde potuisses, ut ignoratione tua ad hominis miseri 
salutem abuterer. Sed quoniam diligentia inimici investi- 
gatum est, quod latebat, confitendum est, ut opinor ; prae- 
sertim quum meus nccessarius Pansa fecerit, ut id integrum ] C 
jam non esset : omissaque controversia, omnis oratio ad 
misericordiam tuam conferenda est, qua plurimi sunt con- 
servati, quum a te non liberationem culpae, sed errati veniam 
impetravissent. 2. Habes igitur, Tubero, quod est accusa- 
tori maxime optandum, conntentem reum : sed tamen hoc 15 
confitentem, se in ea parte fuisse, qua te, qua virum omni 
laude dignum, patrem tuum. Itaque prius de vestro de- 
licto confiteamini necesse est, quam Ligarii ullam culpam 
reprehendatis. 

Q. enim Ligarius, quum esset nulla belli suspicio, legatus 20 
in Africam cum C. Considio profectus est; qua in legatione 
et civibus et sociis ita se probavit, ut decedens Considius 
provincia satisfacere hominibus non posset, si quemquam 
alium provincial praefecisset. Itaque Ligarius, quum diu 
recusans nihil profecisset, provinciam accepit invitus ; cui 23 
sic praefuit in pace, ut et civibus et sociis gratissima esset 
ejus integritas ac fides. 3. Bellum subito exarsit : quod, 
qui erant in Africa, ante audierunt geri quam parari. Quo 
audito, partim cupiditate inconsiderata, partim caeco quodam 
oimore, primo salutis, post etiam studii sui quaerebant ali- 30 



7G ORATIO 

quern ducem; quum Ligarius domum spectans, ad suos 
redire cupiens, nullo se implicaii negotio passus est. Interim 
P. Atius Varus, qui proctor Africara obtinuerat, Uticam 
venit : ad eum statim concursum est. Atquc ille non me- 
5 diocri cupiditate arripuit imperium, si illud iraperium esse 
potuit, quod ad privatum clamore multitudinis imperitas, 
nullo publico consilio deferebatur. 4. Itaque Ligarius, qui 
omne tale negotium cuperet effugere, paulum adventu Van 
conquievit. 

10 II. Adhuc, C. Caesar, Q. Ligarius omni culpa vaeat. 
Domo est egressus non modo nullum ad bellum, sed ne ad 
minimam quidem suspicionem belli : legatus in pace pro- 
fectus, in provincia pacatissima ita se gessit, ut ei pacem 
esse expediret. Profectio certe animum tuum non debet 

15 offendere : num igitur remansio ? Multo minus ; nam pro- 
fectio voluntatem habuit non turpem, remansio necessitatem 
etiam lionestam. Ergo haec duo tempora carent crimine : 
unum, quum est legatus profectus ; alteram, quum efflagi- 
tatus a provincia, praepositus Africa? est. 5. Tertium tem- 

20 pus est, quo post adventum Vari in Africa restitit : quod si 
est criminosum, necessitatis crimen est, non voluntatis. An 
ille, si potuisset ullo modo evadere, Uticae quam Roniae, 
cum P. Atio quam cum concordissimis fratribus, cum 
alienis esse quam cum suis maluisset ? Quum ipsa legatio 

25 plena desiderii ac sollicitudinis fuisset propter incredibilem 
quendam fratrum amorem, Lie aequo animo esse potuit belli 
discidio distractus a fratribus? 6. Nullum igitur babes, 
Caesar, adhuc in Q. Ligario signum alienae a te voluntatis 
Cujus ego causam, animadverte, quoeso, qua fide defendam. 

30prodo meam. clementiam admirabilem atque omnium 
laude, praedicatione, Uteris monumentisque decorandam ! 
M. Cicero apud te defendit alium in ea voluntate non fuisse, 
in qua se ipsum confitetur fuisse, nee tuas tacitas cogita- 
tiones extimescit nee, quid tibi de alio audienti de se ipso 

35 occurrat, reformidat. 

III. Vide, quam non reformidem ! vide, quanta lux libe- 
ralitatis et sapientioe tuce mihi apud te dicenti oboriatur ! 
Quantum potero, voce contendam, ut hoc populus Romanus 
exaudiat. V. Suscepto bello, Csesar, gesto etiam ex parte 

40 magna, nulla vi coactus, judicio ac voluntate ad ea anna 
profectus sum, qua? erant sumpta contra te. Apud quern 
igitur hoc dico ? Nempe apud eum, qui, quum hoc sciret, 
tamen me, antequam vidit, rei publicae reddidit : qui ad me 
ex ^Egypto literas misit, ut essem idem, qui fuisscm : qui 



TRO Q. LIGARIO, CAP. IV. 77 

me, quum ipse imperator in toto imperio populi Romani 
unus esset, esse alterura passus est: a quo, hoc ipso C. 
Pansa mihi liunc nuntium perferente, concessos fasces lau- 
reatos tenui, quoad tenendos putavi : qui mihi turn denique 
se salutem putavit reddere, si earn nullis spoliatam orna- 5 
mentis dedisset. 8. Vide, quseso, Tubero, ut, qui de meo 
facto non dubitem, de Ligarii audeam dicere. Atque haee 
propterea de me dixi, ut mihi Tubero, quum de se eadem 
dicerem, ignosceret ; cujus ego industrial gloriaeque faveo 
vel propter propinquam cognationem, vel quod ejus ingenio 1C 
studiisque delector, vel q iod laudem adolescentis propinqui 
existimo etiam ad meum aliquem fructum redundare. 9. 
Sed hoc qusero : quis putat esse crimen fuisse in Africa ? 
Nempe is, qui et ipse in eadem Africa esse voluit et prohi- 
bitum se a Ligario queritur, et certe contra ipsum Csesarem 15 
est congressus armatus. Quid enim, Tubero, tuus ille 
destrictus in acie Pharsalica gladius agebat? cujus latus 
ille mucro petebat ? qui sensus erat armorum tuorum ? quae 
tua mens, oculi, manus, ardor animi ? quid cupiebas ? quid 
optabas ? Nimis urgeo ; commoveri videtur adolescens : 20 
ad me revertar ; iisdem in armis fui. 

IV. 10. Quid autem aliud egimus, Tubero, nisi ut, quod 
hie potest, nos possemus? Quorum igitur impunitas, Caesar, 
tuse clementise laus est, eorum ipsorum ad crudelitatem te . 
acuet oratio ? Atque in hac causa nonnihil equidem, Tu- 25 
bero, etiam tuam, sed multo magis patris tui prudentiam 
desidero; quod homo quum ingenio, turn etiam doctrina 
excellens genus hoc causae quod esset, non viderit : nam, si 
vidisset, quovis profecto quam isto modo a te agi maluisset. 
Arguis fatentem ; non est satis : accusas eum, qui causam 30 
habet aut, ut ego dico, meliorem quam tu : aut, ut tu vis, 
parem. 11. Ha3c admirabilia: sed prodigii simile est, 
quod dicam. Non habet earn vim ista accusatio, ut Q. 
Ligarius condemnetur, sed ut necetur. Hoc egit civis 
Romanus ante te nemo. Extend isti mores usque ad san- 35 
guinem incitari odio, aut "evium Graecorum aut immanium 
barbarorum. Nam quid agis aliud ? Romae ne sit ? ut 
domo careat ? ne cum optimis fratribus, ne cum hoc T. 
Broccho, avunculo, ne cum ejus filio, consobrino suo, ne 
nobiscum vivat ? ne sit in patria ? Num est ? num potest 4() 
aiagis carere his omnibus, quam caret ? Italia prohibetur, 
exsulat. Non tu ergo hunc patria privare, qua caret, sed 
vita vis. 12. At istud ne apud eum quidem dictator em, 
qui omnes, quos oderat, morte multabat, quisquam egit isto 



78 OR AIIO 

modo. Ipse jubebat occidi, nullo postulante ; pictmiis 
etiam invitabat ; quae tamen crudelitas ab hoc eodem aliquot 
armis post, quern tu nunc crudelem esse vis, vindicata est. 
V. Ego vero istud non postulo, inquies. Ita mehercule 
.5 existimo, Tubero. Novi enim te, novi patrem, novi domum 
nomenque vestrum ; studia generis ac familiae vestroe vir- 
tutis, humanitatis, doctrinae, plurimarum artium atque opti- 
marum nota mihi sunt. 13. Itaque certo scio vos non 
petere sanguinem. Sed parum attenditis. Res enim eo 

1 spectat, ut ea poena, in qua adhuc Q. Ligarius sit, non 
videamini esse contenti. Quae est igitur alia praeter mortem ? 
Si enim est in exsilio, sicuti est, quid amplius postulatis ? 
an, ne ignoscatur? Hoc vero multo acerbius multoque 
durius. Quod nos [domi] petimus precibus, lacrimis, strati 

15 ad pedes, non tam nostras causae fidentes quam hujus 
humanitati, id ne impetremus, pugnabis? et in nostrum 
fletum irrumpes ? et nos jacentes ad pedes supplicum voce 
prohibebis? 14. Si, quum hoc domi faceremus, quod et 
fecimus et, ut spero, non frustra fecimus, tu repente irru- 

20 pisses et clamare coepisses : "C. Caesar, cave ignoscas, cave 
te fratrum pro fratris salute obsecrantium misereat ;" nonne 
omnem humanitatem exuisses ? Quanto hoc durius, quod 
nos domi petimus, id a te in foro oppugnari ? te in tali 
miseria multorum perfugium misericordiae tollere ? 15. Di- 

25 cam plane, Caesar, quod sentio. Si in hac tanta tua for tuna 
lenitas tanta non esset, quantam tu per te, per te, inquam, 
ob tines (intelligo, quid loquar), acerbissimo luctu redunda 
ret ista victoria. Quam multi enim essent de victoribus, 
qui te crudelem esse vellent, quum etiam de victis reperi- 

30 antur? quam multi, qui, quum a te ignosci nemini vellent, 
impedirent clementiam tuam, quum etiam ii, quibus ipse 
ignovisti, nolint te esse in alios misericordem ? 16. Quod 
si probare Caesari possemus in Africa Ligarium omnino non 
fuisse ; si honesto et misericordi mendacio saluti civi cala- 

35 mitoso esse vellemus, tamen hominis non esset in tanto 
disorimine et periculo civis refellere et redarguere nostrum 
mendacium : et, si esset alicujus, ejus certe non esset, qui 
in eadem causa et fortuna fuisset. Sed tamen aliud est 
errare Caesarem nolle, aliud nolle misereri. Tunc diceres : 

10 " Caesar, cave credas : fmt in Africa ; tulit arma contra 
te." Nunc quid dicis ? " Cave ignoscas." Haec nee 
hominis nee ad hominem vox est: qua qui apud te, C. 
Caesar, utitur, suam citius abjiciet humanitatem, quam 
extorquebit tuam. 



PRO Q. LIGARIO, CAP. VI, VII. 79 

VI. 1*?. Ac primus aditus et postulatio Tuberonis base, 
ut opinor, fuit, velle se de Q. Ligarii scelere dicere. Noil 
dubito, quin admiratus sis, vel quod de nullo alio quisquam 
vel quod is, qui in eadem causa fuisset, vel quidnam novi 
seeleris afferret. Scelus tu illud vocas, Tubero ? cur ? 5 
Isto enim nomine ilia adhuc causa caruit. Alii errorem 
appellant; alii timorem; qui durius, spem, cupiditatem, 
odium, pertinaciam ; qui gravissime, temeritatem : scelus 
prseter te adhuc nemo. Ac mihi quidem, si proprium et 
verum nomen nostri mali queeritur, fatalis qusedam calamitas 10 
incidisse videtur et improvidas hominum mentes occupa- 
visse ; ut nemo mirari debeat bumana consilia divina ne- 
cessitate esse superata. 18. Liceat esse miseros ; quam- 
quam hoc victore esse non possumus : sed non loquor de 
nobis ; de illis loqucr, qui occiderunt. Fuerint cupidi, fue- 1 5 
rint irati, fuerint pertinaces : seeleris vero crimine, furoris, 
parricidii liceat Cn. Pompeio mortuo liceat multis aliis 
carere. Quando hoc quisquam ex te, Caesar, audivit ? aut 
tua quid aliud arma voluerunt nisi a te contumeliam pro- 
pulsare ? quid egit tuus ille invictus exercitus, nisi ut suum 20 
jus tueretur et dignitatem tuam? Quid? tu, quum pacem 
esse cupiebas, idne agebas, ut tibi cum sceleratis, an ut cum 
bonis civibus conveniret? 19. Mihi vero, Caesar, tua in 
me maxima merita tanta certe non viderentur, si me ut 
sceleratum a te conservatum putarem. Quomodo autem 25 
tu de re publica bene meritus esses, quum tot sceleratos 
incolumi dignitate esse voluisses ? Secessionem tu illam 
existimavisti, Coesar, initio, non bellum; neque hostile odium, 
sed civile dissidium ; utrisque cupientibus rem publicam 
salvam, sed partim consiliis, partim studiis a communi 30 
utilitate aberrantibus. Principum dignitas erat paene par; 
non par fortasse eorum, qui sequebantur : causa turn dubia, 
quod erat aliquid in utraque parte, quod probari posset : 
nunc melior ea judicanda est, quam etiam dii adjuverunt. 
Cognita vero dementia tua, quis non earn victoriam probet, 35 
in qua occiderit nemo nisi armatus ? 

VII. 20. Sed, ut omittam communem causam, veniamus 
id lxostram, utrum tandem existimas facilius fuisse, Tubero, 
Ligarium ex Africa exire, an vos in Africam non venire ? 
Poteranmsne, inquies, quum senatus censuisset ? Si me 40 
consulis, nullo modo. Sed tamen Ligarium senatus idem 
legaverat. Atque ille eo tempore paruit, quum parere 
senatui necesse erat : vos tunc paruistis, quum paruit nemo, 
qui noluit. Reprehendo igitur ? Minim e vero : nequc enim 



80 O RATIO 

licuit aliter vestro generi, nomini, familiar, disciplinse. Sed 
hoc non concedo, ut, quibus rebus gloriemini in vobis, 
easdem in aliis reprehendatis. 21. Tuberonis sors conjecta 
est ex senatus consulto, quum ipse non adesset, morbo 
5 etiam impediretur : statuerat excusare. Heec ego novi 
propter omnes necessitudines, quae mihi sunt cum L. Tube- 
rone. Domi una eruditi, militiae contubernales, post affines, 
in omni denique vita familiares : magnum etiam vinculum, 
quod iisdem studiis semper usi sumus. Scio igitur Tube- 

lOronem domi manere voluisse : sed ita quidam agebat, ita 
rei publicse sanctissimum nomen opponebat, ut etiamsi aliter 
sentiret, verborum tamen ipsorum pondus sustinere non 
posset. 22. Cessit auctoritati amplissimi viri vel potius 
paruit. Una est profectus cum iis, quonim erat una causa ; 

15 tardius iter fecit. Itaque in Africam venit jam occupatam. 
Hinc in Ligarium crimen oritur vel ira potius: nam, si 
crimen est ullum voluisse, non minus magnum est vos 
Africam, arcem omnium provinciarum natam ad bellum 
contra banc urbem gerendum obtinere voluisse quam ali- 

20 quern se maluisse. Atque is tamen aliquis Ligarius non 
fuit. Yarus imperium se habere dicebat; fasces certe 
habebat. 23. Sed quoquo modo se illud habet, haec que- 
rela vestra quid valet ? " Recepti in provinciam non sumus." 
Quid si essetis ? Caesarine earn tradituri fuistis, an contra 

25 Ceesarem retenturi ? 

VIII. Vide, quid licentiae, Caesar, nobis tua liberalitas- 
det vel potius audacise. Si respondent Tubero Africam,. 
quo senatus eum sorsque miserat, tibi patrem suum traditu- 
rum fuisse, non dubitabo apud ipsum te, cujus id eum 

30 facere interfuit, gravissimis verbis ejus consilium reprehen- 
dere. Non enim si tibi ea res grata fuisset, esset etiam 
probata. 24. Sed jam hoc totum omitto; non tam ne 
offendam tuas patientissimas aures, quam ne Tubero, quod 
nunquam cogitavit, facturus fuisse videatur. Veniebatis 

35 igitur in Africam provinciam, unam ex omnibus huic victoriae 
maxime infestam, in qua erat rex potentissimus, inimicus 
huic causae, aliena voluntas, conventus firmi atque magni. 
Quaero, quid facturi fuistis. Quamquam, quid facturi fueritis, 
dubitem, quum videam, quid feceritis? Prohibiti estis in 

tOprovincia vestra pedem ponere, et prohibiti summa cum 
injuria. 25. Quomodo id tulistis ? Acceptae injuriae que- 
relam ad quern detulistis ? Nempe ad eum, cujus auctori- 
tatem secuti in societatem belli veneratis. Quod si Caesaris 
causa in provinciam veniebatis, ad eum profecto exclusi 



PRO Q. LIGAUIO, CAP. IX, X. 8 J 

provineia venissetis. Venistis ad Pompeium. Quce est 
ergo apud Caesarem querela, quum eum accusetis, a quo 
queramini proliibitos vos contra Caesarem gerere bellum ? 
Atque in hoc quidem vel cum mendacio, si vultis, gloriemini 
per me licet vos provinciam fuisse Caesari tradituros. Etiam- 5 
si a Yaro et a quibusdam aliis prohibiti estis, ego tamen 
confitebor culpam esse Ligarii, qui vos tantse laudis oeca- 
sione privaverit. 

IX. 26. Sed vide, quaeso, Caesar, constantiam ornatissimi 
viri, L. Tuberonis : quam ego, quamvis ipse probarem, ut 10 
probo, tamen non commemorarem, nisi a te cognovissem in 
primis earn virtutem solere laudari. Quae fuit igitur un- 
quam in ullo liomine tanta constantia ? constantiam dico ? 
nescio, an melius patientiam pcssim dicere. Quotus enim 
istud quisque fecisset, ut, a quibus in dissensione civili non 1 5 
esset receptus, esset etiam cum crudelitate rejectus, ad eos 
ipsos rediret? Magni cujusdam animi atque ejus viri, 
quern de suscepta causa propositaque sententia nulla con- 
tumelia, nulla vis, nullum periculum possit depellere. 27. 
Ut enim cetera paria Tuberoni cum Varo fuissent, honos, 20 
nobilitas, splendor, ingenium, quae nequaquam fuerunt ; hoc 
certe praecipuum Tuberonis, quod justo cum imperio ex 
senatus consulto in provinciam suam venerat. Hinc prohi- 
bitus non ad Caesarem, ne iratus, non domum, ne iners, non 

in aliquam regionem, ne condemnare causam illam, quam 25 
secutus esset, videretur: in Macedoniam ad Cn. Pompeii 
castra venit, in earn ipsam causam, a qua erat rejectus cum 
injuria. 28, Quid? quum ista res nihil commovisset ejus 
animum, ad quern veneratis, languidiore, credo, studio in 
causa fuistis : tantummodo in praesidiis eratis, animi vero a 30 
causa abhorrebant : an, ut fit in civilibus bellis * * * nee 
in vobis magis quam in reliquis ; omnes enim vincendi studio 
tenebamur. Pacis equidem semper auctor fui: sed turn 
sero ; erat enim amentis, quum aciem videres, pacem cogi- 
tare. Omnes, inquam, vincere volebamus: tu certe praeci- 35 
pue, qui in eum locum venisses, ubi tibi esset pereundum, 
nisi vicisses : quamquam, ut nunc se res habet, non dubito, 
quin hanc salutem anteponas illi victoriae. 

X. 29. Haec ego non dicerem, Tubero, si aut vos ccn- 
stantiae vestrae, aut Caesarem beneficii sui poeniteret. Nunc 40 
quaero, utrum vestras injurias, an rei publicae persequamini ? 

Si rei publicae : quid de vestra in ilia causa perseverantia 
respondebitis ? si vestras, videte, ne erretis, qui Caesarem 
yestris inimicis iratum fore putetis, quum ignoverit suis. 



82 ORATIO 

Itaquc num tibi videor in causa Ligarii esse occupatus ? 
num de ejus facto dicere ? Quidquid dixi, ad unam sura- 
mam referri volo vel humanitatis vel clementiae vel miseri- 
cordiae. 30. Causas, Caesar, egi multas, et quidem tecum, 
5 dum te in foro tenuit ratio honorum tuorum ; certe nunquam 
hoc modo : Ignosciie, judices ; erravit ; lapsus est ; non 
putavit: siunquam posthac. Apud parentem sic agi solet: 
ad judices, Non fecit, non cogitavit ; falsi testes, fictum 
crimen. Die te, Caesar, de facto Ligarii judicem esse: 

lOquibus in praesidiis fuerit, queere. Taceo; ne haec quidem 
colligo, quae fortasse valerent etiam apud judicem ; " Lega- 
tus ante bellum profectus, relictus in pace, bello oppressus, 
in eo ipso non acerbus, f totus animo ac studio tuus." Ad 
judicem sic agi solet; sed ego ad parentem loquor : Erravit, 

1 5 temere fecit, pcenitet : ad clementiam tuam confugio, delicti 
veniam peto ; ut ignoscas, oro. Si nemo impetravit, arro- 
ganter ; si plurimi, tu idem fer opem, qui spem dedisti. 
31. An sperandi Ligario causa non sit, quum mihi apud te 
locus sit etiam pro altero deprecandi ? Quamquam neque 

20 in hac oratione spes est posita causae nee in eorum studlis, 
qui a te pro Ligario petunt, tui necessarii. 

XL Vidi enim et cognovi, quid maxime spectares, quum 
pro alicujus salute multi laborarent : causas apud te ro- 
gantium gratiosiores esse quam vultus : neque te spectare, 

95 quam tuus esset necessarius is, qui te oraret, sed quam 
illius, pro quo laboraret. Itaque tribuis tu quidem tuis ita 
multa, ut mihi beatiores illi videantur interdum, qui tua 
liberalitate fruantur, quam tu ipse, qui illis tarn multa 
concedas. Sed video tamen apud te causas, ut dixi, valere 

30 plus quam preces, ab iisque te moveri maxime, quorum 
justissimum videas dolorem in petendo. 32. In Q. Ligario 
conservando multis tu quidem gratum facies necessariis 
tuis; sed hoc, quaeso, considera, quod soles. Possum 
fortissimos viros, Sabinos, tibi probatissimos, totumque 

35 agrum Sabinum, florem Italiae, robur rei publicae proponere. 
Nosti optime homines : animadverte horum omnium maesti- 
tiam et dolorem. Hujus T. Brocchi, de quo non dubito 
quid existimes, lacrimas squaloremque ipsius et nlii vides. 
33. Quid de fratribus dicam? Noli, Caesar, putare, de 

40 unius capite nos agere : aut tres tibi Ligarii retinendi in 
civitate sunt aut tres ex civitate exterminandi. Quodvis 
exsilium his est optatius, quam patria, quam domus, quam 
dii penates, uno illo exsulante. Si fraterne, si pie, si cum 
dolore faciunt, moveant te horum lacrimae, moveat pietas, 



I'KO Q. LIGAR10, CAP. XII. 83 

moveat germanitas ; valeat tua vox ilia, quae vicit. Te enim 
dicere audiebamus nos omnes adversarios putare, nisi qui 
nobiscum essent : te omnes, qui contra te non essent, tuos. 
Videsne igitur hunc splendorem omnium, hanc Brocchorum 
domum, hunc L. Marcium, C. Caasetium, L. Corfidium, 5 
hosce omnes equites Romanos, qui adsunt veste mutata, 
non solum notos tibi, verum etiam probatos viros ? Tecum 
fuerunt. Atque his irascebamur, hos requirebamus, bis 
nonnulli etiam minabantur. Conserva igitur tuis suos : ut, 
quemadmodum cetera, quae dicta sunt a te, sic hoc verissi- 1 
mum reperiatur. 

XII. 34. Quod si penitus perspicere posses concordiam 
Ligariorum, omnes fratres tecum judicares fuisse. An 
potest quisquam dubitare, quin, si Q. Ligarius in Italia esse 
potuisset, in eadem sententia fuisset futurus, in qua fratres 15 
fuerunt ? Quis est, qui horum consensum conspirantem et 
paane conflatum in hac prope sequalitate fraterna non nove- 
rit ? qui hoc non sentiat, quid vis prius futurum fuisse, quam 
ut hi fratres diversas sententias fortunasque sequerentur ? 
Voluntate igitur omnes tecum fuerunt : tempestate abreptus 20 
est unus; qui si consilio id fecisset, esset eorum similis, 
quos tu tamen salvos esse voluisti. 35. Sed ierit ad 
bellum, discesserit non a te solum, verum etiam a fratri- 
bus, hi te orant tui. Equidem, quum tuis omnibus ne- 
gotiis interessem, memoria teneo, qualis turn T. Ligarius 25 
quaestor urbanus fuerit erga te et dignitatem tuam. Sed 
panim est me hoc meminisse : spero etiam te, qui obli- 
visci nihil soles nisi injurias, quoniam hoc est animi, quo- 
niam etiam ingenii tui, te aliquid de hujus illo quaastorio 
officio, etiam de aliis quibusdam quaastoribus reminiscentem 30 
recordari. 36. Hie igitur T. Ligarius, qui turn nihil egit 
aliud (neque enim haac divinabat), nisi ut tu eum tui studi- 
osum ct bonum virum judicares, nunc a te supplex fratris 
salutem petit. Quam hujus admonitus officio quum utris- 
que his dederis, tres fratres optimos et integerrimos non 35 
solum sibi ipsos neque his tot ac talibus viris neque nobis 
necessariis, sed etiam rei publicaa condonaveris. 37. Fac 
igitur, quod de homine nobilissimo et clarissimo fecisti 
nuper in curia, nunc idem in foro de optimis et huic omni 
frequentiaa probatissimis fratribus. Ut concessisti ilium 40 
senatui, sic da hunc populo, cujus voluntatem carissimam . 
semper habuisti : et, si ille dies tibi gloriosissimus, populo 
Romano gratissimus fuit ; noli, obsecro, dubitare, C. Caesar, 
similem illi gloriaa laudem quam soepissime quaerere. Nihil 



84 



OUATIO 1'liO Q. LIGARIO, CAP. XII. 



est tam populare quam bonitas; nulla de virtutibus tuia 
plurimis nee admirabilior nee gratior misericordia est ; ho- 
mines enim ad deos nulla re propius accedunt quam salutem 
hominibus dando. 38. Nihil habet nee fortuna tua majus, 
5 quam ut possis, nee natura melius, quam ut velis servare 
quam plurimos. Longiorem orationem causa forsitan postu- 
lat, tua certe natura breviorem. Quare, quum utilius esse 
arbitrer te ipsum quam me aut quemquam loqui tecum, 
finem jam faciam : tantum te admonebo, si illi absenti 
LO salutem dederis, prsesentibus his omnibus te daturum. 



PRO 

REGE DEIOTARO 

AD 

CAESAREM 
ORATIO. 



I. 1. Quum in omnibus causis gravioribus, C. Caesar, 
initio dicendi commoveri soleam vehementius, quam videa- 
tur vel usus vel aatas mea postulare, turn in hac causa ita 
me multar perturbant, ut, quantum mea fides studii mihi 
afferat ad salutem regis Deiotari defendendam, tantum 5 
facultatis timor detraliat. Primum dico pro capite fortu- 
nisque regis ; quod ipsum etsi non iniquum est in tuo 
dumtaxat periculo, tamen est ita inusitatum, regem reum 
capitis esse, ut ante hoc tempus non sit auditum. 2. Deinde 
eum regem, quern ornare antea cuncto cum senatu soleba- 10 
mus pro perpetuis ejus in nostram rem publicam mentis, 
nunc contra atrocissimum crimen cogor defendere. Acce- 
dit, ut accusatorum alterius crudelitate, alterius indignitate 
conturber. Crudelis Castor, ne dicam sceleratum et impi- 
um ; qui nepos avum in capitis discrimen adduxerit ado- 15 
lescentiaeque suaa terrorem intulerit ei, cujus senectutem 
tueri et tegere debebat, commendationemque ineuntis aetatis 
ab impietate et scelere duxerit; avi servum, coiTuptum 
praemiis, ad accusandum dominum impulerit, a legatorum 
pedibus abduxerit. 3. Fugitivi autem dominum accusantis, 20 
et dominiun absentem et dominum amicissimum nostras rei 
publicae, quum os videbam, quum verba audiebam, non 
tarn afflictam regiam conditionem dolebam, quam de fortu- 
nis communibus extimescebam. Nam quum more majorum 
de servo in dominum ne tormentis quidem quaeri liceat, in 



S6 ORATIO 

qua quiestione dolor elicere veram voceni possit etiam ab 
invito : exortus est servus, qui quern in equuleo appellare 
non posset, cum accuset solutus. 

II. 4. Perturbat me, C. Caesar, etiam illud interdum; 
5 quod tamen, quum te penitus recognovi, timere desino : re 

enim iniquum est, sed tua sapientia fit aeqmssimuni. Nam 
dicere apud eum de facinore, contra cujus vitam consilium 
facinoris inisse arguare, si per se ipsum consideres, grave 
est ; nemo enim fere est, qui sui periculi judex, non sibi se 

10 requiorein quam reo praebeat. Sed tua, Caesar, praestans 
singularisque natura liunc mihi metum minuit ; non enim 
tarn timeo, quid tu de rege Deiotaro, quam intelligo, quid 
de te ceteros velis judicare. 5. Moveor etiam loci ipsius 
insolentia, quod tantam causam, quanta nulla unquam in 

15 disceptatione versata est, dico intra domesticos parietes, 
dico extra conventum et earn frequentiam, in qua oratorum 
studia niti solent : in tuis oculis, in tuo ore vultuque acqui- 
esco ; te unum intueor ; ad te unum omnis mea spectat 
oratio. Quae mihi ad spem obtinendae veritatis gravissima 

20 sunt, ad motum animi et ad omnem impetum dicendi con- 
tentionemque leviora. G. Hanc enim, C. Caesar, causam si 
in foro dicerem, eodem audiente et disceptante te, quantam 
mihi alacritatem populi Romani concursus afferret ! Quis 
enim civis ei regi non faveret, cujus omnem aetatem in 

25 populi Romani bellis consumptam esse meminisset ? Specta- 
rem curiam, intuerer forum, ccelum denique testarer ipsum. 
Sic, quum et deorum immortalium et populi Romani et 
senatus beneficia in regem Deiotarum recordarer, nullo 
modo mihi deesse posset oratio. V. Quae quoniam angusti- 

'30 ora parietes faciunt, actioque maximae causae debilitatur 
loco, tuum est, Caesar, qui pro rnultis saepe dixisti, quid 
mihi nunc animi sit, ad te ipsum referre ; quo facilius quum 
aequitas tua, turn audiendi diligentia minuat hanc perturba- 
tionem meam. Sed antequam de accusatione ipsa dico, de 

35 accusatorum spe pauca dicam. Qui quum videantur nee 
ingenio nee usu atque exercitatione rerum valere, tamen ad 
h#* c causam non sine aliqua spe et cogitatione venerunt. 

III. 8. Iratum te regi Deiotaro fuisse non erant nescii ; 
affectum ilium quibusdam incommodis et detrimentis proptei 

i offensionem animi tui meminerant ; [teque quum huic iratum, 
turn sibi amicum esse cognoverant ;] quumque apud ipsum 
te de tuo periculo dicerent, fore putabant, ut in exulceratc 
animo facile fictum crimen insideret. Quamobrem hoc nos pri- 
mum, Caesar, metu, per fidem et constantiam et per clemen- 



PRO KEGE DEIOTARO, CAP. IV. 87 

ciam mam, libera, ne residere in te ullam partem iracundiat: 
suspicenmr. Per dexteram istam te oro, quam regi Deio- 
taro hospes liospiti porrexisti: istam, inquam, dexteram, 
non tarn in bellis nee in prceliis quam in pro-missis et fide 
firmiorem. Tu illius domum inire, tu vetus hospitium 5 
renovare voluisti; te ejus dii penates acceperunt ; te amicum 
et placatum Deiotari regis arse focique viderunt. 9. Quum 
facile [exorari], Caesar, turn semel exorari soles; nemo 
unquam te placavit inimicus, qui ullas resedisse in te simul- 
tatis reliquias senserit. Quamquam cui sunt inauditae cum 1C 
Deiotaro querelee tuae ? Nunquam tu ilium accusavisti ut 
hostem, sed ut amicum officio parum functum, quod pro- 
pensior in Cn. Pompeii amicitiam fuisset quam in tuam. 
Cui tamen ipsi rei veniam te daturum fuisse dicebas,. si 
tantum auxilia Pompeio vel si etiam filium misisset, ipse i 5 
aetatis excusatione usus esset. Ita quum maximis eum 
rebus liberares, perparvam amicitiae culpam relinquebas. 10. 
Itaque non solum in eum non animadvertisti, sed omni metu 
liberavisti, hospitem agnovisti, regem reliquisti. IV. Neque 
enim ille odio tui progressus, sed errore communi lapsus 20 
est. Is rex, quern senatus hoc nomine saepe honorificentis- 
simis decretis appellavisset, quique quum ilium ordinem ab 
adolescentia gravissimum sanctissimumque duxisset, iisdem 
rebus est perturbatus, homo longinquus et alienigena, 
quibiis nos in media re publica nati semperque versati, 25 
11. quum audiret senatus consentientis auctoritate arma 
sumpta ; consulibus, praetoribus, tribunis plebi, nobis impe- 
ratoribus rem publicam defendendam datam, movebatur 
ammo et vir huic imperio amicissimus de salute populi 
Romani extimescebat, in qua etiam suam esse inclusam 30 
videbat ; in summo tamen timore quiescendum sibi esse 
arbitrabatur. Maxime vero perturbatus est, ut audivit, 
consules ex Italia profugisse, omnesque consulares (sic enim 
ei nunciabatur), cunctum senatum, totam Italiam esse effu- 
sam: talibus enim nuntiis et rumoribus patebat ad Orientem So 
via, nee ulli veri subsequebantur. Nihil ille de conditioni- 
bus tuis, nihil de studio concordiae et pacis, nihil de conspi- 
ratione audiebat certorum hominum contra dignitatem tuam. 
Quae quum ita essent, tamen usque eo se tenuit, quoad a 
Cn. Pompeio legati ad eum literaeque venerunt. 12. Igno- 4C 
see, ignosce, Caesar, si ejus viri auctoritati rex Deiotarus 
cessit, quern nos omnes secuti sumus ; ad quern quum dii 
atque homines omnia ornamenta congessissent, turn tu ipse 
plurima et maxima. Neque enim, si tuae res gestae cetero- 



8B O RATIO 

rum laudibus obscuritatem attulerunt, idcirco Cn. Pompeii 
memoriam amisimus. Quantum nomen ejus fuerit, quanta 
opes, quanta in omni genere bellorum gloria, quanti honores 
populi Romani, quanti senatus, quanti tui, quis ignorat ? 
5 Tanto ille superiores vicerat gloria, quanto tu omnibus 
praestitisti. Itaque Cn. Pompeii bella, victorias, triumphos, 
consulatus admirantes numerabamus ; tuos enumerare non 
possumus. 

V. 13. Ad eum igitur rex Deiotarus venit hoc misero 

lOfatalique bello, quern antea justis hostilibusque bellis adju- 
verat, quocum erat non hospitio solum, verum etiam fami- 
liaritate conjunctus ; et venit vel rogatus, ut amicus, vel 
arcessitus, ut socius, vel evocatus, ut is, qui senatui parere 
didicisset ; postremo venit ut ad fugientem, non ut ad 

1 5 insequentem, id est ad periculi, non ad victorias societatem. 
Itaque Pharsalico proelio facto a Pompeio discessit ; spem 
infinitam persequi noluit ; vel officio, si quid debuerat, vel 
errori, si quid nescierat, satisfactum esse duxit ; domum se 
contulit atque Alexandrinum bellum gerente te utilitati- 

20 bus tuis paruit. 14. Ille exercitum Cn. Domitii amplis- 
simi viri suis tectis et copiis sustentavit ; ille Ephesum ad 
eum, quern tu ex tuis fidelissimum et probatissimum omni- 
bus delegisti, pecuniam misit, ille iterum, ille tertio auctio- 
nibus factis pecuniam dedit, qua ad bellum uterere ; ille 

25 corpus suum periculo objecit, tecumque in acie contra 
Pharnacem fuit, tuumque hostem esse duxit suum. Qua? 
quidem a te in earn partem accepta sunt, Ccesar, ut eum 
amplissimo honore et regis nomine affeceris. 15. Is igitur, 
non modo a te periculo liberatus, sed etiam honore amplis- 

30 simo ornatus, arguitur domi te suae interficere voluisse. 
Quod tu, nisi eum furiosissimum judices, suspicari profecto 
non potes. Ut enim omittam, cujus tanti sceleris fuerit, in 
conspectu deorum penatium necare hospitem ; cujus tantse 
importunitatis omnium gentium atque omnis memorise cla- 

35 rissimum lumen exstinguere ; cujus tantse ferocitatis victo- 
rem orbis terrarum non extimescere ; cujus tarn inhumani 
et ingrati animi, a quo rex appellatus esset, in eo tyrannum 
inveniri: ut haec omittam, cujus tanti furoris fuit omnes 
reges, quorum multi erant finitimi, omnes liberos populos, 

it omnes socios, omnes provincias, omnia denique omnium 
arma contra se unum excitare? Quonam ille modo cum 
regno, cum domo, cum conjuge, cum carissimo filio di- 
stractus esset, tanto scelere non modo perfecto, sed etiam 
cogitato ? 



PilO REGE DEIOTARO, CAP. VI, VII. 80 

VI. 10. At, credo, hsec homo inconsultus et temcrarius 
r<on videbat. — Quis consideratior illo ? quis tectior ? quis 
prudentior ? quamquam hoc loco Deiotarum non tarn inge- 
nio et prudentia quam fide et religione vitae defendendum 
puto. Nota tibi est hominis probitas, C. Caesar, noti mores, 5 
nota constantia. Cui porro, qui modo populi Romani no- 
men audivit, Deiotari integritas, gravitas, virtus, fides non 
audita est? Quod igitur facinus nee in hominem impru- 
dentem cadere posset propter metum praesentis exitii, nee 

m facinorosum, nisi esset idem amentissimus, id vos et a ] U 
viro optimo et ab homine minime stulto cogitatum esse 
"confingitis. 17. At quam non modo non credibiliter, sed 
ne suspiciose quidem ! Quum, inquit, in castellum Luceium 
venisses et domum regis, hospitis tui, devertisses, locus 
erat quidam, in quo erant ea composita, quibus te rex 15 
munerare constituerat. Hue te e balneo, priusquam ac- 
cumberes, ducere volebat : ibi enim erant armati, qui te 
interficerent, in eo ipso loco collocati. En crimen, en causa, 
cur regem fugitivus, dominum servus accuset. Ego me- 
hercules, Caesar, initio, quum est ad me ista causa delata, 20 
Phidippum medicum, servum regium, qui cum legatis mis- 
sus esset, ab isto adolescente esse corruptum, hac sum 
suspicione percussus : medicum indicem subornavit ; finget 
videlicet aliquod crimen veneni. Etsi a veritate longe, 
tamen a consuetudine criminandi non multum res abhorre- 25 
bat. 18. Quid ait medicus? Nihil de veneno. At id 
fieri potuit primo occultius in potione, in cibo ; deindc 
etiam impunius fit, quod quum est factum, negari potest. 
Si palam te mteremisset, omnium in se gentium non solum 
odia, sed etiam arma convertisset ; si veneno, Jovis ille 30 
quidem hospitalis numen nunquam celare potuisset, homines 
fortasse celasset. Quod igitur et conari occultius et efficere 
cautius potuit, id tibi, et medico callido et servo, ut puta- 
bat, fideli, non credidit? de armis, de ferro, de insidiis 
celare te noluit? 19. At quam festive crimen contexitur! 35 
Tua te, inquit, eadem, quae semper, fortuna servavit : nega- 
visti turn te inspicere velle. 

VII. Quid postea? an Deiotarus re illo tempore non 
perfecta continuo dimisit exercitum ? nullus erat alius insi- 
diandi locus? At eodem te, quum ccenavisses, rediturum 40 
dixeras : itaque fecisti. Horam unam aut duas todem loco 
amiatos, ut collocati fuerant, retinere magnum fuit ? Quum 

in convivio comiter et jucunde fuisses, turn illuc isti, ut 
dixeras. Quo in loco Deiotarum talem crga te cognovisti, 



'JO OUATIO 

qualis rex Attains to P. Africanum fuit : cui magnificentis- 
sima dona, ut scriptum legimus, usque ad Numantiam misil 
ex Asia ; qua3 Africanus inspectante exercitu accepit. Quod 
quum praesens Dciotarus regio et animo et more feeisset, tu 
5 in cubiculum discessisti. 20. Obsccro, Caesar, repete illius 
temporis memoriam, pone ilium ante oculos diem, vultus 
liominum te intuentium atque admirantium recordare. Nuni 
quae • trepidatio ? num qui tumultus ? num. quid nisi mode- 
rate, nisi quiete, nisi ex hominis gravissimi et sanctissimi 

1 disciplina ? Quid igitur causae excogitari potest, cur te 
lotum voluerit, ccenatum noluerit occidere ? 21. In poste- 
rum, inquit, diem distulit, ut quum in castellum Luceium 
ventum esset, ibi cogitata perficeret. Non video causam 
mutandi loci ; sed tamen acta res criminose est. Quum, 

15 inquit, vomere post coenam te velle dixisses, in balneum te 
ducere coeperunt: ibi enim erant insidiae. At te eadem 
tua ilia fortuna servavit : in cubiculo malle dixisti. Dii te 
perduint, fugitive ! ita non modo nequam et improbus, sed 
etiam fatuus et amens es. Quid ? ille signa aenea in insidiis 

20 posuerat, quae e balneo in cubiculum transferri nonpossent? 
Habes crimina insidiarum: nihil enim dixit amplius : borum, 
inquit, eram conscius. Quid turn ? ita ille demens erat, ut 
eum, quern tanti sceleris conscium haberet, a se dimitteret ? 
Romam etiam mitteret, ubi et inimicissimum sciret esse 

25 nepotem suum, et C. Caesarem cui feeisset insidias ? prae- 
sertim quum is unus esset, qui posset de absente se judi- 
care ? 22. Et fratres meos, inquit, quod erant conscii, in 
vincula conjecit. Quum igitur eos vinciret, quos secum 
habebat, te solutum Romam mittebat, qui eadem scires, 

30 quae illos scire dicis ? 

VIII. Reliqua pars accusationis duplex fuit : una, regem 
semper in speculis fuisse, quum a te animo esset alieno ; 
altera, exercitum eum contra te magnum comparasse. De 
exercitu dicam breviter, ut cetera. Nunquam eas copias 

85 rex Deiotarus habuit, quibus inferre bellum populo Romano 
posset ; sed quibus fines suos ab excursionibus et latrociniis 
tueretur et imperatoribus nostris auxilia mitteret. Atque 
antea quidem majores copias alere poterat; nunc exiguas 
vix tueri potest. 23. At misit ad Caecilium nes'cio quern : 

40 sed eos, quos misit, quod ire noluerunt, in vincula conjecit. 
Non quaero, quam veri simile sit aut non habuisse regem, 
quos mitteret, aut eos, quos misisset, non paruisse ; aut qui 
dicto audientes in tanta re non fuissent, eos vinctos potius 
quam necatos. Sed tamen quum ad Caecilium mittebat. 



PRO ItEGE DEIOTAltO, CAP. IX. 91 

utrura causam illam victam esse nescicbat, an Cwcilium 
istum magnum hominem putabat ? quern profecto is, qui 
optime nostros homines novit, vel quia nosset vel quia non 
nosset, contemneret. 24, Addit ctiam illud, equites non 
optimos misisse. Credo, Caesar ; nihil ad tuum equitatum ; 5 
sed misit ex iis, quos habuit, delectos. At nescio quern ex 
eo numero servum judicatum. Non arbitror, non audivi ; 
sed in eo, etiam si accidisset, culpam regis nullam fuisse 
arbitrarer. 

IX. Alieno autem a te animo quomodo ? Speravit, 10 
credo, difficiles tibi Alexandreae fore exitus propter regio- 
num naturam ct fluminis. At eo tempore ipso pecuniam 
dedit, exercitum aluit ; ei, quern Asia? praefeceras, nulla in 
re defuit ; tibi victori non solum ad hospitium, sed ad peri- 
culum etiam atque ad aciem prsssto fuit. 25. Secutuml,5 
est bellum Africanum ; graves de te rumores ; qui etiam 
furiosum ilium Caacilium excitaverunt. Quo turn rex animo 
fuit ? qui auctionatus sit seseque spoliare maluerit quam 
tibi pecuniam non subministrare. At eo, inquit, tempore 
ipso jSTicaeani Ephesumque mittebat, qui rumores Africanos 20 
exciperent et celeriter ad se referrent. Itaque quum esset 
ei nunciatum, Domitium naufragio perisse, te in castello 
circumsederi, de Domitio dixit versum Graecum eadem 
sententia, qua etiam nos habemus Latinum : 

Pereant amici, dum tin a inimici intercidant 25 

quod ille, si esset tibi inimicissimus, nun quam tamen dixis- 
set : ipse enim mansuetus, versus immanis. Qui autem 
Domitio poterat esse amicus, qui tibi esset inimicus ? Tibi 
porro inimicus cur esset, a quo quum vel interfici belli lege 
potuisset, regem et se et filium suum constitutos esse memi- 30 
nisset?- 26. Quiddeinde? furcifer quo progreditur? Ait, 
liac laetitia Deiotarum elatum vino se obruisse, in convivio- 
que nudum saltavisse. Quae crux huic fugitivo potest satis 
supplicii afferre ? Deiotarum saltantem quisquam aut 
ebrium vidit unquam ? Omnes in illo sunt rege virtutes, 35 
quod te, Caesar, ignorare non arbitror, sed praecipue singu- 
laris et admiranda frugalitas : etsi hoc verbo scio laudari 
regem non solere. Frugi hominem dici non multum habet 
laudis in rege ; fortem, justum, severum, gravem, magna- 
mmum, largum, beneficum, liberalem, hae sunt regire lau- 40 
des ; ilia privata est. Ut volet quisque accipiat ; ego tamen 
frugalitatem, id est, modestiam et temperantiam, virtutem 
maximam judico. Haec in illo est ab ineunte aetate quum 



12 



OUATIO 



a cuncta Asia, turn a raagistratibus legatisque nostris, tuin 
ab equitibus Romanis qui in Asia negotiati sunt, perspecta 
et cognita, 27. Multis illc quidem gradibus officiorum 
erga rem publicara nostram ad hoc regium nomen ascendit ; 
5 sel tamen quidquid a bellis populi Romani vacabat, cum 
hominibus nostris consuetudines, amicitias, res rationesque 
jungebat, ut non solum tetrarches nobilis, sed etiam optimus 
paterfamilias et diligentissimus agricola et pecuarius habe- 
re I ur. Qui igitur adolescens, nondum tanta gloria prseditus, 
10 nihil unquam nisi severissime et gravissime fecerit, is ea 
existimatione eaque setate saltavit ? 

X. 28. Imitari, Castor, potius avi 'tui mores discipli- 
namque debebas quam optimo et clarissimo viro fugitivi ore 
maledicere. Quod si saltatorem avum habuisses, neque 

1 5 eum virum, unde pudoris pudicitiaeque exempla peterentur 
tamen hoc maledictum minime in illam setatem conveniret. 
Quibus iile studiis ab ineunte setate se imbuerat, non 
saltandi, sed bene ut armis, optime ut equis uteretur, ca 
tamen ilium cuncta jam exacta setate defecerant. Itaque 

20 Deiotarum quum plures in equum sustulissent, quod hserere 
in eo senex posset, admirari solebamus. Hie vero adole- 
scens, qui meus in Cilicia miles, in Graecia commilito fuit, 
quum in illo nostro exercitu equitaret cum suis delectis 
equitibus, quos una cum eo ad Pompeium pater miserat, 

25 quos concursus facere solebat ! quam se jactare ! qaam 
ostentare! quam nemini in ilia causa studio et cupiditate 
concedere ! 29. Quum vero exercitu amisso ego, qui pacis 
semper auctor, post Pharsalicum proelium suasor fui armo- 
rum non deponendorum, sed abjiciendorum : hunc ad meam 

30 auctoritatem non potui adducere, quod et ipse ardebat 
studio ipsius belli, et patri satisfaciendum esse arbitrabatur. 
Felix ista domus, quae non impunitatem solum adepta sit, 
sed accusandi etiam licentiam ; calamitosus Deiotarus, f qui 
ab eo, qui in iisdem castris fuerit, non modo apud te, sed 

35 etiam a suis accusetur. Vos vestra secunda fortuna, 
Castor, non potestis sine propinquorum calamitate esse 
contenti ? 

XI. 30. Sint sane inimicitiae, quae esse non debebant: 
rex enim Deiotarus vestram familiam abjectam et obscuram 

40 e tenebris in lucem evocavit. Quis tuum patrem antea 
qui esset, quam cujus gener esset audivit ? Sed quam vis 
ingrate et impic necessitudinis nomen repudiaretis, tamen 
inimicitias hominum more gerere poteratis, non ficto enmine 
insectari, non expetere vitam, non capitis arcessere. Esto: 



l'KO REGE DEIOTARO, CAP. XIT. 93 

concedatur lisec quoque acerbitas et odii magnitudo : adeo- 
ne, ut omnia vitce salutisquc communis atque etiam hu- 
manitatis jura violentur ? Servum sollicitare verbis, spe 
promissisque corrumperc, abducere domum, contra dominum 
armare, hoc est non uni propinquo, sed omnibus familiis 5 
nefarium bellum indicere. Nam ista corruptela servi, si 
non modo impunita fuerit, sed etiam a tanta auctoritate 
appiobata, nulli parietes nostram salutem, nullae leges, 
nulla jura custodient. Ubi enim id, quod intus est atque 
nostrum, impune evolare potest contraque nos pugnare, fit 1 
in dominatu servitus, in servitute dominatus. 31. tem- 
pora, o mores ! Cn. Domitius ille, quern nos pueri consulem, 
censorem, pontificem maximum vidimus, quum tribunus 
plebi M. Scaurum principem civitatis in judicium populi 
vocasset Scaurique servus ad eum clam domum venisset et 15 
crimina in dominum delaturum se esse dixisset, prehendi 
hominem jussit ad Scaurumque deduci. Vide, quid intersit ; 
etsi inique Castorem cum Domitio comparo : sed tamen 
ille inimico servum remisit, tu ab avo abduxisti ; ille incor- 
ruptum audire noluit, tu corrupisti ; ille adjutofem servum 20 
contra dominum repudiavit, tu etiam accusatorem adhibu- 
isti. 32. At semel iste est corruptus a vobis? Nonne 
quum esset productus et quum tecum fuisset, refugit ad 
leo-atos ? nonne etiam ad hunc Cn. Domitium venit ? nonne 

o 

audiente hoc Ser. Sulpicio clarissimo viro, qui turn casu 25 
apud Domitium ccenabat, et hoc T. Torquato, optimo 
adolescente, se a te corruptum, tuis promissis in fraudem 
impulsum esse confessus est ? 

XII. Quae est ista tarn impotens, tarn crudelis, tarn 
immoderata inhumanitas ? idcirco in hanc urbem venisti, 30 
ut hujus urbis jura et exempla corrumperes, domesticaque 
immanitate nostras civitatis humanitatem inquinares ? 33. 
At quam acute collecta crimina ! Blesamius, inquit, (ejus 
onim nomine, optimi viri nee tibi ignoti, maledicebat tibi,) 
ad regem scribere solebat te in invidia esse, tyrannum 35 
existimari ; statua inter reges posita animos hominum ve- 
hementer offensos ; plaudi tibi non solere. Nonne intelli- 
gis, Caesar, ex urbanis malevolorum sermunculis haec ab 
istis esse collecta? Blesamius tyrannum Caesarem scribe- 
ret ? Multorum enim capita civium viderat ; multos jussu 40 
Caesaris vexatos, verberatos, necatos ; multas afflictas et 
eversas domos ; armatis militibus refertum forum. Quae 
semper in civili victoria sensimus, ea te victore non vidimus. 
34. Solus, inquam, es, C. Caesar, cujus 'n victoria cociderit 



01 O RATIO 

nemo nisi anna t us. Et quern nos liberi, in summa populi 
Romani libertate nati, non modo non tyranhum scd otiam 
clement issimum in victoria ducimus, is Blesamio, qui vivit 
in regno, tyrannus videri potest? Nam de statua quis 
5queritur,ima praesertim, quum tarn multas videat? Valdo 
enim invidendum est ejus statuis, cujus tropseis non invi- 
dimus. Nam si locus affert invidiam, nullus est ad statuam 
qnidem Rostris clarior. De plausu autem quid respon- 
deam ? qui nee desideratus unquam a te est, et nonnun- 

10 quam, obstupefactis liominibus, ipsa admiratione compressus 
est, et fortasse eo praetermissus, quia nihil vulgare te dignum 
videri potest. 

XIII: 35. Nihil a me arbitror praetermissum, sed aliquid 
ad extremam causae partem reservatum. Id autem ahquid 

15 est, te ut plane Deiotaro reconciliet oratio mea: non enim 
jam metuo, ne illi tu succenseas ; illud vereor, ne tibi ilium 
succensere aliquid suspicere. Quod abest longissime, mihi 
crede, Caesar : quid enim retineat per te, meminit, non quid 
amiserit; neque se a te multatum arbitratur; sed quum 

20 existimares multis tibi multa esse tribuenda, quominus a 
se, qui in altera parte fuisset, ea sumeres, non recusavit. 
30. Etenim si Antiochus magnus ille, rex Asiae, postea- 
quam a L. Scipione devictus Tauro tenus regnare jussus 
esset omnemque hanc Asiam, quae est nunc nostra pro- 

25 vincia, amisisset, dicere est solitus, benigne sibi a populo 
Romano esse factum, quod nimis magna procuratione libe- 
ratus modicis regni terminis uteretur, potest multo facilius 
sc Deiotarus consolari. Ille enim furoris multam sustulerat, 
hie erroris. Omnia tu Deiotaro, Caesar, tribuisti, quum et 

30 ipsi et filio nomen regium concessisti. Hoc nomine retentc 
atque servato nullum beneficium populi Romani, nullum 
j udicium de se senatus imminutum putat ; magno animo ei 
erecto est, nee unquam succumbet inimicis, ne fortunai 
quidem. 37. Multa se arbitratur et peperisse ante factis e 1 

35 habere in animo atque virtute, quae nullo modo possit amit- 
tere. Quae enim fortuna aut quis casus aut quae tanta pos- 
sit injuria omnium imperatorum de Deiotaro decreta delere? 
ab omnibus est enim iis ornatus, qui, posteaquam in castris 
esse potuit per aatatem, in Asia, Cappadocia, Ponto, Cilicia, 

JC Syria bella gesserunt. Senatus vero judicia de lllo tarn 
multa tarn que honorifica, quae publicis populi Romani Uteris 
monumentisque consignata sunt, quae unquam vetustas 
obruet aut qua3 tanta delebit oblivio ? Quid de virtute 
(jus dicam? de magnitudine animi, gravitate, conciantia? 



PrtO REGE DEIOTAUO, CAP. XIV, XV. 95 

qua* omnes docti atque sapientes summa, quidani etiani 
sola bona esse dixenmt, hisque non modo ad bene, sed 
etiani ad beate vivendum contentam esse virtutem. 38. 
Haec ille reputans, et dies noctesque cogitans, non modo 
tibi non succenset, (esset enim non solum ingratus, sed 5 
etiam. amens), verum omnem tranquillitatem et quietem 
senectutis acceptam refert clenientiae tuae. 

XIV. Quo quidem animo quum antea fuit, turn non 
dubito, quin tuis Uteris, quarum exemplum legi, quas ad 
eum Tarracone huic Blesamio dedisti, se magis etiam ere- 10 
xerit ab omnique sollicitudine abstraxerit. Jubes enim 
bene sperare et bono esse animo : quod scio te non frustra 
scribere solere ; memini enim iisdem fere verbis ad me te 
scribere meque tuis Uteris bene sperare non frustra esse 
jussum. 39. Laboro equidem regis Deiotari causa, quocum 15 
mihi amicitiam res publica conciliavit, hospitium voluntas 
utriusque conjunxit, familiaritatem consuetudo attulit, sum- 
ma tn vero necessitudinem magna ejus officia et in me et in 
exercitum meum effecerunt ; sed quum de illo laboro, turn 
de multis amplissimis viris, quibus semel ignotum a te esse 20 
oportet, nee beneficium tuum in dubium vocari, nee haerere 
in animis hominum sollicitudinem sempiternam nee accidere, 
ut quisquam te timere incipiat eorum, qui sint semel a te 
liberati timore. 40. Non debeo, C. Caesar, quod fieri solet 
in tamtis periculis, tentare, ecquonam modo dicendo miseri- 25 
eordiam tuam commovere possim. Nihil opus est ; occur- 
rere solet ipsa supplicibus et calamitosis, nullius oratione 
evocata. Propone tibi duos reges, et id animo contemplare, 
quod oculis non potes. Dabis profecto misericordiae, quod 
iracundiae denegavisti. Multa sunt tuae clementiae monu- 30 
tnenta, sed maxime eorum incolumitates, quibus salutem 
dedisti. Quas si in privatis gloriosa sunt, multo magis 
commemorabuntur in regibus. Semper regium nomen in 
hac civitate sanctum fuit ; sociorum vero regum et amico- 
rum sanctissimum. 35 

XY. 41. Quod nomen hi reges ne amitterent, te victore 
timuerunt ; retentum vero et a te confirmatum posteris etiam 
suis tradituros esse confido. Corpora sua pro salute regum 
suorum hi legati tibi regii tradunt, Hieras et Blesamius et 
Antigon.us, tibi nobisque omnibus jamdiu noti, eademque 40 
fide et virtute praeditus Dorylaus, qui nuper cum Hiera 
legatus est ad te missus, quum regum amicissimi, timi tibi 
etiam, ut spero, probati. 42. Exquire de Blesamio, num- 
quid ad regem contra dignitatem tuam scripserit. Hieras 



90 ORATIO PRO RKGE DEIOTARO. CAP. XV. 

quid^m causam omnem suscipit et criminibus illis pro rege 
se supponit reum ; memoriam tuam implorat, qua vales 
plurimum ; negat unquam se a te in Deiotari tetrarchia 
pedem discessisse ; in primis finibus tibi se prsesto fuisse 
5 dicit, usque ad ultimos prosecutum ; quum e balneo exisses, 
tecum se fuisse, quum ilia munera inspexisses coenatus, 
quum in cubiculo recubuisses ; eandemque assiduitatem tibi 
se proebuisse postridie. 43. Quamobrem si quid eorum, 
quae objecta sunt, cogitatum sit, non recusat, quin id suum 
10 facinus judices. Quocirca, C. Caesar, velim existimes, 
hodierno die sententiam tuam aut cum summo dedecore 
miserrimam pestem importaturam esse regibus, aut incolu- 
mem famam cum salute, quorum alterum optare illoram 
crudelitatis est, alterum conservare clementiae tu,*». 



PRO 

A LICIIIO ARCHIA 

POETA 

ORATIO. 



I. 1. Si quid est in me ingenii, judices, quod sentio 
quani sit exiguum, aut si qua exercitatio dicendi, in qua me 
non infitior mediocriter esse versatum, aut si hujusce rei 
ratio aliqua ab optimarum artium studiis ac disciplina pro- 
fecta, a qua ego nullum confiteor aetatis meae tempus b 
abhorruisse : earum rerum omnium vel in primis hie A. 
Licinius fructum a me repetere prope suo jure debet. Nam 
quoad longissime potest mens mea respicere spatium prae- 
teriti temporis et pueritiae memoriam recordari ultimam, 
inde usque repetens hunc video mihi principem et ad susci- 10 
piendam et ad ingrediendam rationem horum studiorum 
exstitisse. Quodsi lisec vox hujus liortatu prseceptisque 
conformata nonnullis aliquando saluti fuit ; a quo id acce- 
pimus, quo ceteris opitulari et alios servare possemus, huic 
profecto ipsi, quantum est situm in nobis, et opem et salu- 15 
tern ferre debemus. 2. Ac ne quis a nobis hoc ita dici 
forte iniretur, quod alia quae dam in hoc facultas sit ingenii 
neque haec dicendi ratio aut disciplina, ne nos quidem huic 
uni studio penitus unquam dediti fuimus. Etenim omnes 
artes, quae ad humanitatem pertinent, habent quoddam 20 
commune vinculum et quasi cognation e quadam inter se 
continentur. 

II. 3. Sed ne cui vestrum mirum esse videatur me in 
quaestione legitima et in judicio publico, quum res agatur 
apud praetorem populi Romani, rectissimum virum, et apud 20 
eeverissimos judices tanto conventu hominum ac frequentia, 

9 



08 OR ATI 

hoc uti genere dicendi, quod non modo a consuetudint 
judiciorum, verum etiam a forensi sermone abhorreat. 
quseso a vobis, ut in hac causa mini detis banc vcniam, 
accommodatam buic reo, vobis, quemadmodum spero, non 
5 molestam, ut me pro summo poeta atque eruditissimo 
bomine dicentem boc concursu bominum literatissimorum, 
hac vestra bumanitate, boc denique praetore exercente 
judicium, patiamini de studiis bumanitatis ac literarnm 
paulo loqui liberius et in ejusmodi persona, quae propter 

1 otium ac studium minime in judiciis periculisque tractata 
est, uti prope novo quodam et inusitato genere dicendi. 4. 
Quod si mibi a vobis tribui concedique sentiam, perficiam 
profecto, ut hunc A. Licinium non modo non segregandnm, 
quum sit civis, a numero civium, verum etiam, si non esset, 

1 5 putetis adsciscendum. 

III. Nam ut primum ex pueris excessit Arcbias atque ab 
iis artibus, quibus aetas pueribs ad bumanitatem informari 
solet, se ad scribendi studium contulit, primum Antiochiae 
(nam ibi natus est loco nobili), celebri quondam urbe et co- 

20 piosa atque eruditissimis bominibus liberalissimisque studiis 
affluenti, celeriter antecellere omnibus ingenii gloria contigit. 
Post in ceteris Asiae partibus cunctaque Graecia sic ejus ad- 
ventus celebrabantur, ut famam ingenii exspectatio bominis, 
exspectationem ipsius adventus admiratioque superaret. 5. 

25 Erat Itaba tunc plena Graecarum artium ac disciplinarum 
studiaque baac et in Latio vebementius turn colebantur quam 
nunc iisdem in oppidis, et bic Romae propter tranquilbtatem 
rei publicae non negligebantur. Itaque bunc et Tarentim 
et Rbegini et Neapolitani civitate ceterisque praemiis dona- 

30 runt; et omnes, qui aliquid de ingeniis poterant judicare, 
cognitione atque bospitio dignum existimarunt. Hac tanta 
celebritate fainae quum esset jam absentibus notus, Romam 
venit Mario consule et Catulo. Nactus est primum consu- 
les eos, quorum alter res ad scribendum maximas, alter 

35 quum res gestas, turn etiam studium atque aures adbibere 
posset. Statim Luculli, quum praetextatus etiam turn 
Arcbias esset, eum domum suam receperunt. f Sed etiam 
hoc non solum ingenii ac literarum, verum ctiam naturae 
atque virtutis, ut domus, quae bujus adolescentiae prima 

40 patuit, eadem esset familiarissima senectuti. 6. Erat tem- 
poralis illis jucundus Metello illi JSTumidico et ejus Pio 
fibo ; audiebatur a M. ^Emibo ; vivebat cum Q. Catulo et 
patre et filio; a L. Crasso colebatur; Lucullos vero et 
Prusum et Octavios cfc Catoncm et totam Hoi-tcnsiorum 



PRO A. LICINIO ARCTIIA, CAP. IV, v. 99 

domum devinctam consuetudine quum teneret, afficiebatur 
summo lionore, quod eum non solum colebant, qui aliquid 
percipere atque audire studebant, verum etiam, si qui forte 
simulabant. 

IV. Interim satis longo intervallo, quum esset cum L. 5 
Lucullo in Siciliam profectus et quum ex ea provincia cum 
eodem Luculio decederet, venit Heracliam. Quae quum 
esset ci vitas cequissimo jure ac fcedere, adscribi se in earn 
civitatem voluit : idque, quum ipse per se dignus putaretur, 
turn auctoritate et gratia Luculli ab Heracliensibus impe- 10 
travit. 7. Data est civitas Silvani lege et Carbonis, Si qui 

FCEDERATIS CIVITATIBUS ADSCRIPTI FUISSENT, SI TUM, QUUM 
LEX FEREBATUR, IN ITALIA DOMICILIUM HABUISSENT, ET, SI 
SEXAGINTA DIEBUS APUD PR^ETOREM ESSENT PROFESSI. 8. 

Quum hie domicilium R-omae multos jam annos haberet, 15 
professus est apud praetorem, Q. Metellum, familiarissimum 
suum. Si nihil aliud nisi de civitate ac lege dicimus, nihil 
dico amplius : causa dicta est. Quid enim horum infirmari, 
Grati, potest ? Heracliaene esse turn adscriptum negabis ? 
Adest vir summa auctoritate et religione et fide, L. Lucul- 20 
lus, qui se non opinari, sed scire, non audivisse, sed vidisse, 
non interfuisse, sed egisse dicit. Adsunt Heraclienses 
legati, nobilissimi homines : hujus judicii causa cum nian- 
datis et cum publico testimonio venerunt, qui hunc ad- 
scriptum Heracliensem dicunt. Hie tu tabulas desideras 25 
Heracliensium publicas, quas Italico bello incenso tabulario 
interisse scimus omnes. Est ridiculum ad ea, quae habemus, 
nihil dicere, quserere, quae habere non possumus, et de ' 
hominum memoria tacere, literarum memoriam flagitare ; 
et, quum habeas amplissimi viri religionem, integerrimi 30 
municipii jus jurandum fidemque, ea, quae depravari nullo 
modo possunt, repudiare, tabulas, quas idem dicis solere 
corrumpi, desiderare. 9. An domicilium [Romae] non ha- 
buit? qui tot annis ante civitatem datam sedem omnium 
rerum ac fortunarum suarum Ronjae collocavit ? An non 35 
est professus ? Immo vero iis tabulis professus, quae solae 
ex ilia professione collegioque praetorum obtinent publica- 
rum tabularum auctoritatem. 

V. Nam quum Appii tabulae negligentius asservatae 
dicerentur, Gabinii, quamdiu incolumis fuit, levitas, post 40 
damnationem calamitas, omnem tabularum fidem resignas- 
set, Metellus, homo sanctissimus modestissimusque omnium, 
tanta diligentia fuit, ut ad L. Lentulum praetorem et ad 
judiccs ve.nerit et unius nominis litnra se commotum esse 



100 RATIO 

dixerit. His igitur tabulis nullam lituram in nomine A. 
Licinii videtis. 10. Quae quum ita sint, quid est, quod de 
ejus civitate dubitetis, praesertim quum aliis quoque in 
civitatibus fuerit adscriptus? Etenim quum mediocribus 
5 multis et aut nulla aut humili aliqua arte praeditis gratuito 
civitatem in Graecia homines impertiebant, Rheginos credo 
aut Locrenses aut Neapolitanos aut Tarentinos, quod sceni- 
cis artificibus largiri solebant, id huic summa ingenii prae- 
dito gloria noluisse. Quid ? quum ceteri non modo post 

10 civitatem datam, sed etiam post legem Papiam aliquo modo 
in eorum municipiorum tabulas irrepserint, hie, qui ne 
utitur quidem illis, in quibus est scriptus, quod semper se 
Heracliensem esse voluit, rejicietur? 11. Census nostros 
requiris. Scilicet : est enim obscurum proximis censoribus 

1 5 hunc cum clarissimo imperatore, L. Lucullo, apud exercitum 
fuisse, superioribus cum eodem quaestore fuisse in Asia, 
primis, Julio et Grasso, nullam populi partem esse censam. 
Sed, quoniam census non jus civitatis confirmat ac tantum- 
modo indicat eum, qui sit census, ita se jam turn gessisse 

20 pro cive : iis temporibus, quern tu criminaris ne ipsius 
quidem judicio in civium Romanorum jure esse versatuin, 
et testamentum saepe fecit nostris legibus et adiit heredita- 
tes civium Romanorum et in benefices ad asrarium delatus 
est a L. Lucullo proconsule. 

25 VI. Quaere argumenta, si quae potes. ISunquam enim 
hie neque suo neque amicorum judicio revincetur. 

12. Quaeres a nobis, Grati, cur tantopere hoc homine 
delectemur. Quia suppeditat nobis, ubi et animus ex hoc 
forensi strepitu reficiatur et aures convicio defessae conqui- 

30 escant. An'tu existimas aut suppetere nobis posse, quod 
quotidie dicamus, in tanta varietate rerum, nisi animos 
nostros doctrina excolamus, aut ferre animos tantam posse 
contentionem, nisi eos doctrina eadem relaxemus ? Ego 
vero fateor me his studiis esse deditum. Ceteros pudeat, 

35 si qui se ita Uteris abdiderunt, ut nihil possint ex iis neque 
ad communem afferre fructum neque in adspectum lucem- 
que proferre. Me autem quid pudeat, qui tot annos ita 
vivo, judices, ut a nullius unquam me tempore aut com- 
modo aut otium meum abstraxerit aut voluptas avocarit 

40 aut denique somnus retardarit? 13. Quare quis tandem 
me reprehendat aut quis mihi jure succenseat, si, quantum 
ceteris ad suas res obeundas, quantum ad festos dies ludo- 
rum celebrandos, quantum ad alias voluptates et ad ipsani 
requiem animi et corooris conceditur temporum ; quantum 



PKO A. LICINIO AIICHIA, CAP, VII. 101 

alii tiibuunt tcmpestivis conviviis, quantum denique alveolo, 
quantum pilag, tantum mihi egomet ad hsec studia recolenda 
sumpsero ? Atque hoc adeo mihi concedendum est magis, 
quod ex his studiis haec quoque crescit oratio et facultas ; 
quae, quantacunque est in me, nunquam amicorum periculis 5 
defuit. Quae si cui levior videtur, ilia quidem certe, quae 
summa sunt, ex quo fonte hauriam, sentio. 14. Nam nisi 
multorum praeceptis multisque Uteris mihi ab adolescentia 
suasissem nihil esse in vita magnopere expetendum nisi 
laudem atque honestatem ; in ea autem persequenda omnes 10 
cruciatus corporis, omnia pericula mortis atque exsilia parvi 
esse ducenda, nunquam me pro salute vestra in tot ac 
tantas dimicationes atque in hos profligatorum hominum 
quotidianos impetus objecissem. Sed pleni sunt omnes 
libri, plenae sapientium voces, plena exemplorum vetustas ; 15 
quae jacerent in tenebris omnia, nisi literarum lumen acce- 
deret. Quam multas nobis imagines non solum ad intuen- 
dum, verum etiam ad imitandum fortissimorum virorum 
expressas scriptores et Graeci et Latini reliquerunt ? Quas 
ego mihi semper in administranda re publica proponens 20 
animum et mentem meam ipsa cogitatione hominum excel- 
lentium conformabam. 

VII. 15. Quaeret quispiam : Quid? illi ipsi summi viri, 
quorum virtutes Uteris proditae sunt, istane doctrina, quam 
tu effers laudibus, eruditi fuerunt ? Difficile est hoc de 25 
omnibus confirmare : sed tamen est certum, quid respon- 
deam. Ego multos homines excellenti animo ac virtute 
fuisse et sine doctrina naturae ipsius habitu prope divino 
per se ipsos et moderatos et graves exstitisse fateor : etiam 
illud adjungo, saepius ad laudem atque virtutem naturam 30 
sine doctrina quam sine natura valuisse doctrinam. Atque 
idem ego hoc contendo, quum ad naturam eximiam et 
illustrem accesserit ratio quaedam conformatioque doctrinae, 
turn illud nescio quid praeclarum ac singulare solere exsi- 
stere; 16. ex hoc esse hunc numero, quern patres nostri 35 
viderunt, divinum hominem, Africanum ; ex hoc C. Lselium, 
L. Furium, moderatissimos homines et continentissimos ; 
ex hoc fortissimum virum et illis temporibus doctissimum, 
Catonem ilium senem, qui profecto, si nihil ad percipiendam 
colendamque virtutem Uteris adjuvarentur, nunquam se ad 4C 
earum studium contulissent. Quod si non hie tantus fructus 
ostenderetur et si ex his studiis delcctatio sola peteretur, 
taraen, ut opinor, hanc animi f adversioneni humanissimam 
ac liberalissimam judicaretis. ISTam cetcroe neque temporum 



102 ORATIO 

sunt neque setatum omnium neque locorum ; at hsec soidia 
adolescentiam acuunt, senectutem oblectant, secundas res 
ornant, adversis perfugium ac solatium prsebent ; delectant 
domi, non impediunt foris, pernoctant nobiscum, peregri- 
5 nantur, rusticantur. 

17. Quod si ipsi heec neque attingere neque sensu nostro 
gustare possemus, tamen ea mirari deberemus, etiam quum 
in aliis videremus. 

VIII. Quis nostrum tarn animo agresti ac duro fuit, ut 
1 Roscii morte nuper non commoveretur ? qui quum esset 

senex mortuus, tamen propter excellentem artem ac venu- 
statem videbatur omnino mori non debuisse. Ergo ille 
corporis motu tantum amorem sibi conciliarat a nobis 
omnibus : bos animorum incredibiles motus celeritatemque 

15 ingeniorum negligemus ? 18. Quoties ego hunc Archiam 
vidi, judices, (utar enim vestra benignitate, quoniam me in 
hoc novo genere dicendi tarn diligenter attenditis,) quoties 
ego hunc vidi, quum literam scripsisset nullam, magnum 
numerum optimorum versuum de iis ipsis rebus, quae turn 

20 agerentur, dicere ex tempore ! quoties revocatum eandem 
rem dicere commutatis verbis atque sententiis ! Quae vero 
accurate cogitateque scripsisset, ea sic vidi probari, ut ad 
veterum scriptorum laudem pervenirent. Hunc ego non 
diligam? non admirer? non omni ratione defendendum 

25 putem ? Atque sic a summis hominibus eruditissimisque 
accepimus, ceterarum rerum studia et doctrina et prseceptis 
et arte constare, poetam natura ipsa valere et mentis viribus 
excitari et quasi divino quodam spiritu inflari. Quare suo 
jure noster ille Ennius sanctos appellat poetas, quod quasi 

30 deorum aliquo dono atque munere commendati nobis esse 
videantur. 19. Sit igitur, judices, sanctum apud vos, 
humanissimos homines, hoc poetse nomen, quod nulla un- 
quam barbaria violavit. Saxa et solitudines voci respon- 
dent ; bestise ssepe immanes cantu flectuntur atque consi- 

?5 stunt : nos instituti rebus optimis non poetarum voce mo- 
veamur ? Homerum Colophonii civem esse dicunt suum, 
Chii suum vindicant, Salaminii repetunt, Srnyrncei vero 
suum esse confirmant ; itaque etiam delubrum ejus in 
oppido dedicaverunt : permulti ahi pra3terea pugnant inter 

10 se atque contendunt. 

IX. Ergo illi alienum, quia poeta fuit, post mortem 
etiam expetunt : nos hunc vivum, qui et voluntate et legibus 
noster est, repudiabimus ? prsesertim quum omne ohm 
studium atque omne ingenium contulerit Archias ad populi 



PRO A. LICINIO ARCHIA, CAP. X. 103 

Romaiii gloriam laudemque celebrandam. Nam et Cim- 
bric^s res adolescens attigit et ipsi illi C. Mario, qui durior 
ad lisec studia videbatur, jucundus fuit. 20. Neque enim 
quisquam est tarn aversus a Musis, qui non mandari versibus 
aeternum suorum laborum facile praeconium patiatur. The- 5 
mistoclem ilium, summum Athenis virum, dixisse aiunt, 
quum ex eo quaereretur, " quod acroama aut cujus vocem 
libentissimc audiret : ejus, a quo sua virtus optime prcedi- 
caretur." Itaque ille Marius item eximie L. Plotium dilexit, 
cujus ingenio putabat ea, quae gesserat, posse celebrari. 1C 
21. Mitbridaticum vero bellum magnum atque difficile et 
in multa varietate- terra marique versatum totum ab hoc 
expressum est: qui libri non modo L. Lucullum, fortissimum 
et clarissimum virum, verum etiam populi Romani nomen 
illustrant. Populus enim Romanus aperuit Lucullo impe- 15 
rante Pontum et regiis quondam opibus et ipsa natura 
regionis vallatum : populi Romani exercitus eodem duce 
non maxima manu innumerabiles Armeniorum copias fudit : 
populi Romani laus est urbem amicissimam Cyzicenorum 
ejusdem consilio ex omni impetu regio atque totius belli ore 20 
ac faucibus ereptam esse atque servatam : nostra semper 
feretur et praedicabitur L. Lucullo dimicante cum interfectis 
ducibus depressa bostium classis et incredibilis apud Tene- 
dum pugna ilia navalis : nostra sunt tropaea, nostra nionu- 
menta, nostri triumpbi ; quae quorum ingeniis efferuntur, 25 
ab iis populi Romani fama celebratur. 22. Carus fuit 
Africano superiori noster Ennius ; itaque etiam in sepulchro 
Scipionum putatur is esse constitutus ex marmore. At iis 
laudibus certe non solum ipse, qui laudator, sed etiam 
populi Romani nomen ornatur. In coelum hujus proavus 30 
Cato tollitur : magnus honos populi Romani rebus adjun- 
gitur. Omnes denique illi Maximi, Marcelli, Fulvii non 
sine communi omnium nostrum laude decorantur. 

X. Ergo ilium, qui haec fecerat, Rudinum bominem, ma- 
jores nostri in civitatem receperunt : nos hunc Heracliensem 35 
multis civitatibus expetitum, in bac autem legibus constitu- 
tum de nostra civitate ejiciemus ? 

23. Nam si quis minorem gloriae fructum putat ex Grse- 
cis versibus percipi quam ex Latinis, vebementer errat, 
propterea, quod Groeca leguntur in omnibus fere gentibus, 40 
Latina suis finibus, exiguis sane, continentur. Quare si res 
eae, quas gessimus, orbis terrae regionibus definiuntur, cu- 
pere debemus, quo manuum nostrarum tela pervenerint, 
codem gloriam famamque penetrare ; quod quum ipsis 



104 ORATIO 

populis, do quorum rebus scribitur, hsec arnpla sunt, tuna 
iis certe, qui de vita glorise causa dimicant, hoc maximum 
et periculorum incitamentum est et laborum. 24. Quam 
multos scriptores rerum suarum magnus ille Alexander 
5 secum habuisse dicitur ! Atque is tamen, quum in Sigeo 
ad Achillis tumulum adstitisset, fortunate, inquit, ado- 
lescens, qui tuce virtutis Bbmerum prceconem inveneris ! Et 
vere: nam, nisi Ilias ilia exstitisset, idem tumulus, qui 
corpus ejus contexerat, nomen etiam obruisset. Quid ? 

L0 noster hie Magnus, qui cum virtute fortunam adaequavit, 
nonne Theophanem Mitylenaeum, scriptorem rerum suarum, 
in concione militum civitate donavit ; et nostri illi fortes 
viri, sed rustici ac milites, dulcedine quadam gloriae com- 
moti, quasi participes ejusdem laudis, magno illud clamore 

15 approbaverunt ? 25. Itaque, credo, si civis Romanus Ar- 
chias legibus non esset, ut ab aliquo imperatore civitate 
donaretur, perficere non potuit. Sulla, quum Hispanos 
donaret et G-allos, credo, hunc petentem repudiasset ; quern 
nos in concione vidimus, quum ei libellum malus poeta de 

20 populo subjecisset, quod epigramma in eum fecisset tan- 
tummodo alternis versibus longiusculis, statim ex iis rebus, 
quas tunc vendebat, jubere ei praemium tribui, sed ea con- 
ditione, ne quid postea scriberet. Qui sedulitatem mah 
poetse duxerit aliquo tamen prsemio dignam, hujus ingenium 

25 et virtutem in scribendo et copiam non expetisset ? 26. 
Quid ? a Q. Metello Pio, familiarissimo suo, qui civitate 
multos donavit, neque per se neque per Lucullos impetra- 
visset ? qui prassertim usque eo de suis rebus scribi cuperet. 
ut etiam Cordubas natis poetis pingue quiddam sonantibus 

30 atque peregrinum tamen aures suas dederet. 

XI. Neque enim est hoc dissimulandum, quod obscurari 
non potest, sed prse nobis ferendum : trahimur omnes studio 
laudis et optimus quisque maxime gloria ducitur. Ipsi illi 
philosophi etiam in iis libellis, quos de contemnenda gloria 

oft scribunt, nomen suum inscribunt : in eo ipso, in quo praedi- 
cationem nobilitatemque despiciunt, praedicari de se ac 
nominari volunt. 27. Decimus quidem Brutus, summus 
vir et imperator, Accii, amicissimi sui, carminibus templo- 
rum ac monumentorum aditus exornavit suorum. Jam vero 

i0 ille, qui cum iEtolis Ennio comite bellavit Fulvius non 
dubitavit Martis manubias Musis consecrare. Quare, in 
qua urbe imperatores prope armati poetarum nomen et 
Musarum delubra coluerunt, in ea non debent togati judices 
a Musarum honore et a poetarum salute abliorreie. 



PRO A. LICINIO ARCHIA, CAP. XII. 105 

28. Atque, ut id libentius faciatis, jam me vobis, judices, 
mdicabo et de meo quodam amore gloriae nimis acri for- 
tasse, verumtamen honesto vobis confitebor. Nam, quas 
res nos in consulatu nostro vobiscum simul pro salute hujus 
urbis atque imperii et pro vita civium proque universa re 5 
publica gessimus, attigit hie versibus atque inchoavit ; qui- 
bus auditis, quod mihi magna re| et jucunda visa est, hunc 
ad perficiendum adjuvi. Nullam enim virtus aliam merce- 
dem laborum periculorumque desiderat prseter banc laudis 
et gloriae ; qua quidem detracta, judices, quid est, quod in 10 
hoc tarn exiguo vitae curriculo et tarn brevi tantis nos in 
laboribus exerceamus ? 29. Certe, si nihil animus praesen- 
tiret in posterum et si, quibus regionibus vitae spatium cir- 
cumscriptum est, eisdem omnes cogitationes terminaret 
suas nee tantis se laboribus frangeret neque tot curis vigili- 15 
isque angeretur nee toties de ipsa vita dimicaret. Nunc 
insidet quaedarn in optimo quoque virtus, quae noctes ac 
dies animum gloriae stimulis concitat atque admonet non 
cum vitae tempore esse f dimittendam commemorationem 
nominis nostri, sed cum omni posteritate adsequandam. 20 

XII. 30. An vero tarn parvi animi videamur esse omnes, 
qui in re publica atque in his vitae periculis laboribusque 
versamur, ut, quum usque ad extremum spatium nullum 
tranquillum atque otiosum spiritum duxerimus, nobiscum 
simul moritura omnia arbitremur ? An statuas et imagines, 25 
non animorum simulacra, sed corporum, studiose multi 
summi homines reliquerunt, consiliorum relinquere ac virtu- 
tum nostrarum effigiem nonne multo malle debemus summis 
ingeniis expressam et politam ? Ego vero omnia, quae 
gerebam, jam turn in gerendo spargere me ac disseminare 30 
arbitrabar in orbis terrse memoriam sempiternam. Haec 
[vero] sive a meo sensu post mortem afutura est sive, ut 
sapientissimi homines putaverunt, ad aliquam animi mei 
partem pertinebit, nunc quidem certe cogitatione quadam 
speque delector. 35 

31. Quare conservate, judices, hominem pudore eo, quern 
amicorum videtis comprobari quum dignitate, turn etiam 
vetustate, ingenio autem tanto, quantum id convenit existi- 
mari, quod summorum hominum ingeniis expetitum esse 
videatis; causa vero ejusmodi, quae beneficio legis, auctori- 40 
tate municipii, testimonio Luculli, tabulis Metelli compro- 
betur. Quae quum ita sint, petimus a vobis, judices, si qua 
non modo humana, verum etiam divina in tantis ingeniis 
commendatio debet esse, ut eum, qui vos, qui vestros impe- 



10G ORATIO TRO A. LICINIO ARCHIA, CAP. XII. 

ratores, qui populi Roniani res gestas semper ornavit ; qui 
etiam his recentibus nostris vestrisque domesticis periculis 
aeternum se testimonium laudis daturum esse profitetur ; f 
isque est eo numero, qui semper apud omnes sancti sunt 
5 habiti itaque dicti, sic in vestram accipiatis fidem, ut huma- 
nitate vestra levatus potius quam acerbitate violatus esse 
videatur. 32. Quae de causa pro mea consuetudine brevi- 
ter simpliciterque dixi, judices, ea confido probata esse 
omnibus : quae non fori neque judiciali consuetudine et de 
1 hominis ingenio et communiter de ipsius studio locutus sum, 
ea, judices, a vobis spero esse in bonam partem accepta ,' 
ab eo, qui judicium exercet, certe scio. 



O R A T 1 

PRO T. ANIIO MILOM. 



1. 1. Exsi vereor, judices, ne turpe sit, pro fortissimo 
viro dicere incipicntem timere, rainimeque deceat, quum T. 
Annius ipse magis de rei publicaa salute quam de sua per- 
turbetur, me ad ejus causam parem animi magnitudinem 
afFerre non posse, tamen lisec novi judicii nova forma terret 5 
oculos, qui, quocunque inciderunt, consuetudinem fori et 
pristinum morem judiciorum requirunt, Non enim corona 
consessus vester cinctus est, ut solebat; 2. non usitata 
frequentia stipati sumus ; nee ilia prcesidia, quos pro templis 
omnibus cernitis, etsi contra vim collocata sunt, non affe- 10 
runt tamen oratori aliquid, ut in foro et in judicio, quam- 
quam prEesidiis salutaribus et necessariis saepti sumus, tamen 
ne non timere quidem sine aliquo timore possimus. Quae 
si opposita Miloni putarem, cederem tempori, judices, nee 
inter tantam vim armorum existimarem esse orationi locum. 15 
Sed me recreat et reficit Cn. Pompeii, sapientissimi et ju- 
stissimi viri, consilium, qui profecto nee justitiae suaa putaret 
esse, quern reum sententiis judicum tradidisset, eundem 
telis militum dedere, nee sapientiae, temeritatem concitatae 
multitudinis auctoritate publica armare. 3. Quamobrem 20 
ilia arma, centuriones, cohortes non periculum nobis, sed 
presidium denuntiant, neque solum, ut quieto, sed etiam, 
ut magno animo simus, hortantur, neque auxilium modo 
defensioni meas, verum etiam silentium pollicentur. Reli- 
qua vero multitudo, quaa quidem est civium, tota nostra 25 
est, neque eorum quisquam, quos undique intuentes, undo 
aliqua fori pars adspici potest, et hujus exitum judicii 
exspectantes videtis, non quum virtuti Milonis fa vet, turn 
de se, de liberis suis, de patria, de fortunis hodierno die de- 
certari putat, 30 



V08 ORATIO 

II. Unum genus est adversum infestumque nobis eoruin, 
quos P. Clodii furor rapinis et incendiis et omnibus exitiis 
publicis pavit ; qui hesterna etiam concione incitati sunt, ut 
vobis voce praeirent, quid judicaretis. Quorum clamor, si 
5 qui forte fuerit, admonere vos debebit, ut eum civem reti- 
neatis, qui semper genus illud bominum clamoresque niaxi- 
mos pro vestra salute neglexit. 4. Quamobrem adeste 
animis, judices, et timorem, si quern babetis, deponite. 
Nam, si unquam de bonis et fortibus viris, si unquam de 

1 bene meritis civibus potestas vobis judicandi fuit, si denique 
unquam locus amplissimorum ordinum delectis viris datus 
est, ut sua studia erga fortes et bonos cives, quae vultu et 
verbis saepe significassent, re et sententiis declararent, hoc 
profecto tempore earn potestatem omnem vos habetis, ut 

15 statuatis, utrum nos, qui semper vestrse auctoritati dediti 
fuimus, semper miseri kigeamus, an, diu vexati a perditissi- 
mis civibus, aliquando per vos ac per vestram fidem, virtu- 
tern sapientiamque recreemur. 5. Quid enim nobis duobus, 
judices, laboriosius, quid magis sollicitum, magis exercitum 

20 dici aut fingi potest, qui, spe amplissimorum prsemiorum ad 
rem publicam adducti, metu crudelissimorum suppliciorum 
carere non possumus ? Equidem ceteras tempestates et 
procellas in illis dumtaxat fluctibus concionum semper 
putavi Miloni esse subeundas, quia semper pro bonis contra 

25 improbos senserat ; in judicio vero et in eo consilio, in quo 
ex cunctis ordinibus amplissimi viri judicarent, nunquam 
existimavi spem ullam esse habituros Milonis inimicos ad 
ejus non modo salutem exstinguendam, sed etiam gloriam 
per tales viros infringendam. 6. Quamquam in bac causa, 

30 judices, T. Annii tribunatu rebusque omnibus pro salute 
rei publicse gestis ad hujus criminis defensionem non abu- 
temur. Nisi oculis videritis insidias Miloni a Clodio factas, 
nee deprecaturi sumus, ut crimen boc nobis propter multa 
prseclara in rem publicam merita condonetis, nee postulaturi, 

35 ut, si mors P. Clodii salus vestra fuerit, idcirco earn virtuti 
Milonis potius quam populi Romani felicitati assignetis. 
Sin illius insidias clariores bac luce fuerint, turn denique 
obsecrabo obtestaborque vos, judices, si cetera amisimus, 
hoc saltern nobis ut relinquatur, vitam ab inimicorum au- 

40 daoia telisque ut impune liceat defendere. 

III. 7. Sed antequam ad earn orationem venio, quce est 
propria vestras quaestionis, videntur ea esse refutanda, quce 
et in senatu ab inimicis saepe j aetata sunt et in concione 
ab improbis et paulo ante ab accusatoribus, ut, omni errore 



TKO T. ANNIO MILONE, CAP. IV. 109 

8ublato, rem plane, qure veniat in judicium, videre possitis. 
Negant intueri lucem esse fas ei, qui a se hominem occisum 
esse fateatur. In qua tandem urbe hoc homines stultissimi 
disputant ? Nempe in ea, quse primum judicium de capite 
vidit M. Horatii, fortissimi viri, qui, nondum libera civitate. 5 
tamen populi Romani comitiis liberatus est, quum sua manu 
sororem esse interfectam fateretur. 8. An est quisquam, 
qui hoc ignoret, quum de homine occiso quasratur, aut ne- 
gari solere omnino esse factum, aut recte et jure factum 
esse defendi? Nisi vero existimatis, dementem P. Afri- 10 
canum fuisse, qui, quum a C. Carbone, tribuno plebis, 
seditiose in concione interrogaretur, quid de Ti. Gracchi 
morte sentiret, respondent, jure csesum vkleri. Neque 
enim posset aut Ahala ille Servilius aut P. Nasica aut L. 
Opimius aut C. Marius aut, me consule, senatus non nefarius 15 
haberi, si sceleratos cives interfici nefas esset. Itaque hoc, 
judices, non sine causa etiam fictis fabulis doctissimi homines 
memorise prodiderunt, eum, qui patris ulciscendi causa ma- 
trem necavisset, variatis hominum sententiis, non solum 
divina, sed etiam sapientissimEe deae sententia liberatum. 20 
9. Quod si duodecim tabulse nocturnum furem quoquo 
modo, diurnum autem, si se telo defenderet, interfici impune 
voluerunt, quis est, qui, quoquo modo quis interfectus sit, 
puniendum putet, quum videat aliquando gladium nobis ad 
hominem occidendum ab ipsis porrigi legibus ? 25 

IV. Atqui si tempus est ullum jure hominis necandi, 
luce multa sunt, certe illud est non modo justum, verum 
etiam necessarium, quum vi vis illata defenditur. Pudicitiam 
quum eriperet militi tribunus militaris in exercitu C. Marii, 
propinquus ejus imperatoris, interfectus ab eo est, cui vim 30 
afferebat. Facere enim probus adolescens periculose quam 
perpeti turpiter maluit. Atque hunc ille summus vir, scelere 
solutum, periculo liberavit. 10. Insidiatori vero et latroni 
quae potest inferri injusta nex ? Quid comitafus nostri, 
quid gladii volunt ? quos habere certe non liceret, si uti illis 35 
nullo pacto liceret. Est igitur hsec, judices, non scripta, 
sed nata lex, quam non didicimus, accepimus, legimus, 
verum ex natura ipsa arripuimus, hausimus, expressimus, 
ad quam non docti, sed facti, non instituti, sed imbuti 
sumus, ut, si vita nostra in aliquas insidias, si in vim et in 44 
tela aut latronum aut inimicorum incidisset, omnis honests- 
ratio esset expediendee salutis. Silent enim leges intei 
arma nee se exspectari jubent, quum ei, qui exspectarc 
velit, ante injusta poena luenda sit quam justa repetenda. 



110 O RATIO 

11. Etsi persapicntcr ct quodammodo tacite dat ipsa lex 
potestatem defendendi, quas non hominem occidi, sed esse 
cum telo liominis occidendi causa vetat, ut, quum causa, 
non telum quasreretur, qui sui defendendi causa telo esset 
5 usus, non liominis occidendi causa habuisse telum judicare- 
tur. Quapropter hoc maneat in causa, judices ; non enim 
dubito, quin probaturus sim vobis defensionem meam, si id 
memineritis, quod oblivisci non potestis, insidiatorem inter- 
iici jure posse. 

10 V. 12. Sequitur illud, quod a Milonis inimicis saepissime 
dicitur, caedem, in qua P. Clodius occisus est, senatum 
judicasse, contra rem publicam esse factam. Illam vero 
senatus non sententiis suis solum, sed etiam studiis compro- 
bavit. Quoties enim est ilia causa a nobis acta in senatu ? 

15 quibus assensionibus universi ordinis ? quam nee tacitis nee 
occultis? Quando enim frequentissimo senatu quattuor 
aut summum quinque sunt inventi, qui Milonis causam non 
probarent ? Declarant hujus ambusti tribuni plebis ilia? 
intermortuse conciones, quibus quotidie meam potentiam 

20 invidiose criminabatur, quum diceret, senatum non quod 
sentiret, sed quod ego vellem, decernere. Quae quidem si 
potentia est appellanda potius quam aut propter magna in 
rem publicam merita mediocris in bonis causis auctoritas 
aut propter hos omciosos labores meos nonnulla apud bonos 

25 gratia, appelletur ita sane, dummodo ea nos utamur pro 
salute bonorum contra amentiam perditorum. 13. Hanc 
vero quaestionem, etsi non est iniqua, nunquam tamen sena- 
tus constituendam putavit. Erant enim leges, erant quae- 
stiones, vel de caede vel de vi ; nee tantum maerorem ac 

30 luctum senatui mors P. Clodii afferebat, ut nova quaestio 
constitueretur. Cujus enim de illo incesto stupro judicium 
decernendi senatui potestas esset erepta, de ejus interim, 
quis potes^ credere, senatum judicium novum constituendum 
putasse? Cur igitur incendium curiae, oppugnationem 

35 sedium M. Lepidi, caedem banc ipsam contra rem publicam 
senatus factam esse decrevit ? Quia nulla vis unquam est 
m libera civitate suscepta inter cives non contra rem publi- 
cam. 14. Non enim est ilia defensio contra vim unquam 
optanda, sed nonnunquam est necessaria. Nisi vero aut 

40 ille dies, quo Ti. Gracchus est ceesus, aut ille, quo Caius, 
aut arma Saturnini non, etiamsi c re publica oppressa sunt, 
rem publicam tamen vulnerarimt. 

VI. Itaque ego ipse decrevi, qumn casdem in Appia 
factam esse constaret, non eum, qui se defendisset, contra 



Pi-0 T. ANNIO MILONE, CAP. VII. Ill 

rem publicam fecisse ; sed, quum inessent in re vis et insi- 
dise, crimen judicio reservavi, rem notavi. Quod si per 
furiosum ilium tribunum senatui, quod sentiebat, perfieere 
licuisset, novam qusestionem nullam liaberemus. Decerne- 
bat enim, ut veteribus legibus, tantummodo extra ordinem, 5 
qusereretur. Divisa sententia est, postulante nescio quo ; 
nihil enim necesse est omnium me flagitia proferre. Sic 
reliqua auctoritas senatus empta intercessione sublata est. 

15. At enim Cn. Pompeiusrogationesuaet de re etde causa 
judicavit ; tulit enim de csede, qua? in Appia via facta esset, 1C 
in qua P. Clodius occisus esset. Quid ergo tulit ? Nempe 
ut qusereretur. Quid porro quaerendum est ? Factumne 
sit ? At constat. A quo ? At paret. Vidit igitur, etiam 
in confessione facti juris tamen defensionem suscipi posse. 
Quod nisi vidisset, posse absolvi eum, qui fateretur, quum 15 
videret nos fateri, neque quseri unquam jussisset nee vobis 
fcam hanc salutarem in judicando literam quam illam tristem 
dedisset. Mihi vero Cn. Pompeius non inodo nihil gravius 
contra Milonem judicasse, sed etiam statuisse videtur, quid 
vos in judicando spectare oporteret. Nam qui non pcenam 20 
confessioni, sed defensionem dedit, is causam interitus quae- 
rendam, non interitum putavit. 16. Jam illud ipse dicet 
profecto, quod sua sponte fecit, Publione Clodio tribuendum 
putarit an tempori. 

VII, Domi suae nobilissimus vir, senatus propugnator 25 
atque illis quidem temporibus pasne patronus, avunculus 
hujus judicis nostri, fortissimi viri, M. Catonis, tribunus 
plebis M. Drusus occisus est. Nihil de ejus morte populus 
consultus, nulla quaestio decreta a senatu est. Quantum 
luctum in hac urbe fuisse a nostris patribus accepimus, 30 
quum P. Africano, domi suse quiescenti, ilia nocturna vis 
esset illata ? quis turn non gemuit ? quis non arsit dolore, 
quern immortalem, si fieri posset, omnes esse cuperent, ejus 
ne necessariam quidem exspectatam esse mortem? Num 
igitur ulla quaestio de Africani morte lata est? Certe 85 
nulla. 17. Quidita? Quia non alio facinore clari homines, 
alio obscuri necantur. Intersit inter vitaa dignitatem sum- 
morum atque infimorum ; mors quidem illata per scelus 
iisdem et poenis teneatur et legibus. Nisi forte magis erit 
parricida, si qui consularem patrem, quam si quis humilem 40 
necaverit, aut eo mors atrocior erit P. Clodii, quod is in 
monumentis majorum suorum sit interfectus. Hoc enim 
ah istis ssepe dicitur; proinde quasi Appius ille CaBCUS 
viam mimiverit; non qua populus uteretur, sed ubi impune 



112 ORATIO 

sui posteri latrocinarentur. 18. Itaque in eadeni ista Appia 
via quum ornatissimum equitem Romanum P. Clodius M. 
Papirium occidisset, non fuit illud facinus puniendum ; 
homo enira nobilis in suis monumentis equitem Romamim 
5 occiderat ; nunc ejusdem Appiae nomen quantas tragcedias 
excitat! Quae cruentata antea caede honesti atque inno- 
centis viri silebatur, eadem nunc crebro usurpatur, postea- 
quam latronis et parricides sanguine imbuta est. Sed quid 
ego iila commemoro ? Comprehensus est in templo Castoris 

10 servus P. Clodii, quern ille ad Cn. Pompeium interficiendum 
collocarat ; extorta est confitenti sica de manibus ; caruit 
foro postea Pompeius, caruit senatu, caruit publico ; janua 
se ac parietibus, non jure legum judiciorumque texit. 19. 
Warn quae rogatio lata, num quae nova quaestio decreta est * 

15 Atqui, si res, si vir, si tempus ullum dignum fuit, certe haee 
in ilia causa summa omnia fuerunt. Insidiator erat in foro 
collocatus atque in vestibulo ipso senatus; ei viro autem 
mors parabatur, cujus in vita nitebatur salus civitatis ; eo 
porro rei publicae tempore, quo, si unus ille occidisset, non 

20 liaec solum ci vitas, sed gentes omnes concidissent. Nisi 
vero, quia perfecta res non est, non fuit punienda ; proinde 
quasi exitus rerum, non hominum consilia legibus vindicen- 
tur. Minus dolendum fuit, re non perfecta, sed puniendum 
certe nihilo minus. 20. Quoties ego ipse, judices, ex P. 

25 Clodii telis et ex cruentis ejus manibus effugi ? ex quibus 
si me non vel mea vei rei publicae fortuna servasset, quis 
tandem de interitu meo qusestionem tulisset ? 

VIII. Sed stulti sumus, qui Drusum, qui Africanum, 
Pompeium, nosmet ipsos cum P. Clodio conferre audeamus. 

DO Tolerabilia fuerunt ilia ; P. Clodii mortem nemo aequo 
animo ferre potest. Luget senatus, maeret equester ordo, 
tota civitas confecta senio est, squalent municipia, afflictan- 
tur colonioe, agri denique ipsi tarn beneficum, tarn salutarem, 
tarn mansuetum civem desiderant. 21. Non fuit ea causa, 

35 judices, profecto, non fuit, cur sibi censeret Pompeius quae- 
stionem ferendam ; sed homo sapiens atque alta et divina 
quadam mente prseditus multa vidit ; fuisse ilium sibi ini- 
micum, familiarem Milonem ; in communi omnium laetitia si 
etiam ipse gauderet, timuit, ne videretur infirmior fides re- 

40 conciliates gratiee ; multa etiam alia vidit, sed illud maxime, 
}\iamvis atrociter ipse tulisset, vos tamen fortiter judicatu- 
ros. Itaque delegit e florentissimis ordinibus ipsa lumina. 
Neque vero, quod nonnulli dictitant, secrevit in judicibua 
legendis amicos meos. Neque enim hoc cogitavit vir justis- 



VliO T. ANNIO MILONE, CAP. IX. US 

Sinus, neque in bonis viris legendis id assequi potuisset, 
etiamsi cupisset. Non enim mea gratia familiaritatibus 
continetur, quae late patere non possunt, propterea quod 
consuetudines victus non possunt esse cum multis ; sed, si 
quid possumus, ex eo possumus, quod res publica nos con- 5 
junxit cum bonis ; ex quibus ille quum optimos viros lege- 
ret, idque maxime ad fideni suam pertinere arbitraretur, non 
potuit legere non studiosos mei. 22. Quod vero te ? L. 
Domiti, huic quacstioni prseesse maxime voluit, nihil qiue- 
sivit aliud, nisi justitiam, gravitatem, humanitatem, fidem. 1 B 
Tulit, ut consularem necesse esset ; credo, quod principum 
munus esse ducebat resistere et levitati multitudinis et per- 
ditorum temeritati. Ex consularibus te creavit potissimum. 
Dederas enim, quam contemneres populares insanias, jam 
ab adolescentia documenta maxima. 15 

IX. 23. Quamobrem, judices, ut aliquando ad causam 
crimenque veniamus, si neque omnis confessio facti est 
inusitata, neque de causa nostra quidquam aliter, ac nos 
vellemus, a senatu judicatum est, et lator ipse legis, quum 
esset controversia nulla facti, juris tamen disceptationem 20 
esse voluit, et f electi judices isque propositus qusestioni, 
qui hcec juste sapienterque disceptet, reliquum est, judices, 
ut nihil jam quserere aliud debeatis, nisi, uter utri insidias 
fecerit. Quod quo facilius argumentis perspicere possitis, 
rem gestam vobis dum breviter expono, quaaso, diligenter 25 
attendite. 24. P. Clodius quum statuisset omni scelere in 
praetura vexare rem publicam, videretque ita tracta esse 
comitia anno superiore, ut non multos menses prceturam 
gerere posset, qui non honoris gradum spectaret, ut ceteri, 
sed et L. Paullum collegam efFugere vellet, singulari virtute 30 
civem, et annum integrum ad dilacerandam rem publicam 
qusereret, subito reliquit annum suum seseque in proximum 
annum transtulit, non, ut fit, religione aliqua, sed ut habere t, 
quod ipse dicebat, ad praeturam gerendam, hoc est, ad 
evertendam rem publicam, plenum annum atque integrum. 35 
25. Occurrebat ei, mancam ac debilem prceturam suam 
futuram, consule Milone ; eum porro summo consensu po- 
puli Romani consulem fieri videbat. Contulit se ad ejus 
competitores, sed ita, totam ut petitione.m ipse solus, etiam 
invitis illis, gubernaret ; tota ut comitia suis, ut dictitabat, 4 (j 
bumeris sustineret. Convocabat tribus ; se interponebat ; 
Collinam novam delectu perditissimorum civium conscribe- 
6at. Quanto ille plura miscebat, tanto hie magis in dies 
convalescebat. Ubi vidit homo ad omne facinus paratissi- 



l]4 O RATIO 

mus, fortissimum virum, inimicissimum suum, certissiniuin 
consulem, idque inteliexit non solum sermonibus, sed etiaui 
suffragiis populi Romani ssepe esse declaratiim, palam agere 
coepit et aperte dicere, occidendum Milonern. 26. Servos 
5 agrestes et barbaros, quibus silvas puhlicas depopulates 
erat Etruriamque vexarat, ex Apennino deduxerat, quos 
videbatis. Res erat minime obscura. Etenim dictitabat 
palam, consulatum eripi Miloni non posse, vitam posse. 
Significavit hoc saspe in senatu ; dixit in concione ; quin 

10 etiam M. Favonio, fortissimo viro, quoerenti ex eo, qua spe 
fureret, Milone vivo, respondit, triduo ilium aut summum 
quatriduo esse periturum ; quam vocem ejus ad liunc M. 
Catonem statim Favonius detulit. 

X. 27. Interim, quum sciret Clodius (neque enim erat 

15 difficile scire), iter sollemne, legitimum, necessarium, ante 
diem XIII. Kalendas Feb. Miloni esse Lanuvium ad flami- 
nem prodendum, quod erat dictator Lanuvii Milo, Roma 
subito ipse profectus pridie est, ut ante suum fundum (quod 
re intellectum est) Miloni insidias collocaret. Atque ita 

20 profectus est, ut concionem turbulentam, in qua ejus furor 
desideratus est, quae illo ipso die habita est, relinqueret, 
quam, nisi obire facinoris locum tempusque voluisset, nun- 
quam reliquisset. 28. Milo autem quum in senatu fuisset 
eo die, quoad senatus est dimissus, domum venit ; calceos 

25 et vestimenta mutavit ; paulisper, dum se uxor (ut fit) 
comparat, commoratus est, deinde profectus id tempcris, 
quum jam Clodius, si quidem eo die Romam venturus erat, 
redire potuisset. Obviam fit ei Clodius, expeditus, in equo, 
nulla rheda, nullis impedimentis, nullis Greeds comitibus, 

30 ut solebat, sine uxore, quod nunquam fere, quum hie insi- 
diator, qui iter illud ad csedem faciendam apparasset, cum 
uxore veheretur in rheda, paanulatus, magno et impedito 
et muliebri ac delicato ancillarum puerorumque comitatu. 
29. Fit obviam Clodio ante fundum ejus hora fere unde- 

35 cima aut non multo secus. Statim complures cum telis in 
hunc faciunt de loco superiore impetum ; adversi rhedarium 
occidunt; quum^autem hie de rheda, rejecta pcenula, desi- 
luisset seque acri animo defenderet, illi, qui erant cum 
Clodio, gladiis eductis, partim recurrere ad rhedam, ut a 

40 tergo Milonern adorirentur, partim, quod hunc jam inter- 
fectum putarent, credere incipiunt ejus servos, qui post 
erant, ex quibus qui animo fideli in dominum et pracsenti 
fuerunt, partim occisi sunt, partim, quum ad rhedam pu- 
gnari vidcrent, domino succurrore prohiberentur, Mhcnem 



PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, CAP. XI, XII. 115 

occisum ox ipso Clodio audirent et re vera putarent, fece- ■ 
runt id servi Milonis (dicam enim aperte non derivandi 
criminis causa, sed ut factum est), nee imperante nee sciente 
nee prsesente domino, quod suos quisque servos in tali re 
facere voluisset. 5 

XL 30. Hsec, sicut expouui, ita gesta sunt, judices ; insi- 
diator superatus est ; vi victa vis vel potius oppressa virtute 
audacia est. Nihil dico, quid res publica consecuta sit, 
nihil, quid vos, nihil, quid omnes boni. Nihil sane id prosit 
Miloni qui hoc fato natus est, ut ne se quidem servare 10 
potuerit, quin una rem publicam vosque servaret. Si id 
jure fieri non potuit, nihil habeo, quod defendam. Sin hoc 
et ratio doctis et necessitas barbaris et mos gentibus et feris 
etiam belluis natura ipsa prsescripsit, ut omnem semper 
vim, quacunque ope possent, a corpore, a capite, a vita sua 15 
propulsarent, non potestis hoc facinus improbum judicare, 
quin simul judicetis, omnibus, qui in latrones inciderint, aut 
illorum telis aut vestris sententiis esse pereundum. 31. 
Quod si ita putasset, certe optabilius Miloni fuit dare 
jugulum P. Clodio, non semel ab illo neque turn primum 20 
petitum, quam jugulari a vobis, quia se non jugulandum 
illi tradidisset. Sin hoc nemo vestrum ita sentifc, illud jam 
in judicium venit, non, occisusne sit, quod fatemur, sed 
jure an injuria, quod multis in causis soepe quassitum est. 
Insidias factas esse constat, et id est, quod senatus contra 25 
rem publicam factum judicavit ; ab utro factee sint, incertum 
est. De hoc igitur latum est ut qusereretur. Ita et senatus 
rem, non hominem, notavit, et Pompeius de jure, non de 
facto, qusestionem tulit. 

XII. Numquid igitur aliud in judicium venit, nisi, uter DO 
utri insidias fecerit ? Profecto nihil ; si hie illi, ut ne sit 
impune ; si ille huic, turn nos scelere solvamur. 

32. Quonam igitur pacto probari potest, insidias Miloni 
fecisse Clodium ? Satis est in ilia quidem tarn audaci, tarn 
nefaria bellua docere, magnam ei causam, magnam spem in 3£ 
Milonis morte propositam, magnas utilitates fuisse. Itaque 
illud Cassianum, cui bono fuerit, in his personis valeat ; 
etsi boni nullo emolumento impelluntur in fraudem, improbi 
saspe parvo. Atqui, Milone interfecto, Clodius hoc asse- 
quebatur, non modo ut praetor esset non eo consule, quo 40 
sceleris facere nihil posset, sed etiam, ut iis consulibus 
praetor esset, quibus si non adjuvantibus, at conniventibus 
certe, speraret, se posse eludere in illis suis cogitatis furori- 
bus ; cujus illi conatus, ut ipse ratiocinabatur, nee cuperent 



116 ORATIO 

reprimere, si possent, quum tantum beneficium ei se debere 
arbitrarentur, et, si vellent, fortasse vix possent frangere 
hominis sceleratissimi corroboratam jam vetustate audaciam. 
33. An vero, judices, vos soli ignoratis, vos hospites in hac 
5 urbe versamini ? vestrae peregrinantur aures neque in hoc 
pervagato civitatis sermone versantur, quas ille leges (si 
leges nominandse sunt, ac non faces urbis, pestes rei publi- 
cae) fnerit impositurus nobis omnibus atque inusturus? 
Exhibe, quaeso, Sexte Clodi, exhibe librarium illud legum 

10 vestrarum, quod te aiunt eripuisse e domo et ex mediis 
armis turbaque nocturna tamquam Palladium extulisse, ut 
praeclarum videlicet munus atque instrumentum tribunatus 
ad aliquem, si nactus esses, qui tuo arbitrio tribunatum 
gereret, deferre posses. Atque per * * *. An hujus ille 

15 legis, quani Sex. Clodius a se inventam gloriatur, mentionem 
facere ausus esset, vivo Milone, ne dicam consule? De 
nostrum omnium — non audeo totum dicere. Videte, quid ea 
vitii lex habitura fuerit, cujus periculosa etiam reprehensio 
est. Et adspexit me illis quidem oculis, quibus turn solebat, 

20 quum omnibus omnia minabatur. Movet me quippe lumen 
curiae. 

XIII. Quid ? tu me tibi iratum, Sexte, putas, cujus tu 
inimicissimum multo crudelius etiam punitus es, quam erat 
liumanitatis mece postulare ? Tu P. Clodii cruentum cada- 

25 ver ejecisti domo, tu in publicum abjecisti, tu spoliatum 
imaginibus, exsequiis, pompa, laudatione, infelicissimis lignis 
semustilatum, nocturnis canibus dilaniandum reliquisti. 
Quare etsi nefarie fecisti, tamen, quoniam in meo inimico 
crudelitatem exprompsisti tuam, laudare non possum, irasci 

30 certe non debeo. 34. [Demonstravi, judices, quantum 
Clodii inter] fuerit occidi Milonem. Convertite animos nunc 
vicissim ad Milonem. Quid Milonis intererat interfici Clo- 
dium ? Quid erat, cur Milo, non dicam admitteret, sed 
optaret? — Obstabat in spe consulatus Miloni Clodius. — At 

35 eo repugnante fiebat; immo vero eo fiebat magis, nee me 
sufFragatore meliore utebatur quam Clodio. Valebat apud 
vos, judices, Milonis erga me remque publicam meritorurn 
memoria ; valebant preces et lacrimae nostras, quibus ego 
turn vos mirifice moveri sentiebam ; sed plus multo valebat 

40 periculorum impendentium timor. Quis enim erat civium, 
qui sibi solutam P. Clodii prasturam sine maximo rerum 
novarum metu proponeret ? Solutam autem fore videbatis, 
nisi esset is consul, qui earn auderet possetque constringere. 
Enm Milonem unum esse quum sentiret uni versus populus 



PRO T. ANNIO M1LONE, CAP. XIV. 1 17 

Rom anus, quis dubitaret suffragio suo se metu, periculo rem 
publicam liberare ? At nunc, Clodio remoto, usitatis jam 
rebus enitendum est Miloni, ut tueatur dignitatem suam ; 
singularis ilia et huic uni concessa gloria, quae quotidie 
augebatur frangendis furoribus Clodianis, jam Clodii morte 5 
cecidit. Vos adepti estis, ne quern civem metueretis ; hie 
exercitationem virtutis, suffragationem consulatus, fontern 
perennem glorias suae perdidit. Itaque Milonis consulatus, 
qui, vivo Clodio, labefactari non poterat, mortuo denique 
tentari cceptus est. Non modo igitur nihil prodest, sed 10 
obest etiam Clodii mors Miloni. 35. At valuit odium, fecit 
iratus, fecit inimicus, fuit ultor injuriae, punitor doloris sui. 
Quid ? si haec, non dico, majora fuerunt in Clodio quam in 
Milone, sed in illo maxima, nulla in hoc ? quid vultis am- 
plius ? Quid enim odisset Clodium Milo, segetem ac ma- 16 
terieni suse gloriae, praeter hoc civile odium, quo omnes 
tmprobos odimus ? Hie, erat, ut odisset, primum salutis 
meae defensorem, deinde vexatorem furoris, domitorem ar- 
morum suorum, postremo etiam accusatorem suum. Reus 
enim Milonis lege Plotia fuit Clodius,. quoad vixit. Quo 20 
tandem animo hoc tyrannum ilium tulisse creditis ? quantum 
odium illius et in homine injusto quam etiam justum 
fuisse ? 

X1.V. 36. Reliquum est, ut jam ilium natura ipsius 
consuetudoque defendat, hunc autem haec eadem coarguant. 25 
Nihil per vim unquam Clodius, omnia per vim Milo. Quid ? 
ego, judices, quum, maerentibus vobis, urbe cessi, judiciumne 
timui ? non servos, non arma, non vim ? Quae fuisset igitur 
justa causa restituendi mei, nisi fuisset injusta ejiciendi ? 
Diem mihi, credo, dixerat, multam irrogarat, actionem per- 30 
duellionis intenderat, et mihi videlicet in causa aut mala aut 
mea, non et praeclarissima et vestra,- judicium timendum 
fuit. Servorum et egentium civium et facinorosorum armis 
meos cives, meis consiliis periculisque servatos, pro me 
objici nolui. 3*7. Vidi enim, vidi, hunc ipsum Q. Horten- 35 
sium, lumen et ornamentum rei publicae, paene interfici ser- 
vorum manu, quum mihi adesset ; qua in turba C. Vibienus, 
senator, vir optimus, cum hoc quum esset una, ita est 
mulcatus, ut vitam amiserit. Itaque quando illius postea 
sica ilia, quam a Catilina acceperat, conquievit ? Haec in- 40 
tentata nobis est; huic ego vos objici pro me non sum 
passus ; haec insidiata Pompeio est ; haec istam Appiam, 
monumentum sui nominis, nece Papirii cruentavit; haec, 
haec eadem longo intervallo conversa rursus est in me; 



1 1 8 ORATIO 

nuper quidem, ut scitis, me ad regiam pame confecit. 38, 
Quid simile Milonis? cujus vis omnis hsec semper fuit, ne 
P. Clodius, quum in judicium detrahi non posset, vi op- 
pressam civitatem teneret. Quern si interficere voluisset, 
5 quanta?, quoties occasiones, quam prseclarae fuerunt ? Po- 
tuitne, quum domum ac deos penates suos, illo oppugnante, 
defenderet, jure se ulcisci? potuitne, civi egregio et viro 
fortissimo, P. Sestio, collega suo, vulnerato ? potuitne, Q. 
Fabricio, viro optimo, quum de reditu meo legem ferret, 

10 pulso, crudelissima in foro csede facta ? potuitne, L. Csecilii, 
justissimi fortissimique praetoris, oppugnata domo ? potuitne 
illo die, quum est lata lex de me ? quum totius Italia? con- 
cursus, quern mea salus concitarat, facti illius gloriam libens 
agnovisset, ut, etiamsi id Milo fecisset, cuncta civitas earn 

15 laudem pro sua vindicaret ? 

XV. 39. At quod erat tempus! Clarissimus et for- 
tissimus consul, inimicus Clodio, P. Lentulus, ultor sceleris 
illius, propugnator senatus, defensor vestra? voluntatis, pa- 
tronus publici consensus, restitutor salutis mess ; septem 

20 praetores, octo tribuni plebis, illius adversarii, defensores 
mei ; Cn. Pompeius auctor et dux mei reditus, illius hostis, 
cujus sententiam senatus omnis de salute mea gravissimam 
et ornatissimam secutus est, qui populum Romanum est 
coliortatus, qui, quum decretum de me Capua? fecit, ipse 

25 cunctae Italise cupienti et ejus fidem imploranti signum 
dedit, ut ad me restituendum Romam concurrerent ; f 
omnia turn denique in ilium odia civium ardebant desiderio 
mei; quem qui turn interemisset, non de impunitate ejus, 
sed de pra?miis cogitaretur. 40. Tamen se Milo continuit 

30 et P. Clodium in judicium bis, ad vim nunquam vocavit. 
Quid? privato Milone et reo ad populum, accusante P. 
Clodio, quum in Cn. Pompeium pro Milone dicentem impe- 
tus factus est, qua? turn non modo occasio, sed etiam causa 
illius opprimendi fuit? Nuper vero quum M Antonius 

35 summam spem salutis bonis omnibus attulisset, gravissi- 
mamque adolescens nobilissimus rei publica? partem fortis- 
sime suscepisset, atque illam belluam, judicii laqueos decli- 
nantem, jam irretitam teneret, qui locus, quod tempus illud, 
dii immortales, fuit? Quum se ille fugiens in scalarum 

40 tenebras abdidisset, magnum Miloni fuit conficere illam 
pestem nulla sua invidia, Antonii vero maxima gloria. 41. 
Quid ? comitiis in campo quoties potestas fuit, quum ille 
in sa?pta irrupisset, gladios destringendos, lapides jaciendos 
curavisset, dein subito, vultu Milonis perterritus, fugeret ad 



PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, CAP. XVI, XVII. 119 

Tiberim, vos et omnes boni vota faceretis, ut Milcni uti 
virtute sua liberet ? 

XVI. Queni igitur cum omnium gratia noluit, liunc voluit 
cum aliquorum querela? quem jure, quem loco, quem 
tempore, quem impune non est ausus, liunc injuria, iniquo j 
loco, alieno tempore, periculo capitis non dubitavit occi- 
dere? 42. prsesertim, judices, quum honoris amplissimi 
contentio et dies comitiorum subesset ; quo quidem tempore 
(scio enim, quam timida sit ambitio quantaque et quam 
sollicita sit cupiditas consulatus), omnia non modo, quae 1C 
reprehendi palam, sed etiam quae obscure cogitari possunt, 
timemus, rumorem, fabuiam fictam, levem perhorrescimus, 
ora omnium atque oculos intuemur. Nihil est enim tarn 
molle, tarn tenerum, tarn aut fragile aut flexibile quam 
voluntas erga nos sensusque civium, qui non modo impro- 15 
bitati irascuntur candidatorum, sed etiam in recte factis 
saepe fastidiunt. 43. Hunc igitur diem campi speratum 
atque exoptatum sibi proponens Milo, cruentis manibus, 
scelus et facinus pra3 se ferens et confitens ad ilia augusta 
centuriarum auspicia veniebat ? Quam hoc non credibile 20 
in hoc ! quam idem in Clodio non dubitandum, qui se inter- 
fecto Milone regnaturum putaret ! Quid ? quod caput est 
[audacise], judices, quis ignorat, maximam illecebram esse 
peccandi impunitatis spem ? In utro igitur hsec fuit ? in 
Milone, qui etiam nunc reus est facti aut praaclari aut certe 25 
necessarii, an in Clodio, qui ita judicia poenamque contem- 
pserat, ut eum nihil delectaret, quod aut per naturam fas 
esset aut per leges liceret ? 44. Sed quid ego argumentor ? 
quid p'ura disputo ? Te Q. Petili, appello, optimum et 
fortissimum civem ; te, M. Cato, testor; quos mihi divina 30 
quaedam sors dedit judices. Vos ex M. Favonio audistis, 
Clodium sibi dixisse, et audistis vivo Clodio, periturum 
Milonem triduo. Post diem tertium gesta res est, quam 
dixerat. Quum ille non dubitarit aperire, quid cogitaret, 
vos potestis dubitare, quid fecerit ? 35 

XVII. 45. Quemadmodum igitur eum dies non fefellit 2 
Dixi equidem modo. Dictatoris Lanuvini stata sacrificia 
nosse negotii nihil erat. Vidit, necesse esse Miloni, pro- 
licisci Lanuvium illo ipso, quo est profectus, die. Itaque 
antevertit. At quo die ? Quo, ut ante dixi, fuit insanissima 40 
concio, ab ipsius mercenario tribuno plebis concitata ; quem 
diem ille, quam concionem, quos clamores, nisi ad cogitatum 
facinus approperaret, nunquam reliquisset. Ergo illi no 
causa quidem itineris, etiam causa manendi; Miloni ma- 



120 O RATIO 

nendi nulla facultas, exeundi non causa solum, sed etiarc 
necessitas fuit. Quid ? si, ut ille scivit, Milonem fore eo 
die in via, sic Clodium Milo ne suspicari quidem potuit ? 
4G. Primum qusero, qui scire potuerit ? quod vos idem in 
5 Clodio quserere non potestis. Ut enim neminem alium nisi 
T. Patinam, familiarissimum suum, rogasset, scire potuit, 
illo ipso die Lanuvii a dictatore Milone prodi flaminem 
necesse esse. Sed erant permulti alii, ex quibus id facillime 
scire posset [; omnes scilicet Lanuvini]. Milo de Clodii 

10 reditu unde quaesivit? Quaesierit sane. Videte, quid vobis 
largiar. Servum etiam, ut Q. Arrius, meus amicus, dixit, 
corruperit. Legite testimonia testium vestrorum. Dixit 
C. Cassinius Schola, Interamnanus, familiarissimus et idem 
comes Clodii, cujus jampridem testimonio Clodius eadem 

15 hora Interamna3 fuerat et Romas, P. Clodium illo die in 
Albano mansurum fuisse, sed subito esse ei nuntiatum, 
Cyrum architectum esse mortuum ; itaque repente Romam 
constituisse proficisci. Dixit hoc, comes item P. Clodii, C. 
Clodius. 

20 XVIII. 47. Videte, judices, quantaa res Ms testimoniis 
sint confectse. Primum certe liberatur Milo, non eo consilio 
profectus esse, ut insidiaretur in via Clodio ; quippe ; si ille 
obvius ei futurus omnino non erat. Deinde (non enim 
video, cur non meum quoque agam negotium) scitis, judices, 

25 fuisse, qui in bac rogatione suadenda dicerent, Milonis manu 
caedem esse factam, consilio vero majoris alicujus. Me 
videlicet latronem ac sicarium abjecti homines et perditi 
describebant. Jacent suis testibus [hi], qui Clodium negant 
eo die Romam, nisi de Cyro audisset, fuisse rediturum. 

30 Respiravi ; liberatus sum ; non vereor, ne, quod ne suspi- 
cari quidem potuerim, videar id cogitasse. 48. Nunc per- 
sequar cetera. Nam occurrit illud : Igitur ne Clodius qui- 
dem de insidiis cogitavit, quoniam fuit in Albano mansurus. 
Si quidem exiturus ad caadem e villa non fuisset. Video 

35 enim, ilium, qui dicatur de Cyri morte nuntiasse, non id 
nuntiasse, sed Milonem appropinquare. Nam quid de Cyro 
nuntiaret, quern Clodius Roma proficiscens reliquerat mo- 
rientem? Una fui; testamentum simul obsignavi cum 
Clodio ; testamentum autem palam fecerat, et ilium heredem 

40 et me scripserat. Quern pridie hora tertia animam efflantem 
reliquisset, eum mortuum postridie hora decima denique ei 
nuntiabatur ? 

XIX. 49. Age, sit ita factum ; quos causa, cur Romam 
properaret ? cur in noctem se conjiceret ? Quid afferebat 



PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, CAP. XX 121 

causam festinationis ? Quod lieres erat ? Primura erat, 
aihil, cur properato opus esset ; deinde, si quid esset, quid 
tandem erat, quod ea nocte consequi posset, amitteret 
autem, si postridie Romam mane venisset ? Atque ut illi 
nocturnus ad urbem adventus vitandus potius quam expe- 5 
tendus fuit, sic Miloni, quum insidiator esset, si ilium ad 
urbem noctu accessurum sciebat, subsidendum atque ex- 
spectandum fuit. 50. Noctu, insidioso et pleno latronum 
in loco occidisset ; nemo ei neganti non credidisset, quern 
esse omnes salvum etiam confitentem volunt. Sustinuisset 10 
hoc crimen primum ipse ille latronum occultator et receptor 
locus; turn neque muta solitudo indicasset, neque caeca 
nox ostendisset Milonem ; deinde ibi multi ab illo violati, 
spoliati, bonis expuisi, multi base etiam timentes in suspi- 
cionem caderent; tota denique rea citaretur Etruria. 51. lb 
Atque illo die certe Alicia rediens devertit Clodius ad se in 
Albanum. Quod ut sciret Milo, ilium Aricia3 fuisse, suspi- 
cari tamen debuit, enm, etiamsi Romam illo die reverti 
vellet, ad villam suam, quae viam tangeret, deversurum. 
Cur neque ante occurrit, ne ille in villa resideret, nee eo in 20 
loco subsedit, quo ille noctu venturus esset? 

Video constare adbuc, judices, omnia: Miloni etiam utile 
fuisse Clodium vivere, illi ad ea quae concupierat, optatissi- 
mum interitum Milonis ; odium fuisse illius in bunc acer- 
bissimum, nullum hujus in ilium; consuetudinem illius 25 
perpetuam in vi inferenda, hujus tantum in repellenda; 52. 
mortem ab illo. denuntiatam Miloni et praedictam palam, 
nihil unquam auditum ex Milone ; profectionis hujus diem 
illi notum, reditus illius huic ignotum fuisse ; hujus iter 
necessarium, illius etiam potius alienum ; hunc prae se tu- 30 
lisse, illo se die Roma exiturum, ilium eo die se dissimulasse 
rediturum ; hunc nullius rei mutasse consilium, ilium cau- 
sam mutandi consilii finxisse ; huic, si insidiaretur, noctem 
prope urbem exspectandam, illi, etiamsi hunc non timeret, 
tamen accessum ad urbem nocturnum fuisse metuendum. 35 

XX. 53. Videamus nunc id, quod caput est, locus ad 
insidias ille ipse, ubi congressi sunt, . utri tandem fuerit 
aptior. Id vero, judices, etiam dubitandum et diutius 
ftogitandum est ? Ante fundum Clodii, quo in fundo propter 
insanas illas substructiones facile hominum raille versabantur -10 
valentium, edito adversarii atque excelso loco superiorem 
se fore putarat Milo et ob earn rem eum locum ad pugnam 
potissimum elegerat ? an in eo loco est potius exspectatus 
'ab eo, qui ipsius loci spe facere impetuin cogitarat? Res 

11 



122 RATIO 

loquitur ipsa, judiccs, quae semper valet plurimum. 54. Si 
hcec non gcsta audiretis, sed picta videretis, tamen appare- 
rct, uter essct insidiator, uter nihil cogitaret mali, quum 
alter velierctur in rheda paenulatus, una sederet uxor. Quid 
5 horum non impeditissimum ? vestitus, an vehiculum, an 
comes ? quid minus promptum ad pugnam, quum paanula 
irretitus, rheda impeditus, uxore paene constrictus esset? 
Videte nunc ilium, primum egredientem e villa, subito ; 
cur ? vesperi ; quid necesse est ? tarde ; qui convenit, pra> 

10 sertim id temporis ? Devertit in villain Pompeii. Pompeium 
ut videret ? sciebat, in Alsiensi esse ; villain ut perspiceret ? 
millies in ea fuerat ; quid ergo erat ? mora et tergiversatio ; 
dum hie venire t, locum relinquere noluit. 

XXI. 55. Age, nunc iter expediti latronis cum Milonis 

15 impedimentis comparate. Semper ille antea cum uxore; 
turn sine ea ; nunquam nisi in rheda ; turn in equo ; comites 
Graeculi, quocunque ibat, etiam quum in castra Etrusea 
properabat ; turn in comitatu nugarum nihil. Milo, qui 
nunquam, turn casu pueros symphoniacos uxoris ducebat et 

20 ancillarum greges. Ille, qui semper secum scorta, semper 
exoletos, semper lupas duceret, turn neminem, nisi ut virum 
a viro lectum esse diceres. Cur igitur victus est ? Quia 
non semper viator a latrone, nonnunquam etiam latro a 
viatore occiditur; quia, quamquam paratus in imparatos 

25 Clodius, tamen mulier inciderat in viros. 56. Nee vero sic 
erat unquam non paratus Milo contra ilium, ut non satis 
fere esset paratus. Semper ille, et quantum interesset P. 
Clodii, se perire, et quanto illi odio esset, et quantum ille 
auderet, cogitabat. Quamobrem vitam suam, quam maxi- 

30 mis praemiis propositam et paene addictam sciebat, nunquam 
in periculum sine praasidio et sine custodia projiciebat. 
Adde casus, adde incertos exitus pugnarum Martemque 
communem, qui saepe spoliantem jam et exsultantem evertit 
et perculit ab abjecto; adde inscitiam pransi, pOti, oscitantis 

35 ducis, qui quum a tergo hostem interclusum rehquisset, 
nihil de ejus extremis comitibus cogitavit, in quos incensos 
ira vitamque domini desperantes quum incidisset, haesit in 
iis pcenis, quas ab eo servi fideles pro domini vita expetive- 
runt. 57. Cur igitur eos manumisit? Metuebat scilicet, 

40 ne indicarent, ne dolorem perferre non possent, ne tormentis 
cogerentur occisum esse a servis Milonis in Appia via P 
Clodium confiteri. Quid opus est tortore ? Quid quceris ? 
Occideritne ? Occidit. Jure an injuria ? Nihil ad torto 
rem, Facti pnim in equuleo quaestio est, juris in judicio. 



PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, CAP. XXII, XXIII. 123 

XXII. Quod igitur in causa qucerendum est, id agamus 
Lie ; quod tonnentis invenire vis, id fatemur. Manu vero 
cur miscrit, si id potius quaeris, quam cur parum amplis 
aflfecerit praamiis, nescis inimici factum reprehendere. 58. 
Dixit enim hie idem, qui omnia semper constanter et fortiter, 5 
M. Cato, et dixit in turbulenta concione, quae tamen hujus 
auctoritate placata est, non libertate solum, sed etiam 
omnibus prasmiis dignissimos fuisse, qui domini caput defen- 
dissent. Quod enim praemium satis magnum est tarn bene- 
voiis, tarn bonis, tarn fidelibus servis, propter quos vivit? 10 
Etsi id quidem non tanti est, quam quod propter eosdem 
non sanguine et vulneribus suis crudelissimi inimici mentem 
oculosque satiavit. Quos nisi manumisisset, tonnentis etiam 
dedendi fuerunt conservatores domini, ultores sceleris, de- 
fensors necis. Hie vero nihil habet in his malis, quod 15 
minus moleste ferat, quam, etiamsi quid ipsi accidat, esse 
tamen illis meritum prtemium persolutum. 59. Sed quae- 
stiones urgent Milonem, quae sunt habita3 nunc in atrio 
Libertatis. Quibusnam de servis ? Rogas ? De P. Clodii. 
Quis eos postulavit ? Appius. Quis produxit ? Appius. 20 
Unde? Ab Appio. Dii boni ! quid potest agi severius? 
De servis nulla lege qusestio est in dominum, nisi de incestu, 

.it fuit in Clodium. Proxime deos accessit Clodius, propius 
quam turn, quum ad ipsos penetrarat, cujus de morte tam- 
quam de cserimoniis violatis quaeritur. Sed tamen majores 25 
nostri in dominum [de servo] quaeri noluerunt, non quia non 
posset verum inveniri, sed quia videbatur indignum et 
dominis morte ipsa tristius. In reum de servo accusatoris 
quum quaBritur, verum inveniri potest ? 60. Age vero, 
quae erat aut qualis qusestio? Heus tu, Rufio, verbi causa, 30 
cave sis mentiare. Clodius insidias fecit Miloni? Fecit. 
Certa crux. Nullas fecit. Sperata libertas. Quid hac 
quacstione certius? Subito abrepti in qusestionem tamen 
separantur a ceteris et in areas conjiciuntur, ne quis cum 
iis colloqui possit. Hi centum dies penes accusatorem 35 
quum fuissent, ab eo ipso accusatore producti sunt. Quid 
hac qusestione diji potest integrius? quid incorruptius ? 

XXIII. 61. Quod si nondum satis cernitis, quum res 
ipsa tot tarn claris argumentis signisque luceat, pura mente 
atque integra Milonem, nullo scelere imbutum, nullo metu 16 
perterritum, nulla conscientia exanimatum Romam rever- 
tisse, recoidamini, per deos immortales ! qu33 fuerit celeritas 
reditus ejus, qui ingressus in forum, ardente curia, quce 
magnitudo animi, qui vultus, quoe oratio. Neque vero se 



I 2 -A ORATIO 

populo solum, sod cliam senatui commisit, neque senaiin 
modo, sed etiam publicis praesidiis et armis, neque his 
tantum, verum etiam ejus potestati, cui senatus totam rem 
publicam, oranem Italiae pubem, cuncta populi Romani 
5 arma commisefat, cui nunquam se liic profecto tradidisset, 
nisi causae suae confideret, praesertim omnia audienti, magna 
metuenti, multa suspicanti, nomiulla credenti. Magna vis 
est conscientiae, judices, et magna in utramque partem, ut 
neque timeant, qui nihil commiserint, et poenam semper 

10 ante oculos versari putent, qui peccarint. 62. Neque vero 
sine ratione certa causa Milonis semper a senatu probata 
est. Videbant enim sapientissimi homines facti rationem, 
prccsentiam animi, defensionis constantiam. An vero obliti 
estis, judices, recenti illo nuntio necis Clodianae, non modo 

15 inimicorum Milonis sermones et opiniones, sed nonnullorum 
etiam imperitorum ? Negabant eum Romam esse reditu- 
rum. 63. Sive enim illud animo irato ac percito fecisset, 
ut incensus odio trucidaret inimicum, arbitrabantur, eum 
tanti mortem P. Clodii putasse, ut aequo animo patria 

<>0 careret, quum sanguine inimici explesset odium suum, sive 
etiam illius morte patriam liberare voluisset, non dubitaturum 
fortem virum, quin, quum suo periculo salutem rei publicae 
attulisset, cederet aequo animo legibus, secum auferret glo- 
riam sempiternam, nobis haec fruenda relinqueret, quae ipse 

25 servasset. Mulli etiam Catilinam atque ilia portenta loque- 
bantur : " Erumpet, occupabit aliquem locum, bellum pa- 
triae faciet." Miseros interdum cives optime de re pubiica 
meritos, in quibus homines non modo res praeclarissimas 
obliviscuntur, sed etiam nef arias suspicantur ! 64. Ergo ilia 

30 falsa fuerunt ; quae certe vera exstitissent, si Milo admisisset 
aliquid, quod non posset honeste vereque defendere. 

XXIV. Quid ? quae postea sunt in eum congesta, quae 
quemvis etiam mediocrium delictorum conscientia percu- 
lissent, ut sustinuit ! dii immortales ! sustinuit ? immo vero 

35 ut contempsit ac pro nihilo putavit ! quae neque maxima 
animo nocens, neque innocens, nisi fort^ssimus vir, negligere 
pctuisset. Scutorum, gladiorum, f frenorum pilorumque 
< tiam multitudo deprehendi posse indicabatur ; nullum in 
urbe vicum, nullum angiportum esse dicebant, in quo non 

10 Miloni conducta esset domus ; arma in villam Ocriculanam 

devecta Tiberi; domus in clivo Capitolino scutis referta; 

. plena omnia malleolorum ad urbis incendia comparatoiiuu. 

Lkec non delata solum, .sod pcene credita, nee ante repu- 

diata sunt, quam qHaesita. (55. Laudabam equidem incre- 



T'KO T. ANNIO MILOxNE, CAP. XXV. 126 

dibilom diligentiam Cn. Pompeii; sed dicam, ut sentio, 
judiccs. Nimis niulta coguntur audire, ncque aliter facere 
possunt ii, quibus tota commissa est res publica ; cui etiam 
merit audiendus popa Licinius nescio qui de circo maximo ; 
servos Milonis apud se ebrios factos sibi confessos esse, de 5 
interficiendo Pompeio conjurasse, dein postea se gladio 
pcrcussum esse ab uno de illis, ne indicaret, Pompeio in 
hortos nuntiavit. Arccssor in primis. De amicorum sen- 
tentia rem defert ad senatum. Non poteram in illius mei 
patriseque custodis tanta suspicione non metu exanimari, 10 
sed mirabar tamen, credi popa?, confessionem servorum 
audiri, vulnus in latere, quod acu punctum videretur, pro 
ictu gladiatoris probari. 66. Verum, ut intelligo, cavebat 
magis Pompeius, quam timebat, non ea solum, quae timenda 
erant, sea omnia, ne vos aliquid timeretis. Oppugnata lb 
domus C. Csesaris, clarissimi et fortissimi viri, per multas 
noctis boras nuntiabatur. Nemo audierat tarn celebri loco, 
nemo senserat ; tamen audiebatur. Non poteram Cn. 
Pompeium, praestantissima virtute virum, timidum suspicari ; 
diligentiam, tota re publica suscepta, nimiam nullam puta- 20 
bam. Frequentissimo senatu nuper in Capitolio senator 
inventus est, qui Milonem cum telo esse diceret. Nudavit 
se in sanctissimo templo, quoniam vita talis et civis et viri 
rideni non faciebat, ut, eo tacente, res ipsa loqueretur. 

XXV. 67. Omnia falsa atque insidiose ficta comperta 25 
sunt ; quum tamen metuitur etiam nunc Milo. Non jam 
hoc Clodianum crimen timemus, sed tuas, Cn. Pompei, (te 
enim jam appcllo, et ea voce, ut me exaudire possis), tuas, 
tuas, inquam, suspiciones perhorrescimus. Si Milonem 
times, si liunc de tua vita nefarie aut nunc cogitare aut 30 
molitum aliquando aliquid putas, si Italiaa delectus, ut non- 
nulli conquisitores tui dictitarunt, si heec arma, si Capitolinss 
cobortes, si excubiaj, si vigilia3, si delecta juventus, quce 
tuum corpus domumque custodit, contra Milonis impetum 
armata est, atque ilia omnia in hunc unum instituta, parata, 35 
intenta sunt, magna certe in hoc vis et incredibilis animus 
et non unius viri vires atque opes indicantur, si quidem in 
hunc unum et proestantissimus dux electus et tota res 
publica armata est. 68. Sed quis non intelligit, omnes 
libi rei publicaa partes aagras et labantes, ut eas his armis 40 
sanares et confirmares, esse commissas? Quod si locus 
Miloni datus esset, probasset profecto tibi ipsi, neminem 
'inquam hominem homini cariorem fuisse quam te sibi ; 
nudum se unquam periculum pro tua dignitate fugisse; 



I2»t ORATIO 

cum ilia ipsa teterrima pcste sc ssepissime pro tua gloria 
contendisse ; tribunatum suum ad salutem meam, quse tibi 
carissima fuisset, consiliis tuis gubernatum ; se a te postea 
defensum in periculo capitis, adjutum in petitione praeturae ; 
5 duos se habere semper amicissimos sperasse, te tuo bene- 
ficio, me suo. Quae si non probaret, si tibi ita penitus 
inhaesisset ista suspicio, nullo ut evelli modo posset, si de- 
nique Italia a delectu, urbs ab armis sine Milonis clade 
nunquam esset conquietura, nas iste haud dubitans cessisset 

10 patria, is, qui ita natus est et ita consuevit; te, Magnc, 
tamen antestaretur, quod nunc etiam facit. 

XXYI. 69. Vide, quam sit varia vitas commutabilisque 
ratio, quam vaga volubilisque fortuna, quantae infidelitates 
in amicitiis, quam ad tempus aptae simulationes, quanta? in 

1 5 periculis fugae proximorum, quantae timiditates. Erit, erit 
illud profecto tempus et illucescet ille aliquando dies, quum 
tu, salutaribus, ut spero, rebus tuis, sed fortasse motu aliquo 
communium temporum (qui quam crebro accidat, expert! 
scire debemus), et amicissimi benevolentiam et gravissimi 

20 hominis fidem et unius post homines natos fortissimi viri 
rnagnitudinem animi desideres. 'ZO. Quamquam quis hoc 
credat, Cn. Pompeium, juris publici, moris majorum, rei 
denique publicas peritissimum, quum senatus ei commiserit, 
ut videret, ne quid res publtca detrimenti caperet, quo 

25 uno versiculo satis armati semper consules fuerunt, etiam 
nullis armis datis, hunc exercitu, hunc delectu dato, judi- 
cium exspectaturum fuisse in ejus consiliis vindicandis, qui 
vi judicia ipsa tolleret ? Satis judicatum est a Pompeio, 
satis, falso ista conferri in Milonem, qui legem tulit, qua, 

30 ut ego sentio, Milonem absolvi a vobis oporteret, ut omnes 
confitentur, liceret. 11. Quod vero in illo loco atque illis 
publicorum praesidiorum copiis circumfusus sedet, satis de- 
clarat, se non terrorem inferre vobis (quid enim minus illo 
dignum, quam cogere, ut vos eum condemnetis, in quern 

35 animadvertere ipse et more majorum et suo jure posset ?), 
sed praesidio esse, ut intelligatis, contra hesternam illaia 
concionem licere vobis, quod sentiatis, libere judicare. 

XXVII. 12. Nee vero me, judices, Clodianum crimen 
mo vet, nee tarn sum demens tamque vestri sensus ignarus 

40 atque expers, ut nesciam, quid de morte Clodii sentiatis. 
D i qua, si jam nollem ita diluere crimen, ut dilui, tamen 
impune Miloni palam clamare ac mentiri gloriose hceret : 
" Occidi, occidi, non Sp. Mselium, qui annona levanda jactu- 
risque rei familiaris, quia nimis amplecti plebem videbatur^ 



PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, CAP. XXVIII. 127 

in suspicionem incidit regni appetendi, non Ti. Graccliuui, 
qui college? magistratum per seditionem abrogavit, quorum 
interfectores impleverunt orbem terrarum norninis sui gloria, 
sed cum (auderet enim dicerc, quum patriam periculo suo 
liberasset), cujus nefandum adulterium in pulvinaribus san- 5 
ctissimis nobilissimse femince comprehenderunt ; *l 3. eum, 
cujus supplicio senatus sollemnes religiones expiandas ssepe 
censuit ; eum, quern cum sorore germana nefarium stuprum 
fecisse, L. Lucullus juratus se, qusestionibus habitis, dixit 
comperisse; eum, qui civem, quern senatus, quern populus 10 
Romanus, quern omnes gentes urbis ac vitae civium conser- 
vatorem judicarant, servorum armis exterminavit ; eum, qui 
regna dedit, ademit, orbem terrarum, quibuscum voluit, 
partitus est ; eum, qui, plurimis caedibus in foro factis, sin- 
gulaii virtute et gloria civem domum vi et armis compulit ; 15 
eum, cui nihil unquam nefas fuit nee in facinore nee in libi- 
dine ; eum, qui aedem Nympliarum incendit, ut memoriam 
publicam recensionis, tabulis publicis impressam, exstingue- 
ret ; 7 4. eum denique, cui jam nulla lex erat, nullum civile 
jus, nulli possessionum termini; qui non calumnia litium, 20 
non injustis vindiciis ac sacramentis alienos fundos, sed 
castris, exercitu, signis inferendis petebat ; qui non solum 
Etruscos (eos enim 'penitus contempserat), sed bunc P. 
Varium, f ortissimum atque optimum civem, judicem nostrum, 
pellere possessionibus armis castrisque conatus est ; qui cum 25 
architeetis et decempedis villas multorum bortosque pera- 
grabat ; qui Janiculo et Alpibus spem possessionum termi- 
nabat suarum ; qui, quum ab equite Romano splendido et 
forti, M. Paconio, non impetrasset, ut sibi insulam in lacu 
Prilio venderet, repente lintribus in earn insulam materiem, 30 
calcem, casmenta, arma convexit, dominoque trans ripam 
inspectante non dubitavit sedificiuin exstruere in alieno ; Y5. 
qui liuic T. Furfanio, cui viro ? dii immortales ! (quid enim 
ego de muliercula Scantia, quid de adolescente P. Apinio 
dicam ? quorum utrique mortem est minitatus, nisi sibi hor- 35 
torum possessione cessissent) ; sed ausus est Furfanio dicere, 
si sibi pecuniam, quantam poposcerat, non dedisset, mortuum 
se in domum ejus illaturum, qua invidia buic esset tali viro 
conflagrandum ; qui Appium fratrem, hominem mihi e^^" 
junctum fidissima gratia, absentem de possessionC"fun^i 4 (J 
dejecit; qui parietem sic per vestibulum sororis in^trfeuui 
ducere, sic agere fundamenta, ut sororem non modo vesti- 
bulo privaret, sed omni aditu et limine." 

XXVTII. ^G. Quamquam hsec quidem iam tolerabilia 



128 o::.v;ro 

videbantur, etsi ooquabililer in rem pubheam, in privates, in 
longinquos, in propinquos, in alicnos, in suos irruebat ; sed 
nescio quomodo jam usu obduruerat et pcrcaliuerat civitatia 
incredibilis patientia. Quaa vero aderant jam et impende- 
5 bant, quonam mode- ea aut depellere potuissetis aut ferre ? 
Imperium ille si nactus esset, omitto socios, exteras nationes, 
reges, tetrarchas ; vota enim faceretis, ut in eos se potius 
immitteret quam in vestras posscssiones, vestra tecta, ve- 
stras pecunias ; pecunias dico ? a liberis, medius fidius, et 

10 a conjugibus vestris nunquam ille effrenatas suas libidines 
cohibuisset. Fingi hoec putatis, quse patent, quae nota sunt 
omnibus, quae tenentur ? servorum exercitus ilium in urbe 
conscripturum fuisse, per quos totam rem publicam resque 
privatas omnium possideret? 11. Quamobrem, si cruentum 

1 5 gladium tenens clamaret T. Annius : " Adeste, quaeso, at- 
que audite, cives ; P. Clodium interfeci ; ejus furores, quos 
nullis jam legibus, nullis judiciis frenare poteramus, hoc 
ferro et liae dextera a cervicibus vestris reppuli, per me ut 
unum jus, sequitas, leges, libertas, pudor, pudicitia in civi- 

20 tate manerent," esset vero timendum, quonam modo id 
ferret civitas ! Nunc enim quis est, qui non probet ? qui 
non laudet ? qui non unum post hominum memoriam T. 
Annium plurimum rei publiccs profuisse, maxima laetitia 
populum Romanum, cunctam Italiam, nationes omnes affe- 

25 cisse et dicat et sentiat? Non queo, vetera ilia populi 
Romani gaudia quanta fuerint, judicare. Multas tamen jam 
summorum imperatorum clarissimas victorias Betas nostra 
vidit, quarum nulla neque tarn diuturnam attulit lsetitiam 
nee tantam. 18. Mandate hoc memorise, judices. Spero 

30 multa vos liberosque vestros in re publica bona esse visuros; 
in iis singulis ita semper existimabitis, vivo P. Clodio nihil 
eorum vos visuros fuisse. In spem maximam et, quemad- 
modum confido, verissimam sumus adducti, hunc ipsum 
annum, hoc ipso summo viro consule, compressa hominum 

35 licentia, cupiditatibus fractis, legibus et judiciis constitutis, 
salutarem civitati fore. Num quis est igitur tarn demens, 
qui hoc, P. Clodio vivo, contingere potuisse arbitretur ? 
Quid? ea, quae tenetis, privata atque vestra, dominante 
homine f arioso, quod jus perpetuce possessionis habere po- 

40 tuissent? 

XXIX. Non timeo, judices, ne odio mearum inimicitiarum 
inflammatus libentius hose in ilium evomere videar quam 
verius. Etenim etsi praecipuum esse debebat, tamen ita 
communis erat omnium ille hostis, ut in communi odio pa3no 



PRO T. ANNIO M1L0NE, CAr. XXX. J 5251 

sequaliter versaretur odium meum. Non potest dici satis, 
ne cogitari quidem, quantum in illo sceleris, quantum exitii 
fuerit. 1 9. Quin sic attendite, judices. Nempe liaec est 
quaestio de interitu P. Clodii. Fingite animis (liberae sunt 
enim nostrae cogitationes et, quae volunt, sic intuentur, ut ea 5 
cernimus, quae videmus), fingite igitur cogitatione imaginem 
hujus conditionis meae, si possim efficere, ut Milonem ab- 
solvatis, sed ita, si P. Clodius revixerit. Quid vultu exti- 
muistis ? Quonam modo ille vos vivus afficeret, quos mor- 
Luus inani cogitatione percussit? Quid? si ipse Cn. Pom- 10 
peius, qui ea virtute ac fortuna est, ut ea potuerit semper, 
quae nemo prater ilium, si is, inquam, potuisset aut quaesti- 
onem de morte P. Clodii ferre aut ipsum ab inferis excitare, 
utrum putatis potius facturum fuisse? Etiamsi propter 
amicitiam vellet ilium ab inferis evocare, propter rem pu- 15 
blicam non fecisset. Ejus igitur mortis sedetis ultores, 
cujus vitam si putetis per vos restitui posse, nolitis, et de 
ejus nece lata quaestio est, qui si eadem lege reviviscere 
posset, lata lex nunquam esset. Hujus ergo interfector si 
esset, in confitendo ab iisne pcenam timeret, quos liberavis- 20 
set ? 80. Graeci homines deorum honores tribuunt iis viris, 
qui tyrannos necaverunt. Quae ego vidi Athenis ? quae aliis 
in urbibus Graeciae? quas res divinas talibus institutas viris? 
quos cantus ? quae carmina ? Prope ad immortalitatis et 
religionem et memoriam consecrantur. Vos tanti conserva- 25 
torem populi, tanti sceleris ultorem non modo honoribus 
nullis amcietis, sed etiam ad supplicium rapi patiemini ? 
Confiteretur, confiteretur, inquam, si fecisset, et magno 
animo et libente, fecisse se libertatis omnium causa, quod 
esset ei non confitendum modo, verum etiam praedicandum. 30 

XXX. 81. Etenim, si id non negat, ex quo nihil petit, 
nisi ut ignoscatur, dubitaret id fateri, ex quo etiam praemia 
laudis essent petenda ? nisi vero gratius putat esse vobis, 
sui se capitis quam vestri defensorem fuisse ; quum praeser- 
tim in ea confessione, si grati esse velletis, honores asse- 35 
queretur amplissimos; si factum vobis non probaretur 
(quamquam qui poterat salus sua cuiquam non probari ?), 
sed tamen si minus fortissimi viri virtus civibus grata ceci- 
disset, magno animo constantique cederet ex ingrata civi- 
late. Nam quid esset ingratius, quam lsetari ceteros, lugere 40 
eum solum, propter quern ceteri laetarentur ? 82. Quam- 
quam hoc animo semper omnes fuimus in patriae proditori- 
bus opprimendis, ut, quoniam nostra futura esset gloria, 
periculum quoque et invidiam nostram putaremus. Nam 



130 OKATIO 

qiuc mini ipsi tribuenda laus cssct, quum tantum in consu« 
lata meo pro vobis ac liberis vestris ausus essem, si id, 
quum conabar, sine maximis dimicationibus meis me esse 
ausurum avbitrarer ? Quae mulier sceleratum ac pernicio- 
5 sum civem occidere non auderet, sj periculum non timeret ? 
Proposita invidia, morte, poena, qui nihilo segnius rem 
publicam defendit, is vir vere putandus est. Populi grati 
est, praemiis afficere bene meritos de re publica eives, viri 
fortis, ne suppliciis quidem moveri, ut fortiter fecisse poe- 

10 niteat. 83. Quamobrem uteretur eadem confessione T. 

Annius, qua Ahala, qua Nasica, qua Opimius, qua Marius, 

qua nosmet ipsi, et, si grata res publica esset, laetaretur, si 

ingrata, tamen in gravi fortuna conscientia sua niteretur. 

Sed hujus beneficii gratiani, judices, fortuna populi Ro- 

15 mani et vestra felicitas et dii immortales sibi deberi putant. 
Nee vero quisquam aliter arbitrari potest, nisi qui nullam 
vim esse ducit nunienve divinum, quern neque imperii nostri 
magnitudo neque sol ille nee coeli signorumque motus nee 
vicissitudines rerum atque ordines movent neque, id quod 

20 maximum est, majorum sapientia, qui sacra, qui caer-imonias, 
qui auspicia et ipsi sanctissime coluerunt et nobis, suis 
posteris, prodiderunt. 

XXXI. 84. Est, est profecto ilia vis, neque in his cor- 
poribus atque in bac imbecillitate nostra inest quiddam, 

25 quod vigeat et sentiat, et non inest in hoc tanto naturae 
tarn praeelaro motu. Nisi forte idcirco non putant, quia 
non apparet nee cernitur; proinde quasi nostram i]3sam 
mentem, qua sapimus, qua providemus, qua haec ipsa agi- 
mus ac dicimus, videre aut plane, qualis aut ubi sit, sentire 

3C possimus. Ea vis igitur ipsa, quae saepe incredibiles liuic 
urbi felicitates atque opes attulit, illam perniciem exstinxit 
ac sustulit, cui primum mentem injecit, ut vi irritare ferro- 
que lacessere fortissimum virum auderet vincereturque ab 
eo, quern si vicisset, liabiturus esset impmiitatem et licen- 
se tiam sempiternam. 85. Non est humano consilio, ne rae- 
diocri quidem, judices, deorum immortalium cura res ilia 
perfecta. Religiones meliercule ipsae, quae illam belluam 
cadcre viderunt, commovisse se videntur et jus in illo suum 
retinuisse. Vos enim jam, Albani tumuli atque luci, vos ; 

4C inquam, imploro atque testor, vosque Albanorum obrutae 
arae, sacrorum populi Romani socioe et aequales, quas ille, 
praeceps amentia, caesis prostratisque sanctissimis lucis, 
substructionum insanis molibus oppresserat; vestrae turn, 
[arae,] vestrae religiones viguerunt, vestra vis valuit, quam 



PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, CAP. XXXII, XXXIII. 101 

illo omni scelerc polluerat, tuque ex tuo edito monte. Latiu' 
ris sancte Juppiter, cujus ille lacus, nemcra finesque saope 
omni nefario stupro et scelerc macula-rat, aliquando ad cum 
puniendum oculos aperuisti; vobis illae, vobis vestro in 
conspectu serae, sed justse tamen et debitae poenae solutoc 5 
sunt. 8G. Nisi forte hoc etiam casu factum esse dicemus, 
ut ante ipsum sacrarium Bonae Deae, quod est in fundo T. 
Sestii Galli, in primis honesti et ornati adolescentis, ante 
ipsam, inquam, Bonam Deam, quum prcelium commisisset, 
primum illud vulnus acciperet, quo teterrimam mortem 10 
obiret, ut non absolutus judicio illo nefario videretur. so.rl 
ad hanc insignem pcenam reservatus. 

XXXII. Nee vero non eadem ira deorum banc ejus sa- 
tellitibus injecit amentiam, ut sine imaginibus, sine cantu 
atque ludis, sine exsequiis, sine lamentis, sine laudationibus, 15 
sine funere, oblitus cruore et luto, spoliatus illius supremi 
diei celebritate, cui cedere etiam inimici solent, ambureretur 
abjectus. Non fuisse credo fas, clarissimorum virorum 
formas illi teterrimo parricidal aliquid decoris afferre, neque 
ullo in loco potius mortem ejus lacerari, quam in quo esset 20 
vita damnata. 

87. Dura, medius fidius, milii jam fortuna populi Romani 
et crudelis videbatur, quae tot annos ilium in hanc rem 
publicam insultare pateretur. Polluerat stupro sanctissimas 
religiones, senatus gravissima decreta perfregerat, pecunia 25 
se a judicibus palam redemerat, vexarat in tribunatu sena- 
tum, omnium ordinum consensu pro salute rei publicas 
gesta resciderat, me patria expulerat, bona diripuerat, do- 
mum incenderat, liberos, conjugem meam vexarat, Cn. 
Pompeio nefarium bellum indixerat, magistratuum privato- 30 
r unique caedes effecerat, domum mei fratris incenderat, 
vastara. Etruriam, multos sedibus ac fortunis ejecerat; 
instabat, urgebat; capere ejus amentiam civitas, Italia, 
provincise, regna non poterant; incidebantur jam domi 
leges, quae nos servis nostris addicerent ; nihil erat cujus- 35 
quam, quod quidem ille adamasset, quod non hoc anno 
suum fore putaret. 88. Obstabat ejus cogitationibus nemo 
prater Milonem. Ilium ipsum, qui poterat obstare, novo 
reditu in gratiam quasi devinctum arbitrabatur ; Cassaris 
potentiam suam esse dicebat ; bonorum animos in meo casu 40 
contempserat ; Milo unus urgebat. 

XXXIII. Hie dii immortales, ut supra dixi, mentem illi 
perdito ac furioso dederunt, ut huic faceret insidias. Aliter 
perire pestis ilia non potuit; nunquam ilium res publica 



132 0BATIO 

suo jure essct ulta. Senatus, credo, prietorcm cum cir- 
cumscripsisset. JSTe quum solebat quidem id facere, in 
privato eodem hoc aliquid profecerat. 89. An consules in 
praetore coercendo fortes fuissent ? Primum, Milone occiso, 
5 habuisset suos consules ; deinde quis in eo prastore consul 
fortis esset, per quern tribunum virtutem consularem cru- 
delissirne vexatani esse meminisset ? Oppressisset omnia, 
possideret, teneret ; lege nova, quae est inventa apud eum 
cum reliquis legibus Clodianis, servos nostros libertos suos 

1 fecisset. Postremo, nisi eum dii immortales in earn mentem 
impulissent, ut homo effeminatus fortissimum virum cona- 
retur occidere, hodie rem publicam nullam haberetis, 90. 
An ille praetor, ille vero consul, si modo haec templa atque 
ipsa mcenia stare eo vivo tamdiu et consulatum ejus exspe- 

1 5 ctare potuissent, ille denique vivus mali nihil fecisset, qui 
mortuus, uno ex suis satelhtibus [Sex. Clodio] duce, curiam 
incenderit ? Quo quid miserius, quid acerbius, quid luctu- 
osius vidimus ? Templum sanctitatis, aniplitudinis, mentis, 
consilii pubhei, caput urbis, aram sociorum, portum omnium 

20 gentium, sedem ab universo populo concessam uni ordini, 
inflammari, exscindi, funestari ? neque id fieri a multitudine 
imperita, quamquam esset miserum id ipsum, sed ab uno ? 
Qui quum tantum ausus sit ustor pro mortuo, quid signifer 
pro vivo non esset a/usus ? In curiam potissimum abjecit, 

25 ut earn mortuus incenderet, quam vivus everterat. 91. Et 
sunt, qui de via Appia querantur, taceant de curia ? et qui 
ab eo spirante forum putent potuisse defendi, cujus non 
restiterit cadaveri curia? Excitate, excitate ipsum, si po- 
testis, a mortuis. Frangetis impetum vivi, cujus vix susti- 

30 netis furias insepulti ? Nisi vero sustinuistis eos, qui cum 
facibus ad curiam concurrerunt, cum falcibus ad Castoris, 
cum gladiis toto foro volitarunt. Csedi vidistis populum 
Romanum, concionem gladiis disturbari, quum audiretur si- 
lentio M. Coelius, tribunus plebis, vir et in re publica for- 

35 tissimus et in suscepta causa firmissimus et bonorum volun- 
tati et auctoritati senatus deditus et in hac Milonis sive 
invidia sive fortuna singulari di\ina et incredibili fide. 

XXXIV. 92. Sed jam satis multa de causa ; extra cau- 
sam etiam nimis fortasse multa. Quid restat, nisi ut orem 

10 obtosterque vos, judices, ut cam misericordiam tribuatis 
fortissimo viro, quam ipse non implorat, ego, etiam repu- 
gnante hoc, et imploro et exposco ? Nolite, si in nostro 
omnium fletu nullam lacrimam adspexistis ^lilonis, si vul- 
turn semper eundem, si vocem, si orationem stabilem ac 



PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, CAP. XXXV. 133 

non mulatam videtis, hoc minus ei parcere. Hand scio, an 
rnulto etiam sit adjuvandns magis. Etenim si in gladiatoriis 
pugnis et in infimi generis hominum conditione atque for- 
tuna timidos atque supplices et, ut vivere liceat, obsecrantes 
etiam odisse solemus, fortes et animosos et se acriter ipsos 5 
morti offerentes servare cupimus, eorumque nos magis 
miseret, qui nostram misericordiam non requirunt, quam qui 
illam efflagitant, quanto hoc magis in fortissimis civibus 
facere debemus? 93. Me quidem, judices, exanimant et 
interimunt hae voces Milonis, quas audio assidue et quibus 1C 
intersum quotidie. " Valeant, inquit, valeant cives mei ; 
sint incolumes, sint florentes, sint beati; stet haec urbs 
praeclara mihique patria carissima, quoquo modo erit merita 
de me ; tranquilla re publica mei cives (quoniam mihi cum 
illis non licet) sine mo ipsi, sed per me tamen, perfruantur ; 15 
ego cedam atque abibo ; si mihi bona re publica frui non 
licuerit, at carebo mala, et quam primam tetigero bene 
moratam et hberam civitatem, in ea conquiescam. 94. 
frustra, inquit, mei suscepti labores ! o spes fallaces ! o 
cogitationes inanes meae ! Ego, quum tribunus plebis, re 20 
publica oppressa, me senatui dedissem, quern exstinctum 
acceperam, equitibus Romanis, quorum vires erant debiles, 
bonis viris, qui omnem auctoritatem Clodianis armis abje- 
cerant, mihi unquam bonorum praesidiuni defuturmri puta- 
rem ? ego, quum te (mecitm enim saepissime loquitur) 25 
patriae reddidissem, mihi putarem in patria non futurum 
locum ? Ubi nunc senatus est, quern secuti sumus ? ubi 
equites Romani illi, illi, inquit, tui ? ubi studia municipio- 
rum ? ubi Italiae voces ? ubi denique tua ilia, M. Tulli, quae 
plurimis fuit auxiho, vox atque defensio ? mihine ea soli, 30 
qui pro te toties morti me obtuli, nihil potest opitulari?" 

XXXV. 95. Nee vero haec, judices, ut ego nunc, flens, 
sed hoc eodem^ioquitur vultu, quo videtis. Negat enim se, 
negat, ingratis civibus fecisse, quae fecerit ; timidis et omnia 
pericula circumspicientibus, non negat. Plebem et infimam 35 
multitudinem, quae P. Clodio duce fortunis vestris immine- 
bat, earn, quo tutior esset vestra vita, se fecisse commemorat, 
ut non modo virtute flecteret, sed etiam tribus suis patri- 
nioniis deleniret ; nee timet, ne, quum plebem muneribus 
placarit, vos non conciliarit meritis in rem publicam singu- 40 
laribus. Senatus erga se benevolentiam temporibus his 
ipsis saepe esse perspectam, vestras vero et vestrorum ordi- 
num occursationes, studia, sermones, quemcunque cursum 
fortuna dederit, secum se ablaturum esse dicit. 96. Me- 



13-1 onATin 

minit etiam, voccm sibi preeconis modo defuisse, quam 
minime desiderarit, populi vero cunctis suftragiis, quod 
unura cupierit, sc consulem declaratum ; nunc denique, si 
haec contra se sint futura, sibi facinoris suspicioneni, non 
5 facti crimen obstare. Addit hsec, quae certe vera sunt, 
fortes et sapientes viros non tarn praeinia sequi solere recle 
factorum quam ipsa recte facta ; se nihil in vita nisi prse- 
clarissime fecisse, si quidem nihil sit preestabilius viro, 
quam periculis patriam liberare ; beatos esse, quibus ea res 

10 honori fuerit a suis civibus, 97. nee tamen cos miseros, 
qui beneficio cives suos vicerint; sed tamen ex omnibus 
prsemiis virtutis, si esset habenda ratio praemiorum, amplis- 
simum esse praemium gloriam ; esse banc unam, quae bre- 
vitatem vitae posteritatis memoria consolaretur, quae effice- 

1 5 ret, ut absentes adessemus, mortui viveremus ; banc denique 
esse, cujus gradibus etiam in ccelum homines viderentur 
ascendere. 98. " De me, inquit, semper populus Romanus, 
semper omnes gentes loquentur, nulla unquam obmutescet 
vetustas. Quin hoc tempore ipso, quum omnes a meis 

20 inimicis faces invidiae meae subjiciantur, tamen omni in 
hominum ccetu gratiis agendis et gratulationibus habendis 
et omni sermone celebramur. Omitto Etruriae festos el 
actos et institutos dies ; centesima lux est haec ab interitn 
P. Clodii et, opinor, altera ; qua fines imperii populi Ro- 

25 mani sunt, ea non solum fama jam de illo, sed etiam laetitia 
peragravit. Quamobrem, ubi corpus hoc sit, non, inquit, 
laboro, quoniam omnibus in terris et jam versatur et semper 
habitabit nominis mei gloria." 

XXXVI. 99. Haec tu mecum saepe, his absentibus; 

30 sed iisdem audientibus haec ego tecum, Milo : te quidem, 
quum isto animo es, satis laudare non possum; sed, quo 
est ista magis divina virtus, eo majore a te dolore divellor. 
Nee vero, si mihi eriperis, reliqua est ilia t«men ad conso- 
landum querela, ut his irasci possim, _a quibus tantum 

35 vulnus accepero. Non enim inimici mei te mihi eripient, 
sed amicissimi, non male aliquando de me meriti, sed sem- 
per optime. Nullum mihi unquam, judices, tantum dolorem 
inuretis (etsi quis potest esse tantus ?), sed ne hunc quidem 
ipsum, ut obliviscar, quanti me semper feceritis. Quae si 

40 vos cepit oblivio, aut si in me aliquid offendistis, cur non id 
meo capite potius luitur quam Milonis ? Praeclare enim 
vixero, si quid mihi accident prius, quam hoc tantum mali 
videro. 100. Nunc me una consolatio sustentat, quod tibi, 
T. Anni, nullum a me amoris, nullum studii, nullum pietatia 



l'KO T. ANNIO MILONE, CAP. XXXVII, XXXVIII. 13J1 

officiuni dcfuit. Ego inimieitias potentium pro to appetivi, 
ego meuni scepe corpus ct vitam objeci armis inimicorum 
tuorum, ego me plurimis pro te supplicem abjeci, bona, 
fortiinas meas ac liberorum meorum in communionem tuo- 
rum temporum contuli ; hoc denique ipso die, si qua vis 5 
est parata, si qua dimicatio capitis futura, deposco. Quid 
jam restat? quid liabeo, quod faciam pro tuis in me meritis, 
nisi ut earn fortunam, quaecunque erit tua, ducam meam ? 
Non abnuo, non recuso, vosque obsecro, judices, ut vestra 
beneficia, quae in me contulistis, autin huj us salute augcatis 10 
aut in ejusdem exitio occasura esse videatis. 

XXXVII. 101. His lacrimis non movetur Milo. Est 
quodam incredibili robore animi ; exsilium ibi esse putat, 
ubi virtuti non sit locus ; mortem naturae finem esse, non 
poonam. Sed hie ea mente, qua natus est; quid vos, ju- 15 
dices ? quo tandem animo eritis ? Memoriam Milonis re- 
tinebitis, ipsum ejicietis ? et erit dignior locus ullus in terris, 
qui banc virtutem excipiat, quam hie, qui procreavit ? Vos, 
vos appello, fortissimi viri, qui multum pro re publica san- 
guinem effudistis ; vos in viri et in civis invicti periculo 20 
appello, centuriones, vosque, milites ; vobis non modo in- 
spectantibus, sed etiam armatis et huic judicio praesidenti- 
bus, haec tanta virtus ex hac urbe expelletur, exterminabi- 
tur, projicietur? 102. me miserum, o me infelicem! 
Revocare tu me in patriam, Milo, potuisti per hos, ego te in 25 
patria per eosdem retinere non potero ? Quid respondebo 
liberis meis, qui te parentem alterum putant? quid tibi, 
Quinte frater, qui nunc abes, consorti mecum temporum 
illorum? mene non potuisse Milonis salutem tueri per 
eosdem, per quos nostram ille servasset? At in qua causa 30 
non potuisse ? quae est grata * * gentibus non potuisse ? 
iis, qui maxime P. Clodii morte acquierunt; quo depre- 
cante? me. 103. Quodnam ego concepi tantum scelus, 
aut quod in me tantum facinus admisi, judices, quum ilia 
indicia communis exitii indagavi, patefeci, protuli, exstinxi ? 35 
O nines in me meosque redundant ex fonte illo dolores. 
Quid me reducem esse voluistis? an ut, inspectante me, 
expellerentur ii, per quos essem restitutus ? Nolite, obsecro 
vos, acerbiorem mini pati reditum esse, quam fuerit ille ipse 
discessus. Nam qui possum putare me restitutum esse, si 40 
distrahar ab iis, per quos restitutus sum ? 

XXXVIII. Utinam dii immortales fecissent (pace tua, 
patria, dixerim ; metuo enim, ne scelerate dicam in te, quod 
pro Milone dicam pie), utinam P. Clodius non modo vive- 



I3G ORATIO rilC T. ANNIO MILONE, CAP. XXXVIII. 

ret, sed etiam praetor, consul, dictator esset potius, quara 
hoc spectaculum viderem ! 104. O dii immortales ! for tern 
et a vobis, judices, conservandum virum ! " Minime, mini- 
ine, inquit. Immo vero poenas ille debitas luerit; nos 
5 subeamus, si ita necesse est, non debitas." Hiccine vir 
patriae natus usquam nisi in patria morietur, aut, si forte, 
pro patria ? hujus vos animi monumenta retinebitis, corporis 
in Italia nullum sepulcrum esse patiemini ? hunc sua quis- 
quam sententia ex hac urbe expellet, quern omnes urbes 

10 expulsum a vobis ad sevocabunt? 105. terram illam 
beatam, quae hunc virum exceperit; hanc ingratam, si 
ejecerit, miseram, si amiserit ! Sed finis sit. Neque enim 
prce lacrimis jam loqui possum, et hie se lacrimis defendi 
vetat. Yos oro obtestorque, judices, ut in sententiis fe- 

1 5 rendis, quod sentietis, id audeatis. Yestram virtutem, 
justitiam, fidem, mihi credite, is maxime probabit, qui in 
judicibus legendis optimum et sapientissimum et fortissimum 
quemque delegit. 



NOTES 



ABBREVIATIONS IN THE NOTES, 



Cf. = confer, compare. 

B. = Benecke's Cicero. 

Dem. = Demosthenes. 

Dod. = Doderlein. 

Garat. = Garatoni's Cicero. 

H. = Harkness's Latin Grammar. 

Hcum. = Heumann. 

K. = Klotz. 

M. = Horgenstern's Cicero. 

Manut. = Manutius. 

Muret. = Muretus. 

0. = Orelli's Cicero. 

P. C. = Arnold's Practical Introduction 

to Latin Prose Composition. 
S. = Stiirenberg's Cicero. 
Scil. = Scilicet, understood. 
Veget. = Yegetius. 
Z, = Zumpt's Latin Grammar, 



NOTES. 



THE FOUR ORATIONS AGAINST CATILINE 

GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 

Catilina, L. Sergius,* the descendant of an ancient patrician family widen 
had sunk into poverty, first appeal's in history aa a zealous partisan of Sulla. 
During the horrors of the great proscription, among many other victims, ho 
killed, with his own hand, his brother-in-law, Q. Cajcilius, described as a 
quiet, inoffensive man, and having seized and tortured the well-known and 
popular M. Marius Gratidianus, the kinsman and fellow-townsman of Cicerc, 
cut off his head, and bore it in triumph through the city. Plutarch accuses 
him in two places (Sull. 32, Cic. 10) of having murdered his own brother 
at the same period, under circumstances of peculiar atrocity, but there is 
probably some confusion here between the brother ard the brother-in-law; 
for Sallust, when enumerating the crimes of Catiline, would scarcely havo 
failed to add such a monstrous deed as tins to the black catalogue/. Although 
his youth was spent in the most reckless extravagance, and in the open 
indulgence of every vice ; although he was known to have been guilty ot 
various acts of the foulest and most revolting debauchery ; although he had 
incurred the suspicion of an intrigue with the vestal Fabia, sister of Terentia ; 
and although it was said and believed that he had made away with his first 
wife and afterwards with his son, in order that he might wed the fair and rich 
but worthless Aurelia Orestilla, who objected to the presence of a grown-up 
step-child, yet this complicated infamy appears to have formed no bar to hia 
regular political advancement, — for he attained to the dignity of prootor in b. c. 
G8, was governor of Africa during the following year, and returned to Rome 
in 66, in order to press his suit for the consulship. The election for 65 was 
carried by P. Autronius Paetus and P. Cornelius Sulla, both of whom were 
Boon after convicted of bribery, and their places supplied by their competitors 
and accusers, L. Aurelius Cottaand L. ManliusTorquatus; Catiline, who was 
desirous of becoming a candidate, having been disqualified in consequence of an 
impeachment for oppression in his province, preferred by P. Clodius Pulcher, 
afterwards so celebrated as the implacable enemy of Cicero. Exasperated 
by their disappointment, Autronius and Catiline forthwith formed a project 
along with a certain Cn. Calpurnius Piso, a young man of high family, but 
turbulent, needy, and profligate, to murder the new consuls upon the first of 
January, when offering up their vows in the Capitol, after which Autronius 
and Catiline were to seize the fasces, and Piso was to be dispatched with an 
army to occupy the Spains. Some rumors of what was in contemplation 
having been spread abroad, such precautions were taken that the conspirators 
were induced to delay the execution of their plan until the 5th of February, 
.esolving at the same time to include many of the leading men of the state in 
the proposed massacre. This extraordinary design is«aid to have been frus^ 
trated solely by the impatience of Catiline, who, upon the appointed day, gave 
the signal prematurely, before the whole of the armed agents had assembJed, 

* This account of the career of Catiline is the article under that head in tho 
Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology." 



140 NOTES. 

and thus confounded the preconcerted combinations. The danger being past, 
certain resolutions were proposed in the senate with regard to the authors ot 
this abortive attempt; but the proceedings were quashed by the intercession 
of a tribune. The plot was, however, a matter of common discussion, and no 
one seems to have entertained any doubt of its reality, while many did not 
scruple to assert that M. Crassus and Julius Caesar, who was then sedile, were 
deeply involved. (Q. Cic. de pet. Cons. 2, &c. ; Asconius in Tog. cand. and 
in Cornel. ; Sail. Catil. 15-18 ; Liv. Epit. 101 ; Dion Cass, xxxvi 27 ; Sueton 
Jul. 9 ; Cic. pro Sulla, 1-24, pro Murena, 38, pro Gael. 4, in Catil. i. 6.) 

Encouraged rather than disheartened by a failure which had so nearlj 
proved a triumph, and which had so distinctly demonstrated the practicabilitj 
of such a project, if conducted with common prudence and caution, Catiline 
was soon after (b. c. 65) left completely unfettered, by his acquittal upon trial 
for extortion, a result secured, it was alleged, by the liberal bribes administer- 
ed to the accuser as well as to the jury. From this time he seems to have de- 
termined to proceed more systematically ; to enlist a more numerous body of 
supporters ; to extend the sphere of operations, and to organize a more com- 
prehensive and sweeping scheme of destruction. Accordingly, about the 
Deginning of June, b. c. 64, probably soon after the successful termination of 
his second trial, when called to account for the blood which he had shed 
during the proscription of Sulla (Dion Cass, xxxvii. 10), he began, while 
canvassing vigorously for the consulship, to sound the dispositions of various 
persons, by pointing out the probable success of a great revolutionary move- 
ment, and the bright prospect of power and profit opened up to its promoters. 
After having thus ascertained the temper of different individuals, he called to- 
gether those who from their necessities, their characters, and their sentiments, 
were likely to be most eager and most resolute in the undertaking. The meet- 
ing, according to Sallust, was attended by eleven senators, by four members 
of the equestrian order, and by several men of rank and influence from the 
provincial towns. The most conspicuous were P. Cornelius Lentulus Sura, 
who had been consul in b. c. 71, but having been passed over by the censors 
had lost his seat in the senate, which he was now seeking to recover by 
standing a second time for the prsBtorship (Dion Cass, xxxvii. 30) ; C. Cor- 
nelius Cethegus, distinguished throughout by his impatience, headstrong im- 
petuosity, and sanguinary violence (Sail. Cat. 43 ; Cic. pro Sull. 19) ; P. Au- 
tronius, spoken of above ; L. Cassius Longinus, at this time a competitor for 
the consulship, dull and heavy, but bloodthirsty withal (Cic. in Cat. iii. 4-6 ; 
pro Sulla, 13) ; L. Vargunteius, who had been one of the colleagues of Cicero hi 
the quaestorship, and had subsequently been condemned for bribery (pro Sull. 
5, 6, 18) ; L. Calpurnius Bestia, tribune elect ; Publius and Servius Sulla, 
nephews of the dictator ; M. Porcius Lceca (Cic. in Cat. i. 4, ii. 6, pro Sull. 
2, 18); Q. Annius; Q. Curius; M. Fulvius Nobilior; L. Statilius ; P. Gabi- 
nius Capito ; C. Cornelius. In addition to these, a great body of the younger 
nobility were lcnown to be favorably inclined, although they had not openly 
committed themselves ; and now, as on the former occasion, rumor included 
Crassus and Caesar, although the report does not appear to have gained gen- 
eral belief. 

At this assembly, Catiline, after expatiating upen a number of topics calcu- 
lated to rouse the indignation and stimulate the cupidity of his audience, 
proceeded to develop his objects and resources. He proposed that all debts 
should be cancelled, thft the most wealthy citizens should be proscribed, and 
that all offices of honor and emolument shouAl be divided among the asso- 
ciates, while for support he counted upon Piso hi Hither Spain, P. Sittius Nu- 
cerinus with the army in Mauritania, and at home confidently anticipated 
the co-operation of C. Antonius, whom he expected to be chosen consul along 



INTRODUCTION. 141 

Willi himself for the following year, having formed a coalition with him fot 
the purpose of excluding Cicero. The votes of the people, however, in some 
measure deranged these calculations. Cicero and C. Antonius were returned,, 
the former nearly unanimously, the latter by a small majority over Catiline. 
This disappointment, while it increased if possible the bitterness of his animos- 
ity towards the dominant party among the aristocracy and the independent 
portion of the middle ranks, rendered him more vigorous in the prosecution o! 
his designs. Large sums of money were raised upon his own security, or on 
the credit of his friends ; magazines of arms and other warlike stores were 
secretly formed ; troops were levied in various parts of Italy, especially in the 
neighborhood of Fsesulae, under the superintendence of C. Manlius, an expe- 
rienced commander, one of the veteran centurions of Sulla (Dion Cass. 
xxxvii. 30), and numerous adherents were enrolled from the most desperate 
classes, including not a few women of ruined reputation ; attempts also were 
made in various quarters to gain over the slaves, and it was determined, when 
the critical moment should arrive for an open demonstration, to set fire to 
the city in many different places at the same instant, and to slaughter tho 
well-disposed portion of the population in the tumult. Meanwhile, in tho 
midst of these extensive preparations, Catiline again (G3) stood candidate for 
the consulship, and used every effort to get rid of Cicero, who met him at 
every turn and thwarted all his best-contrived machinations. Nor was this 
wonderful, for he was countermined from a quarter whence he apprehended 
no danger. One of the most high-born, abandoned, but, at the same time, 
weak and vacillating, among the conspirators, was a certain Q. Curius, who 
had been expelled from the senate by the censors on account of the infamy of 
his life. This man had long consorted with a noble mistress named Fulvia, 
who appears to have acquired complete control over his mind, and to have 
been made the depositary of all his secrets. Fulvia, alarmed by the intelli- 
gence obtained from her lover, divulged what she had learned to several of her 
acquaintances, and, through them, opened a correspondence with Cicero, to 
whom she regularly communicated all the particulars she could collect, and 
at length persuaded Curius himself to turn traitor and betray his comrades. 
Thus the consul was at once put in possession of every circumstance as soon 
as it occurred, and was enabled to keep vigilant watch over the conduct of 
every individual from whom danger was to be apprehended. By imparting tc 
a certain extent his fears and suspicions to the senators and moneyed men, he 
excited a general feeling of distrust and suspicion towards Catiline, and bound 
firmly together, by the tie of common interest, all who having property to lose 
looked forward with dread to confusion and anarchy ; Antonius, whose good 
faith was more than doubtful, he gained over by at once resigning to him the 
province of Macedonia, while he protected his own person by a numerous 
body of friends and dependents who surrounded him whenever he appeared 
in public. These preliminary measures being completed, he now ventured to 
speak more openly ; prevailed upon the senate to defer the consular elections 
in order that the state of public affairs might be fully investigated ; and at 
length, on the 21st of October, openly denounced Catiline, charged him 
broadly with treason, predicted that in six days from that time Manlius would 
take the field in open war, and that the 28th was the period fixed for the mur- 
der of the leading men in the commonwealth. Such was the consternation 
produced by these disclosures, that many of those who considered themselves 
Deculiarly obnoxious instantly fled from Rome, and the senate being now 
thoroughly roused, passed the decretum ultimum, in virtue of which the con- 
suls were invested for the time befcig with absolute power, both civil and 
military. Thus supported, Cicero took such precautions that the Comitia 
passed off without any outbreak or even attempt at violence, although an at' 



142 NOTES. 

lack upon the magistrates had been meditated. Catiline was again rejected; 
was forthwith impeached of sedition, under the Plautian law, by L. jEmiliua 
Paullus ; was forced to abandon the expectation he had entertained of sur- 
prising the strong fortress cf PraBiieste, which would have formed an admira 
ble base for his warlike operations ; and found himself every hour more and 
more closely confined and pressed by the net in which he was entangled 
through the activity of Cicero. Driven to despair by this accumulation of 
disappointments and dangers, he resolved at once to bring matters to a crisis, 
and no longer to waste time by persevering in a course of policy in which ho 
had been so repeatedly foiled. Accordingly, while he still endeavored to keep 
up appearances by loud protestations of innocence, and by offering to place 
himself under the control and surveillance of M. Lepidus; of Q. Metellus, the 
pnetor ; or of M. Marcellus, in whose house he actually took up his abode ; or 
even of Cicero himself; on the night of the 6th of November he met the ring- 
leaders at the dwelling of M. Porcius Laeca, and after complaining of their 
backwardness and inactivity, informed them that he had dispatched Manlius 
to Etruria, Septimius of Camerinum, to Picenum, C. Julius to Apulia, and others 
of less note to different parts of Italy to raise open war, and to organize a geneial 
revolt of the slave population. He added that he was desirous to place himself 
at the head of his troops, but that it was absolutely necessary in the first place 
to remove Cicero, whose vigilance was most injurious to their cause. Upon 
this L. Vargunteius, a senator, and C. Cornelius, a knight, undertook to repair 
at an early hour the following morning to the house of the consul, to make 
their way into his chamber as if for the purpose of paying their respects, and 
then to stab him on the spot. The whole of these proceedings were instantly 
reported to their intended victim ; the assassins, when they presented them- 
selves, were refused admission, and certain intelligence having been now re- 
ceived that the rebellion had actually broken out, on the 27th of October, in 
Etruria, Cicero, on the 8th of November, went down to the senate, which, for 
greater security, had been summoned to meet in the temple of Jupiter Stator 
and there delivered his celebrated oration, "Quousque tandem abutere, 
Catilina, patientia nostra ?" which paraded the traitor, not so much by the 
vehemence of the invective, as by the intimate acquaintance which it dis- 
played with all his most hidden contrivances. Catiline, who upon his entrance 
had been avoided by all, and was sitting alone upon a bench from which 
every one had shrunk, rose to reply with downcast countenance, and in hum- 
ble accents implored the fathers not to listen to the malignant calumnies oi 
an upstart foreigner against the noblest blood in Rome ; but scarcely had he 
commenced when his words were drowned by the shouts of " enemy" and 
" parricide" which burst from the whole assembly, and he rushed forth with 
threats and curses on his lips On his return home, perceiving that there was 
now no hope of destroying his hated foe, and that the strict watch kept 
throughout the city rendered tumult and fire-raising difficult if not impossible 
for the present, he resolved to strike some decisive blow before troops could 
be levied to oppose him, and accordingly leaving the chief control of affairs at 
Rome in the hands of Lentulus and Cethegus, with the promise at the same 
time to march with all speed to their support at the head of a powerful army, 
set forth in the dead of night (8th-9th November) , and after remaining for u 
few days with his adherents in the neighborhood of Arretium, where he as- 
sumed the fasces and other ensigns of lawful military command, proceeded 
to the camp of Manlius, having previously addressed letters to the most dis- 
tinguished consulars and others, solemnly protesting his innocence, and de- 
claring that, unable to resist the caba^ formed among his enemies, he had 
determined to retire to Marseilles, that he might preserve his country from 
agitation and disturbance. 



INTRODUCTION. 143 

On the Oth, when the flight of Catiline was known, Cicero delivered his sec- 
md speech, which was addressed to the people in the forum. The senate pro- 
ceeded to declare Catiline and Manlius public enemies, dispatched officers of 
high standing to Etruria, Picenum, Campania, Apulia, and the different dis- 
tricts from which danger was apprehended, directed the consuls to hold a levy 
with all speed, decreed that Antonius should go forth to the war, and that 
Cicero should remain to guard the city ; offering at the same time an amnesty 
to all who should quit the rebels, and free pardon and great rewards to any 
who should give such information as might lead to the discovery and conviction 
of the conspirators within the walls. It is a remarkable fact, and one which 
indicates most strongly the disaffection of the lower classes to the existing or 
der of things, that not one man could be found to take advantage of this pre* 
clamation, and that not a single soldier deserted from the rebel standard. This 
circumstance threatened to prove a source of most serious embarrassment. 
Although the existence of the conspiracy and the names of the leading con- 
spirators were known, not only to the magistrates but to the public at large, yet 
there was no legal evidence against any individual ; for Curius, while he faith- 
fully supplied secret intelligence, could not come forward openly without blast- 
ing himself forever, and at the same time depriving the government of ita 
most powerful auxiliary. But such steadfastness of purpose did not extend to 
certain foreigners belonging to a race proverbial in ancient times for the light- 
ness of their faith. There was at Rome at this period a party of Allobroges, 
deputies dispatched by their nation to seek relief from certain real or alleged 
grievances. Their suit, however, had not prospered, and their complaints of the 
cupidity of the magistrates and of the indifference of the senate were open and 
loud. Lentulus, conceiving that their discontent might be made available for 
his own purposes, opened a negotiation through the medium of P. Umbrenus, a 
freedman, who, in the course of mercantile transactions, had become acquaint- 
ed with most of the Gaulish chiefs, and who now assuming a tone of warm sym- 
pathy with their wrongs, undertook to point out an easy method by which they 
might obtain ample redress. Finding that these mysterious hints were greedily 
caught up, he gradually disclosed the nature of the plot, and invited them to 
co-operate by stimulating their countrymen to insurrection. The men for a 
long while hesitated, but prudence prevailed. After calculating and balancing 
the chances, they resolved to secure a certain and immediate recompense, 
rather than to speculate upon doubtful and distant advantages. Accordingly, 
they revealed all to Q. Fabius Sanga, the patron of their state, who in his turn 
acquainted Cicero, and by the instructions of the latter enjoined the ambassa- 
dors to affect great zeal in the undertaking, and if possible to gain possession of 
some tangible documentary proof The Gauls played well the part assigned to 
them. A written agreement, signed by Lentulus, Cethegus, and Statilius, 
was placed in their hands, and they quitted Rome soon after midnight on the 
3d of December, accompanied by T. Volturcius, of Crotona, who was charged 
with dispatches for Catiline, it being arranged that the Allobroges were to 
visit his camp on their way homewards for the double purpose of receiving his 
orders and obtaining a ratification of the pledges given by his agents. The 
whole cavalcade was surrounded a nd seized as it was crossing the Milvian 
bridge, by two of the praetors who had been stationed in ambush to intercept 
them. The Gauls quietly surrendered ; Volturcius, after having vainly en- 
deavored to lesist, was overpowered and forced to yield. 

Cicero, when informed of the complete success of his plan, instantly sum- 
moned Lentulus, Cethegus, Statilius, and Gabinius to his presence. Lentulus 
being praetor, the consul led him by the hand to the fane of Concord, where the 
senate was already met ; the rest of the accused followed closely guarded. 
The pnetor Flaccus was also in attendance, bearing the portfolio with tho 



144 NOTES. 

papers still sealed. Volturcius finding escape impossible, agreed, upon Ida 
own personal safety being insured, to make a full confession. His statements 
were confirmed by the Allobroges, and the chain of testimony was rendered 
complete and conclusive by the signatures in the handwriting of the ringlead- 
ers, which they were unable to deny. The guilt of Lentulus, Cethegus, and 
seven others being thus established beyond a doubt, Lentulus was forced to 
abdicate his office, and then along with the rest was consigned to the charge 
of certain individuals of high station who became responsible for their appear- 
ance. 

These circumstances as they had occurred having been fully detailed by 
Cicero in his third oration, delivered in the forum, a strong reaction took 
place among the populace, who all now .joined in execrating Catiline and de- 
manding vengeance, from the well-founded conviction,' that although they 
might have derived profit from riot or even from civil war, yet the general 
conflagration, which had always formed a leading feature in the schemes of 
the conspirators, must have brought ruin upon the humblest mechanics as 
well as upon the wealthiest of the aristocracy. On the other hand, a vigorous 
effort was made by the clients of Lentulus to excite the dregs of the multitude 
to attempt his rescue. The danger appearing imminent, the senate was 
called together on the nones (5th) of December, the day so frequently referred 
to by Cicero in after times with triumphant pride, and the question was put, 
What was their pleasure with regard to those who were now in custody? 
After an animated debate, of which the leading arguments are strongly and 
pointedly expressed in the two celebrated orations assigned by Sallust to Caesar 
and to Cato, a decree was passed, that the last punishment should be inflicted 
according to ancient usage upon the convicted traitors. Thereupon the consul 
led away Lentulus to the subterranean prison on the slope of the capitol, and 
the others were conducted thither by the praetors. On the self-same night, 
the high-born patrician Lentulus, a member of the noble Cornelia gens, was 
strangled in that loathsome dungeon by the common executioner, and the rest 
of his associates shared his fate. 

While these things were going on at Rome, Catiline had gradually collected 
a force amounting to two legions, although not above one-fourth part of the 
whole, or about 5,000 men, were fully equipped, the rest being armed with 
pikes, clubs, and other rude weapons which chance presented. On the ap- 
proach of Antonius, Catiline, fearing to encounter regular troops with this 
motley crowd, threw himself into the mountains, and, by constantly shifting 
his ground and moving rapidly in different directions, contrived to avoid a 
collision, while at the same time he exercised and disciplined his followers, 
whose numbers daily increased, although he now refused to enrol slaves, mul- 
titudes of whom flocked to his banner, deeming that it might prove injurious 
to his prospects were he to identify their interests with what he termed the 
cause of Roman freedom. But when the news arrived of the disclosures that 
had taken place in the city, of the complete suppression of the plot, and of the 
execution of the leading conspirators, many who had joined his standard, 
from the love of excitement and the hope of plunder, gradually slunk away. 
Those who remained firm he led into the territory of Pistoria, with the design 
of crossing the Apennines and taking refuge iu Gaul. But this movement 
wao anticipated by the vigilance of Metellus Celer, who guarded Picenum 
with three legions, and had marched straight to the .oot of the hills that he 
might intercept the insurgents on their descent. 

Catiline, therefore, at the beginning of the year G2, finding that escape was 
cutoffin front, while Antonius was pressing on his rear, turned fiercely on his 
pursuers and determined as a last resource to hazard an engagement, trusting 
that, if successful, all Etruria would be thrown open for the maintenance of 



INTRODUCTION. 14& 

his soldiers, and that he would be able to keep hi3 ground in the disaffected 
districts until some diversion in his favor should be made in the metropolis 
The battle, in which the legions of the republic were commanded by M. Pe- 
treius, in consequence of the real or pretended illness of the proconsul Anto- 
nius, was obstinate and bloody. The rebels fought with the fury of despair, 
and long kept at bay the veterans by whom they were assailed. Catiline, in 
this his last field, nobly discharged the duties of a skilful general and a gal- 
lant soldier ; his eye and his hand were everywhere ; he brought up columns 
to support those who were most hotly pressed ; withdrew the wounded and 
tho weary, and supplied their place with the sound and fresh ; flew from rank 
to rank encouraging the combatants, and strove by repeated feats of daring 
Valor to turn the fortune of the day. But, at length, perceiving that all was 
lost, he charged headlong where the foes were thickest, and fell sword in hand 
fighting with resolute courage, worthy of a better cause and a better man. 
His body was found, after the struggle was over, far in advance of his own 
ranks in the midst of a heap of his enemies ; he was yet breathing, and his 
features in the agonies of death still wore their habitual expression of reckless 
daring. His adherents, to the number of 3000, imitated the example of their 
leader. Each perished at his post, and not*one freeborn citizen was taken 
alive either in the fight or in the pursuit. The victory cost the consular army 
dear, for all the bravest were slain or grievously wounded. 

Although we possess only a one-sided history of this famous conspiracy ; al- 
though much that has been recorded seems so marvellous and incredible, that 
many have regarded the whole narrative as little bet ter than a fabric of mis- 
representation and falsehood, built up by violent political animosity, and rest- 
ing on a very slender basis of truth ; although it cannot be denied that some of 
the particulars, set down by Dion Cassius (xxxvi. 30) and alluded to br- 
others (e. g. Sail. Cat. 32), of the revolting rites by which the compact be- 
tween the associates was ratified, are evidently vulgar exaggerations ; although 
little reliance can be placed on the self-panegyrics of Cicero, who would stu- 
diously seek to magnify the danger in order to enhance the merits of his own 
exertions ; yet, upon a careful and dispassionate investigation, we shall dis- 
cover no reasonable ground for entertaining any doubts with regard to tho 
general accuracy of the facts as presented to us by Sallust, whose account is 
throughout clear and consistent, and is corroborated in all the most important 
details by the information transmitted from other sources. Nor, upon a close 
examination into the circumstances of the individuals concerned, of the times, 
and of the state of public feeling and public morals, shall we have much diffi- 
culty in forming a distinct idea of the character of Catiline himself, of the 
motives by which he was stimulated, and of the calculations by which he was 
encouraged to anticipate success. 

Trained in the wars of Sulla, he was made familiar from his earliest youth 
with civil strife, acquired an indifference to human suffering, and imbibed an 
utter contempt for the constitutional forms and government of his country, 
which had been so freely neglected or violated by his patron. The wealth 
quickly acquired was recklessly squandered in the indulgence of coarse sen- 
tuality ; and, although his shattered fortunes may have been to a certain ex 
tent repaired by a wealthy marriage, and by the plunder of a province, yet the 
telief was but temporary ; his pleasures were too costly ; a considerable portiou 
of his ill-gotten gains would be expended in bribing the different juries who 
pronounced his innocence, and his necessities soon became pressing. Tha 
remorse too produced by his frightful vices and crimes— remorse which was 
betrayed by the haggard cheek, the bloodshot eye, the wild glance, and the 
unsteady step, so graphically depicted by the historian— must have given rise 
to a frame of mind which would eagerly desire tc escape from reflection and 

1o 
O 



14U N0TE3. 

seek reliof in fierce excitement. On the other hand, the consciousness of thus* 
great mental and physical powers, from which even his most bitter enemies 
could not withhold a tribute of admiration, combined with the extensive pop- 
ularity which he had acquired among the young by his agreeable address, 
varied accomplishments, and unwearied zeal in ministering to their pleasures, 
must have tended to augment his natural self-confidence, to foster his pride. 
and to stimulate his ambition. How soon the idea of destroying the liberties of 
his country may have entered his thoughts it is impossible to discover, but we 
can readily believe that the career of Sulla was ever present to his imagination, 
that his arand aim was to become what the dictator had been, and that, pro- 
vided this end was accomplished, he felt little scrupulous about the means 
employed. And, in truth, when he looked abroad, the moment seemed most 
propitious for the advancement of a man of daring and powerful intellect un- 
controlled by principle. The leading statesmen were divided into factions 
which eyed each other with the bitter jealousy engendered during the convul- 
sions in which they had played an active part some twenty years before. The 
younger nobility, as a class, were thoroughly demoralized, for the most part 
bankrupts in fortune as well as in fame, eager for any change which might 
relieve them from their embarrassments, while it held out the promise of un- 
restrained license. The rabble were restless and discontented, filled with envy 
and hatred against the rich and powerful, ever ready to follow at the bidding 
of any seditious demagogue. Thus, at home, the dominant party in the 
senate, and the equites or capitalists alone felt a deep interest in the stability 
of the government. Moreover, a wide-spread feeling of disaffection extended 
over the whole of Italy. Many of the veterans of Sulla, accustomed to riotous 
living and profuse expenditure, had already squandered their hoards, and 
.ooked forward with anxiety to the renewal of those scenes of blood which 
they had found by experience so profitable ; while the multitude whose estates 
had been confiscated, whose relations had been proscribed, and who them- 
selves were suffering under civil disabilities in consequence of their connection 
with those who had thus perished , were eagerly watching for any movement 
which might give them a chance of becoming oppressors, robbers, and mur- 
derers in their turn. 

Never was the executive weaker. The senate and magistrates were wasting 
their energies in petty disputes, indifferent to the great interests of the com- 
monwealth; Pompey, at the head of all the best troops of the republic, was 
prosecuting a long-protracted and doubtful war in the East ; there was no 
army in Italy, where all was hushed in a treacherous calm. If then, Catiline, 
surrounded as he was by a large body of retainers all devotedly attached to his 
person and detached from society at large by the crimes which he had sug- 
gested or promoted, had succeeded in striking his first great blow, had he as- 
sassinated the consuls and the most able of the senators, the chances were, 
that the waverers among the higher ranks would have at once espoused his 
cause, that the populace would have been intimidated or gained over, and 
that thousands of ruined and desperate men would have rushed from all quar- 
ters to his support, enabling him to bid defiance to any force which could have 
been brought to bear upon the city until the return of Pompey from the East. 
But Pompey might never return, or might not return victorious, or, at all 
events, a long period must elapse, and ample time would be given for negotia- 
tions or resistance. Such were the probabilities which led on Catiline to haz- 
ard all upon one great tlirow ;— but the fortune of Rome prevailed, the gamblei 
was ruined, and the state saved. (Sail. Catilin. ; Dion. Cass, xxxvi. 27, xxxvii. 
10, 29-42; Liv. Epit. 101, 102; Cic. in Catilin. i. ii. iii. iv., pro Sulla, pro 
irhrena, 25, 26, in Pison. 2, pro Flacc. 40, pro Plane. 37, ad Ait. i. 19, ii. 1, 
Sir. 21, zvi. 14, ad Fain. i. 9 ; Sueton. Jul. 14 ; Plut. Cic. 10-22. Cat. Min. 23.) 



FIRST ORATION AGAINST CATILINE. 



ANALYSIS. 

This oration is distributed into three parts :• - 

1. In the introduction the orator expresses his astonishment at the bold ap- 
pearance of Catiline in the senate, and reminds him with what severity ho 
ought long before to have been treated, as similar cases were dealt with in 
earlier periods of the state. He at the same time gives the reasons, for 
which he has not already put Catiline to death. (Chaps. 1, 2.) 

2. The main proposition is a summons to Catiline to leave the city, to go 
either into exile or into the camp of Mallius (ch. 3) ; for— 

(a) His shameful conspiracy is known to all, his private life stained by crimes 
of every kind, and his public life has to such a degree excited the abhorrence 
of the senate, the citizens, and the whole country, that it by an emphatic 
silence, as it were, demands the removal of Catiline, although the consul 
by allowing him to go unpunished will bring upon himself the greatest- 
odium. (Chaps. 3-9, § 23.) 

(6) It must be agreeable to Catiline himself to leave Rome and withdraw to 
the camp of Mallius, whither he has already sent forward his troops, finding 
as he does, consistently with his character, his greatest delight in making 
war upon his country, and in the society of similar disturbers of the publk- 
peace. (Ch. 9, § 24, to ch. 10.) And, 

(c) Such a withdrawal of Catiline will be more advantageous to the state . 
than would be his execution, as in the former case his fellow-conspirators 
will follow him. and thus the seeds of disorder be extirpated. This last 
consideration the orator adds especially as a justification of his course of 
proceeding. (Chaps. 11-13, $ 32.) 

3. In conclusion, Cicero promises to the senate the co-operation of all orders 
in suppressing the remnants of the conspiracy, after the removal of Catiline 
and his associates ; and, again bidding Catiline with his adherents to leave 
Rome, he supplicates Jupiter Stator to protect and save the Roman state. 
(Ch. 13, § 32-end.) 

Page 
Ch. I.— 1 . Q,uousque tandem. The abruptness of the language Q 
and the interrogative form here strongly express the indignation of the 
orator at seeing Catiline, contrary to all expectation, present in the sen- 
ate, as though innocent of all treasonable designs against his country. 
Comp. Sail. B. C. 31. — Tar.dem expresses impatience and adds forco 
to tho interrogation. It may often be rendered " pray," " I pray " 
So Sail. Cat. 20 : Quce quousque tandem patiemini ? See Harkness, 
582. — Abutere = misapply, i. e. by making use of it to confirm, not 
eorrect your audacity. Of the form in re for ris, see H. 210, 236. 

2. Nostra. Not of Cicero or the consuls only but of the senate 
also. — Etiam (ct jam). Sometimes the notion of time prevails, and 
t =s " still," as hero, " How long — still ?" — Furor. Benecko notices 



148 NOTES. 

q the energy imparted by the personification of furor and audaeia. 
Fur ere is often used of instigators of sedition. Quid est aliud furere, 
nisi nun cognoscere homines, non cognoscere leges, non senatum, non 
civitatem ? Cic. in Pison. 20, 47. — Eludet. Properly a gladiatorial 
term of avoiding a thrust by the rapid motion of the body ; hence fig- 
uratively to deceive, baffle, and here with the notion of derision and 
contempt, derived from the bearing of the victor, to mock, insult over. 
— Nos is bracketed by Orelli as doubtful, defended by Klotz, omitted 
by Madvig. See pro Milone, 12, 32. 

3 . Q,uem ad fiuem. This phrase should not be used to signify 
purpose or aim, but as equivalent to quousque or quamdiu. So Verr. 
5, 29, 75: piraiam vivum tenuisii. Quern ad finem? Dum cum 
imperio fuisti. Of the three interrogates here used, quousque puts 
the more general question, with reference to time and degree ; quam- 
diu and quern ad finem, the more special, the former in regard to time 
only, the latter in regard to degree only. Schultz. — Jactabit = inso- 
lenter se efferet. The notion is derived from the proud gesture of one 
who tosses his head contemptuously, walks with a conceited swing, 
&c. Muretus can's attention to the frequency of the letter a in this 
passage, as giving fuller tone and stateliness to the discourse, and con- 
trasts it with cupio P. C. me esse clementem, ch. 2, 4. — Nihiln* 
For the'figure repelitio here used, see Arnold, P. C. 263 ; H. 704, II, 
3, and for nihil instead of non, see Z. 677. 

4. Palatii. The Palatine hill, which overhung the Forum on the 
south. At an earlier date it was the residence of the kings, and, be- 
fore the time of Augustus, of distinguished Romans. Cicero, Antony, 
Scaurus, and Catiline himself had houses on it. Augustus built upon 
it a splendid mansion, and succeeding emperors made it their resi- 
dence, so that palatium came to signify any royal residence, and 
hence the English word palace. In dangerous times a guard was set 
upon it, as upon its possession depended the possession of the city 
Comp. Sail. Cat. 49 : Nonnulli equites Romani — prcBsidii causa cum 
telis erant circum adem Concordia. — Vigilia. See Sail. Cat. 30 : 
itemque decrevere, uti — Roma per totam urbem vigilia habcrentur, 
Usque minores magistratus praessent. Under the republic, on special 
occasions, the triumviri capitales, a>diles or tribuni plebis, who are 
meant by " minores magistratus" in the passage of Sallust, were 
charged with providing a watch for the city. Cf. Liv. 39, 14. The 
triumviri nocturni appointed a watch to guard against fires. Au- 
gustus concentrated these offices in one head of police, the prafectun 
urbi and a special prafectus vigilum. 

5. Timor populi. Compare Sallust's description of this alarm, 
Cat. 31 : repenle omnis tristitia invasit .... suo quisque metu pen- 
cula metiri, &e. ; and pro Murena, ch. 26. — Bonorum omnium, 
lioni, as often, used of the patriotic, conservative, order and quiel 



FIRST ORATION AGAINST CATILINE. 149 

.oving portion of the community. Sco Diet, of Greek and Roman q 
Antiquities, Optimates. 

6. jLocus. The temple of Jupiter Stator at the foot of the Pala- 
tine. See infr. ch. 5, 11, and 2, 6, 12. The regular meetings of the 
.•senate were held on the calends, nones, and ides of each month, and 
commonly in the Curia Hostilia. Extraordinary meetings (senatus 
indictus) might be called on other days, and were often held in temples, 
or some other place inaugurated by the augurs for tho purpose. — Mu- 
nitissimus. From its position as well as from the special guard set 
there on this occasion. — Horum ora vultusque. All the senators rose 
up and left the bench on which Catiline seated himself. Comp. below, 
ch. 7, 16, 17, and 2, 6, 12. The words ora and vultus are often 
found in connection. They both denote the countenance as making 
known the state of tho mind — os more the natural and habitual state, 
as indicated by the expression of tho mouth and lower part of the face : 
vultus rather the temporary and changing state, as expressed by the 
motion of the eye and brow. 

T. Non sentis. Orelli (ad Verr. 4, 9, 19) states very clearly and 
neatly the difference between non and nonne in direct questions: " ubi 
dico von — est ? certus sentential meas adversarii responsum non euro ; 
ubi interrogo nonne — est ? opto atque exspecto eum, quem interrogo, 
mihi assensurum. In illo igitur major vis inest." Hand (Turs. iv. 
p. 309) says, " Is qui per non quoerit, supponit negationem in alterius, 
quocum loquitur, sententia, quam alter respondendo, aut pronuntiat, 
aut rejicit affirmans contrarium. — Utuntur hac dictione indignabundi, 
aut irascentes, aut admirantes." 

8. Constrictam teneri. See H. 542. The metaphor is 

taken from chaining a wild beast, to which he compares the conspi- 
racy. Cf. Phil 7, 8, 27 ; Sest. 7, 16. 

9. Q,uid proxima, quid superiore. The " nox superior" here 
mentioned is the same as that called "prior," § 8 ; viz. the night 
which followed the day after the nones of November, — the night be- 
tween Nov. 6 and 7. The conspirators were then assembled in the 
house of M. Porcius Lseca ; ch. 4, § 8 ; pro Sulla, 18, 52. The "nox 
proxima" is of course the night between Nov. 7 and 8. In what way 
Catiline was engaged on this night we are not informed. — Comp. Arch 
5, 11, proximis censoribus — superioribus — primis. 

10. Q,uos convocaveris. See Sail. Cat. 17. Muretus has collected 
from ancient authorities the names of forty persons connected with the 
conspiracy. — Quid consilii. See ch. 4, 9 ; Sail. Cat. 27, 28 ; and 
pro Sulla, 18, 52. 

11. Arbitraris. See H. 206, 236. 

13. Vivit? Immo vero. If a word only is to bo corrected, it 
m done by putting that word into the form of a question with or with- 
out dicam, and answering it by immo. So ad Att 12, 43 : Ferendua 



150 NOTES. 

Pag-e 

q 3 tibi in hoc ?ncus error; ferendus? immo vero etiam adjuvandua 
Seo also Harkness, 584. — In senalum. Catiline had been praetor, 
and therefore possessed the right to a seat in the senate. His motive 
in appearing there at this time is given in Sail. Cat. 31. 

14. Notat et designate As those who are about to offer a sac- 
rifice mark the victims out of the flock, p. Leg. Man. 3, 7- cives 
Romanos necandos trucidandosque denotavit. 

15. Viri fortes. Ironical. 

16. Videmur. Sc. nobis. See H. 547. — Istius. This is Jia 
regular pronoun by which the advocate speaks (in the 3d person) of 
the person against whom he is pleading = " the person who stands 
there before you (the judges)," or "whom you (the counsel for the op- 
posite party) defend." The notion o c depreciation does not by any 
means belong to the wora ; r. can at most be implied, from the fre- 
quency of its use, to denote another person whom the speaker is at- 
taching, and some one else defending. See P. C. 377 and 382 ; H. 
450, 4. 

IT. Ad mortem .... oportebat. This is his r reposition, which 
he enforces by the example of others. — Jampridem. See below, 2, 4 : 
viccsimum jam diem. — Jussu consulis. The consuls were invested, 
for the time being, with absolute power. See ch. 2, 4 ; and Sail 
Cat. 29. Otherwise they had not the power of life and death over a 
Roman citizen. 

1 8. Oportebat. See H. 475, 4. 

1 9. Jamdiu machinaris. The present tense in Latin is often 
used as a present, including past time ; especially with jamdiu and 
jamdudum = have been — ing. P. C. 413. — Machinari = prixavaadai. 
So machinator, 3, 3, 6. — Machinari and moliri are both used of great 
undertakings. The former expresses more the secret and artful means, 
the latter the strong effort. Here machinaris is used because the con- 
spiracy is looked uoon as secretly and cunningly prosecuted by artful 
means; in 2, 1, 1, moliri is used, as the conspiracy was already dis- 
covered, and the powerful efforts of Catiline were known. Schultz.— 
An vero. A formula of the argument a minore ad majus, thus stated : 
whereas P. Scipio, a private individual, slew Tib. Gracchus, much 
more ought the consuls to have slain Catiline. Here when the sen- 
tence is of the form, " Can A do this — (but) B not do it?" consisting 
of two questions, the first is often introduced by an or (stronger) an 
zero. See H. 526 ; and Krebs' Guide, 332, (8). On the interroga- 
tive an, see P. C. 120. 

20. P. Scipio. P. Cornelius Scipio Naslca Serapio, consul with D. 
Junius Brutus, a. u. c. 616. — Ti. Gracchum. Ti. Gracchus, descended 
from a father who had been twice consul, and Cornelia, daughter of the 
elder Africanus, when tribune of the commons, promised the rights of 
citizenship to the whole of Ital" r At the same time^ Tioreover, having 



FIRST ORATION AGAINST CATILINE. 151 

Pa«» 

promulgated the Agrarian laws, ho deprived his colleague Octavius of n 
his office, and constituted himself, his father-in-law Appius, and hia 
brother Caius, a triumvirate for the division of lands and the plantation 
of colonies. Upon this, P. Scipio Nasica, his cousin-german, from the 
upper part of the Capitol, summoned all who had at heart the welfare 
of their country to follow him, and rushed upon the crowd of Grac- 
chus' adherents. Gracchus, as he fled, was struck down by the frag- 
ment of a bench, and expired at the very gates of the temple of Fides, 
A. u. c. 621. Here and below, 2, § 4, Cicero speaks mildly of the of- 
fence of the Gracchi, to contrast the conduct for which they suffered 
with the fearful crime that Catiline moditated. Another passage, in 
which he speaks of the Gracchi with great moderation (but possibly, 
says Klotz, to please the people), is in the second book De Lege Agrar. 
5, 10 : " Venit enim mihi in mcntem duos clarissimos, ingeniosissi- 
vws, amantissimos plebi Romance viros, Ti. et C. Gracchos, plebem 
in agris publicis constituisse, qui agri a privatis antea possidebantur. 
Non sum autem ego is Consul, qui, ut plcrique, nefas esse arbitre* 
Gracchos laudare ; quorum consiliis, sapientia, legibus multas esse 
video rei publicce partes constitutas." Quintilian points out the an- 
tithetical character of this passage : " Hie et Caiilina Graccho, et 
status rei publicce orbi t err arum, et mediocris labefactatio cccdi et 
incendiis et vastationi, et privatus consulibus comparatur." viii. 4, 
14. — Pontifex maximus. Cicero appears to have added these words 
simply to remind his hearers that Scipio was a distinguished and pru- 
dent man, who had had that high office. It agrees also very well 
with the subsequent privatus, since the priesthood was not strictly a 
magistracy, and accordingly the pontifex, unless ho at the same time 
held some magistracy besides, was only a privato man. Consult 
Schmitz, Hist. Rome, pp. 330-333. 

24. Spurium Maelium, a Roman knight, who, when the Roman 
people were suffering from famine, a. u. c. 314, distributed corn to 
them at his own expense. Having thus gained over the commons, 
ho aimed at regal power, and was slain by Servilius Ahala, at the 
command of Q. Cincinnatus the dictator, a. u. c. 315. Cf. Liv. 4, 13. 
See Schmitz, Hist. Rome, p. 126. — Novis rebus studentem, aiming 
to overturn the government, vodre^oira. 

25. Fu.it, fuit. Gemiuatio. Arnold, Prose Composition, p. 265. 
It gives emphasis. So below, nos, nos. 

27* Coercerent. This is the vocabulum proprium to express 
the executive duty of a magistrate. Cf. de Legg. 3, 3, 6 ; de Off". 
3,5,23. 

1. Non deest rei publicae consilium. Rei publico is usually in 
construed as the dative with deest. Benecke, however, regards it as 
the genitive limiting consilium, and referring the whole sentence to 
the historical events cited, he gives the following as the sense: " There 



15'2 NOTES. 

Page 

in is no lack of decisions of the state, i. e. our slate has already, often by 
individual patriots punished dangerous citizens ; also the authority of 
tho senate is not wanting ; nothing stands in the way of thy punish- 
ment, except that wo the consuls make no use of the early precedents, 
and do not apply tho powers conferred on us by the senate." Or ii 
this explanation appears too forced (B. continues), consilium may be 
taken as = qui rei publicae consulunt. Cf. de Legg. 2, 12, 30. 

Ch. II. — 3. Ii. Opimius, &c. When C. Gracchus and M. Fulviua 
Flaccus, a man of consular rank, and who had been honored with a 
triumph, were summoned to appear before the senate, they disobeyed, 
and occupied the Aventine, posting themselves at the temple of Diana. 
Twice they sent tho younger son of Fulvius to make terms ; but the 
second timo Opimius caused him to be seized, and advanced to the 
attack. The insurgents fled : Fulvius, with his eldest son, was slain ; 
Gracchus prevailed on his slave to dispatch him. The younger son 
of Fulvius, who had been seized, was allowed to choose the manner of 
his own death. See Schmitz, Rome, p. 338. 

4. Xe quid res publica det. caperet. This was tho usual for- 
mula by which the senate conferred upon the consuls unlimited power 
in dangerous times. Sail. Cat. 29 ; Liv. 3, 4. 

5. Intercessit, viz. between the conferring of this power and tho 
death of Gracchus : on the same day therefore. Medius also with a 
noun and esse is sometimes used like inter cedere, and the following 
clause connected by et, especially in the poets. Propert. 3, 14, 1 ; 
Ovid, Fast. 3, 809. 

6. Patre. Ti. Sempronius Gracchus, who had been twice consul 
'a. u. c. 577 and 591) and censor, and had triumphed for a victory 
over the Celtiberians. — Avo. P. Scipio Africanus Major. 

7. Simili senatus consulto. See p. C. Rahir. 7, 20. 

9. Saturuinum. See Schmitz, Hist Rome, p. 349. 

10. Plebi. See H. 398, 5. 

11. Rcmorata est. As both things and persons are said differn, 
Cicero here, instead of saying that their death was put off, speaks cf 
death (whom he here persc-nifies), putting off, reprieving, as it were, 
Saturninus to a more distant day. — Mors ac rei p. poena = mortis 
poena a re p. injlicta. H. 704, II, 2. — Vicesimum. Asconius observes 
that it was only tho eighteenth day ; but Alliens shows that Cicero is 
correct, according to tho Roman way of reckoning in the two broken 
days. 

1 2. Hebescere aciem .... auctoritatis. Metaphorically, from 
l\e comparison of the decree to a sword. 

14. Ex senatus consulto. See H. 434, 1. 

15. Convenit = consentaneum fu.it, oportuit, par fuit. Cf. cap 
2>4. 

16. Vivis : et vivis. See H. 704. — Ad deponendam . . . . au* 



FIRST ORATION AGAINST CATILINE. 158 

daciam. Is the accusative of tho gerund followed by its object-accu- 1 Q 
eativo a common construction in Latin? See H. 565, 2. 

IT, Cupio me esse clementem ; cupio in tantis rei 

publicae periculis me non dissolutum videri. The two wishes 
are opposed: " / wish to be lenient" and (on the other hand, or, at 
the same time) " / am anxious not to be justly thought guilty of any 
want of proper firmness ;" or, as Manutius gives the meaning, " ita me 
cupio esse clementem ut dissolutus ne sim;" or " cupio quidem me 
esse clementem, sed idem tamen cupio me non dissolutum videri" 
Weiske ; who compares Lucceii Ep. ad Fam. 5, 14, extr. Cupio non 

obtundere te cupio deterrere. The introduction of the ace 

pronoun (cupio me esse clementem, for esse clemens) gives more 
prominence to the circumstance wished, by disconnecting it from the 
cupio. Cf. sapientem civem me et esse et numerari volo (Fam. 1, 9, 
18). After what verb of wishing is C. fond of inserting the pronoun ? 
P. C. 149, note r. Compare Z. G10. 

19. Me ipsum. Others read me ipse. On the difFerance, see 
Arnold, P. C. § 368 ; Krebs, Guide, § 127 ; Harkness, Gr. 452.— 
Inertia nequiticeque. Compare ch. 11, § 29. 

21. In Etrurise faucibus. At Fcesulae. Sail. 28. Mallius in 
Etruria plebem sollicitare .... praterea latrones cujusque generis 
.... nonnullos ex Sullanis colonis. — Crescit in dies. On in dies and 
quotidie, line 24, see P. C. 69, t. With words containing what idea 
is in dies found? See Z. § 315, 2d paragraph, in fin. 

23i Atque adeo = nay more, nay even. Z. 737. 

25. Credo, &c. For the construction of verbs and expressions 
which denote fear, see Arnold, P. C. § 95 ; and Harkness, 492, 4. 
Here the irony conveyed by credo (Z. 777) makes the sentence equiv- 
alent to non crit verendum mihi, &c. ; and the sense is : "I am con- 
vinced that all patriots will regard your death as occurring too late, 
rather than as too severe and cruel." Benecke cites a very similar 
passage from Cic. de lege agra. 1,8, 24. 

2T. Ctuisquam. Explain its use here. P C. 390, v. H. 457. — 
Dicat agrees with the nearest subject. 

28. Certa de causa. See H. 414, 2. This reason is explained 
in what follows, and more fully, ch. 12, and 2, 2, 3. 

29. Interficiam te ; i. e. I will order you to be put to death 
Z. 713. [So the Lex Clodia condemned Cicero, " quod cives Roma- 
nos indicia causa necasset."] 

30. Tarn tui similis. What is the difference between mei and 
mihi similis? P. C. 212, w. H. 391, 2, 4). 

32. Ciuamdiu quisquam erit, qui. Explain the use of quia- 
quam here. P. C. 391, w; Hark. 457. Cf. Verr. 4, 39, 85: pcenam 
capitis constitutam, si injussu senatus quisquam attigisset. 

33. Sed vives. Sed is a conjecture of Weiske and Madvig. Klotz 



154 NOTES. 

Paga 

in and Siipflo defend the common reading ct = "and indeed" "ana 

moreover." — Below Madvig and Klotz read opprcssus for obsessus. 

Cn. III. — 39. Voces conjurationis = voces conjuratorum. Cf 
pro Mil. 94: Italia voces. — For ccetus, Steinmetz and Klotz read 
cceptus. 

40. Illustrantur, &c. Observe illustrari opp. to obscurarc ,' 
and crumpere, to domus .... continet. 

41. Mentcm = plan, purpose of remaining in the city to murder, 
toe—Mild crede. P. C. p. 259, § 111 ; 

43. Recognoscas. Cf. Tusc. 1, 24, 57: reminiscendo—rcco- 
gnoscere. 

44. Meministine = Nonne meministi ? See H. 346, II. — Ante 
diem. What other form of stating the day of the month was used? 
Which form is most common in Cicero and Livy ? How is tho pecu- 
liarity of this form to be explained? P. C. 530 ; H. 708. On the day 
named, the 21st October, Cicero had informed the senate of the con- 
spiracy, and received full powers to protect the state. — Dicere. P. C. 
426 ; Z. 589. — Here, and page 11, line 2, Steinmetz and Klotz, on the 
authority of Priscian and some MSS., read Kalendarum Novembrium. 
Orelli remarks, " Apud Cic. me non memini genitivum lege re ; et 
nostri contra stant." 

|1 1. Certo die, qui dies. H. 704. Peter, ad Brut. Excursus, 4, 
explains this repetition, of the substantive after the relative, by the 
figure anaphora, or on the ground of perspicuity. Ellendt, de Orat 1 
38, 174, derives it from legal usage. 

4. Id quod. P. C. 36 ; H. 445, etc. 

5. Ego idem. H. 451, 3. 

ii. Optimatium. H. 89, II, 5. — In ante diem. How is ants diem 
here to be considered? P. C. 530 ; H. 708. 

8. Sui conservandi. Conservandorum would not here be correct. 
The explanation of the apparent violation of the rule of agreement in 
regard to this construction is given in H. 563, 4. 

9. Profugerunt. It has been already remarked, that even men 
of high standing in tho state, such as M. Crassus, C. Caesar, and oth- 
ers, took an interest, if not a part in the conspiracy of Catiline. Of 
these we may suppose that one and another, perceiving that Catiline 
proceeded with too little caution in his enterprise, withdrew from the 
city, not because danger threatened them, though this may have been 
their pretext for leaving, but because they wished to remove from 
themselves (revrimere) , or, in the language of diplomacy, to disavow 
the plans of Catiline, in which they had previously perhaps been en- 
gaged. Klotz. Those " principes civitatis" considerately withdrew 
themselves from the city; not through personal fear, but lest they 
should be slain along with the consul, and, of course, nobody left to 
opposo Catiline ' M'Kay. — For tho position of causa, see H. 563, 1,4, 



FIRST ORATION AGAINST CATILINE. 155 

1JJ. Discessu ceterorum = quum ccteri discessissent. Ellendt i] 
(ad Brut. 79, 273), on ncscio quomodo discessu meo disccssit a scse, 
says, " Hoc est aliud genus ablativorum absolutis satis similmm, cau- 
sam iadicantium, quas tempore prior fuer it." Cf. dc Amic. 3, 10 : 
amicorum decessu; where Seyffert agrees with Ellendt, and disap- 
proves of the classification of such ablatives under tbe ablative of time 
H. 426, 1. — Nostra. . . qui. Qui refers to the personal pronoun im- 
plied in nostra. 

13. Praeneste, a town of Latium (now Palesirina) ; being twi< 
raundred stadia from Rome, and very strongly fortified, was well suitod 
tor insurrectional purposes, as was Capua on the other side, which 
Catiline also attempted to secure by C. Marcellus. 

14:. Novembribus. What part of speech are the names of the 
months? H. 151, 1, 2. 

15. Sensistine = nonnc sensisti? H. 346, II. 

17. Nihil agis .... quod ego non modo audiam, sed etiam 
videam. The meaning required is plainly, " you do nothing which 
J do not not only hear, but also see ;" but it does not seem possible 
that this meaning can bo expressed by these words, since the videam 
has no negative with it : so that the supposition of a non modo for non 
modo non can only explain the audiam. Madvig would read nihil 
agis quin ego non modo audiam, sed etiam videam (Opusc. I. p. 143). 
Hand approves of the usual reading (against Orelli and Klotz), nihil 
agis, quod ego non modo non audiam, sed etiam, non videam; i. e. 
"nihil quod non dico me non audire, sed quod ego non videam." Orelli 
observes that Madvig's conjecture removes all the difficulty ; and that, 
in the same way, in pro C&cin. § 39, the negative precedes and affects 
both of two closely united notions : ne non modo intrare, vcrum etiam 
adspicere .... possim. Klotz (who is followed by Supfle), ad Tusc. 
2, 5, 14, disapproves of Madvig's correction, and retains the reading of 
the MSS. as given in our text, which he renders, " You think nothing 
which I do not hear only, but also see and clearly perceive." 

Ch. IV. — 19. Recognosce tandem. Cicoro having mentioned 
all Catiline's attempts agiinst the state, concludes by speaking of the 
meeting of the conspirators in the house of M. LaBca. Madvig, in his 
Opusc. alt. p. 162, says of Cicero's usage: "is enim semper in eventu 
imperatcB actionis significando imperativo futurum sine conjunctione 
subjicit ; inferioris oetatis scriptores et interponunt." e. g. Recognosce ct 
intelligcs. Seneca, Ep. 4. § 6. Recordare .... intelliges. Cic. p. 
Sull. 2,5. 

2 1 • Dico. Notice the skill which is displayed in this passage 
Cicero first states the fact clearly and briefly. He notices the effect 
on Catiline, and calls upon him to answer. Catiline is silent. The 
orator then claims his silence as confirmation of his statement, and 
proceeds with a more full and emphatic exposition. Dico commences 



150 NOTES. 

Pa ff o 

11 the sentence with emphasis as the antithesis of " num negate audes V 
— Priore node. See note on p. 9, line 9. 

22. Inter falcarios. Into the street, or quarter, inhabited by the 
scythe-makers. So inter lignarios, Liv. 35, 42. — In .... doinum 
Js the preposition necessary? See H. 3*79, 3; 435. 

2T. Ubinam gentium. See H. 396, III, 2, 4). 

30. Gravissimo consilio. Consilium, a deliberative assembly, 
is often used of the senate. Cf. 3, 3, 7 : consilium publicum. In this 
passage, the rhetorical exaggeration is well adapted to excito theii 
pride, and at the same time kindle their displeasuie. — De nostro omni- 
um. See H. 396, I, 446 ; Krebs, 105. With omnium the genitives 
nostrum, vcstrum are more common, and always used when omnium 
precedes. Cf. cap. 7, 17: omnium nostrum parens ; and 4, 2, 4: ad 
vestram omnium ccedem. 

32. Sententiam rogo. Supply kos from the preceding. Sen- 
tcntiam rogare was said of the presiding magistrate, who, to ascertain 
the will of the senate, for the purpose of a senatus consultum, asked 
the opinion of the senators individually. Thus some of the conspira- 
tors who are present, would be called upon for their opinion. 

33. Trucidari oportebat. See H. 475,4. — Nondum voce vulnero 
By not mentioning publicly their names, and charging them with their 
guilt. 

34:. Fuisti igitur. Having been interrupted by the outbreak of 
his indignation, he now returns to the plans of the conspirators, as 
settled at the house of Lasca. — Apud Lacam = in domo Lcecce. 

35. Partes Italiae. See Sail. Cat. 27, 32, and 43. 

38. Etiam nunc, in oblique narration, is used to denote the speak- 
er's " now," not the narrator's. Catiline's words would be " paullulum 
mihi etiam nunc moras est," &c. 

39. Mora?. SeeH. 396, III. — Duo equites Romani. Caius Corne- 
lius and Lucius Vargunteius. Sail. Cat. 28. Plutarch and Appian 
give other names. Sallust calls Vargunteius a senator. Orelli thinks 
Cicero did not regard him worthy of the title. 

4:1. Iuterfecturos esse. P. C. § 15. 

42. Vixdum. See H. 58S, I, 2. 

43. Comperi. By means of Curius and Fulvia. Sail. 10, c. 28. 

44. Exclusi. Cf. p. 10, 1. 29.—Salutalum. See Diet, of Gr. and 
Rom. Antiq. Sfortula, for some account of this usage in the earlier 
days of Rome, and to what it degenerated under the emperors. 

12 1. Multis ac summis. H. 587; Krebs, Guide,' 81. — Id temporis 
P. C. 1G0 (/J) : H. 396, III, 2. 

Ch. V. — 4. Q,uae quum ita sint. The plural is used in reference 
to the many grounds which he has already stated, and from which 
he now draws his conclusion that Catiline should at once leave the 
city. Muretus reduces the argument of Cicero to the following syllc 



FIRST ORATION AGAINST C ATI LIKE. 15*3 

lo- 
gistic form" Si omnia tua consilia nota sunt, exirc deles. Sunfii) 
autcm nota. Ergo : exire debes. The relations of the several sen- 
tences of this chapter, with reference to the figure asyndeton, are 
carefully oxamined in Niigelsbach's hat. Stilisiik, p. 404 Seo also 
H. 704, I, 1. 

5. Patent. Compare 2, 12, 27. 

7. Educ. Cf. cap. 9, 23.— Si minus. H. 503, 501,—Quamplu- 
7 imos. P. C. 410 ; H. 170, 2. 

9. Dummodo murus intersit. Cf. Plut. vit. Cic. 16 • . 

avaJTas b Kucipuv ■Kpoaira^ev avrio ttjs t:6\z<as anaWdrTsadat' Stiv yUp, airov 
ptv \6yois, Ikclvov d' birXoig iroXtrevoiitvov, /xiaov slvai 7b retx°S. See 2, 8, 17. 

10. Xon feram, &c. Fert aliquis, quod vires ejus valent, patitur, 
quod animi aequitas concedit, sinit, quod per potestatem cohibero pos- 
sit. Jentzen. 

11. Habenda est .... gratia. Gratiam habere, and in connec- 
tion with agere sometimes gratias habere, is to feel thankful ; gratias 
(not gratiam) agere, to return thanks in words ; and gratiam, rarely 
gratias referre (unless of several), to show one's self thankful by deeds 
— Atque huic = and especially to this Jupiter Stator, in whoso temple 
the senate were then met. 

12. doviStatori = flight-staying Jupiter. The occasion of the 
name is given in Livy, 1, 12. 

14. Toties. For Catiline had instigated an earlier conspiracy 
which had accidentally failed. See General Introduction, p. 139. 

15. In uno homine, i. e. Catiline. A similar expression is found 
in p. Rose. Am. 51, 148 : summa res publica in hujus periculo ten- 
taiur. 

IT. Proximis comitiis. Those which were held between tho 
2lst of October and the 5th of November. 

18. In campo, Martio, where the comitia for the election of 
magistrates were usually held. Cf. 4, 1, 2. — Competitores. D. Junius 
Silanus and L. Licinius Murena. 

20. Amicorum praesidio. Compare pro Murena, 26, 52 ; and 

p. Sulla, 18, 51. — Nullo tumultu concitato. See P. C. 360 ; 

H. 431 ; 575. 

23. Nunc jam. Jam nunc is "even now" (i. e. before the reg- 
ular time), or " now at last:' "Now," as opposed to a preceding 
time or to other circumstances, = in his rebus, quum ita sit, quum 
hue pracesserint. Nunc jam has the same meaning of an emphatic 
now. — The train of thought is, that so long as you sought my life only, 
I protected myself by my individual means. Now, however, that your 
attacks are directed against the whole state, other means of defence 
must bo resorted to. Two courses are open to me to pursue, the one 
severe, the other mild ; i. e. to put you to death as a traitor, or to drive 



15S NOTES. 

Page 

jo you from Iho city. The former is in accordance with precedent, the 

latter is the dictate of prudence. 
25. Denique. Sec Z. 727. 

27. Ctuotl est primum, sc. to have you put to death. 

28. Imperii. This is hy most commentators referred to Iho 
potcslas consularis. Benecko understands it of the empire or govern- 
ment.— Proprium. See H. 391, 2, 4) ; Krebs, 167. 

29. Q,uod est ad severitatem lenius et ad communeni salu- 
tcni utilius. Ad severitatem = quod attinet ad severitatem, ra- 
tiune habita severitatis. Matthias observes, that when of two anti- 
thetical adjectives one has an accus. with ad, Cicero often adds an- 
other ace. with ad to the other, even when it hardly seems necessary 
to the sense, for the purpose of making the antithesis more complete 
and the two notions more equally balanced. Thus pro Rose. Am. 30, 
85 : Natura non tarn propensus ad misericordiam quam implacatus 
ad severitatem videbatur So Or. 1, 25, 113 : Animi atque ingenii 
celeres quidam motus esse debent, qui et ad excogitandum acuti, et 
ad explicandum ornandumque sint uberes et ad memoriam firmi atque 
diuturni. lb. 2, 49, 200 : Nihil mihi ad existimationem turpius, 
nihil ad dolorem acerbius accidere posse. 

32. Jamdudum hortor. See P. C. 413. 

33. Tuorum comitum .... sentina rei publicas. Observe 
the two genitives, dependent in different relations on the same substan- 
tive, sentina. P. C. p. 239, 28 ; H. 396, 397, 2. " Sentina rei 
publica est qua? residet in re publica tamquam in navi, ut sentina 
urbis, Att. 1, 19 : sentina comitum tuorum sunt ipsi comites, ex 
quibus, ut ita dicam, constat sentina." M., who quotes Quint. 8, 6, 
15, Cic. rccte sentinam rei public & dixit, fosditatem hominum signi- 
ficans. Orelli compares Sail. 37 : Omnes quos jlagitium aut f acinus 
domo expulerat, ii Romam sicut in sentinam confiuxerant. 

3tf. Faciebas = facere volebas, in reference to cap. 4, 9 : Con- 
firmasti, &c. 

3t>. Jubet consul liostem. The expression is much stronger 
than if he had said, jubet Cicero Catilinam. The order of the words 
also may be noticed, by which the subject and object are brought to- 
gether at the close of the sentence in marked contrast. 

37. Non jubeo. This Cicero could not do; for exile was not 
properly a punishment for a crime committed; but those who foresaw 
that they would be condemned in a judicium publicum, before their 
sentence, went into exile to escape it. In crimes of magnitude this 
voluntary exile was confirmed by the intcrdictio aqua et ignis, and 
thus became a real punishment. Cf. pro Ccbc 34, 100. 

Cir. VI. — 38. Q,uid est enim. Cicero now, as though a friendly 
adviser, gives the reasons for his advice. In Rome Catiline cannot be 



FIRST ORATION AGAINST CATILINE. 159 

Pa(t 

happy, for all hate him, his reputation is lost, he is burdened with debt, in 

and his treasonable designs are known to all. 

1 1 . Nota domestical turpitudinis is different from privutarum 
i era m dedecus : res privates may include, but is more extensive than 
res domestical : the latter relates to moral or immoral domestic life, 
the former to all private actions as opposed to those that belong to a 
man's public character; e.g. to money transactions, &c. Privatarum 
terum dedecus = " dedecus e privatis rebus conceptum." M. Mad- 
fig, after Muretus, would read non inharet in fama : but (1) hcercrc 
With the dat. is found in another passage of Cic. (Potest hoc homini 
hvic hcerere peccatum ? Pro Rose. Com 6. 17, K.), and (2) it is a 
strong rhetorical turn, as Matthiee well remarks, not to use the expect- 
ed term of indifference (" vocabulum medium")j i. e. fama (which 
may be bona or mala), but at once to assume that he had no fama, 
but a notorious infamia. Nearly so Klotz. With nota .... inusta t 
cf. pro Sull. 31, 88 : Ne qua generi ac nomini suo nota nefaria tur- 
pitudinis inuratur. — Inusta. A metaphor from branding slaves, and 
especially used to denote what is violent and of long duration. 

1, Cui tu adolescentulo, &c. Cf. 2, 4, 8 ; and Sail. 14: sed ]3 
maxime adolescentium familiaritates appetebat, &c. 

2. Facem prsetulisti. An allusion to the nightly revels and de- 
bauches of Catiline. Slaves carried torches before their masters when 
they visited their haunts. 

3* Q,uid vero. See H. 602, III. 

4. Novis nuptiis. His marriage with Aurelia Orestilla, a woman 
of most abandoned character; to remove all impediments to which, he 
is believed ("pro cerlo creditur," Sail.) to have murdered his own son. 
Cf. Sail. Cat. 15. 

5. Hoc scelus; i. e. the murder of his wife. 

7. Immanitas .... videatur. Is videri commonly used person- 
ally or impersonally ? See P. C. 297; Z. 380. 

8. Q,uas ouines. See P. C. 174 ; H. 453, 5. 

9. Prtximis Idibus. The day on which it was usual to pay the 
interest of borrowed money. Hor. Epod. 2, extr. fenerator Alfius 
Omnem redegit Idibus pecuniam, &c. Cf. Cic. Phil. 2, 37. Benecke 
thinks that on the Ides notico was only given to the borrower that the 
money must be paid on the next Calends. 

11. Difficultatem : sc. nummariam = pecuniary difficulties. Cf. 
m Ycrr. 2, 28, 69. 

16. Lepido et Tullo consulibus. JSV JEmilius Lepid us and 
L. Volcatius Tullus were consuls, a. u. c. 688. The Consules desig- 
naii were P. Autronius Patus and P. Cornelius Sulla; but these 
wore found to be disqualified by bribery, and L. Aurelius Cotta and 
L. Manlius Torquatus (their accusers) obtained the consulship. Cf. 
Sail. 18: Cum Cn. Pisone Catilina et Autronius consilio comnuni- 



1G0 NOTJBS. 

io cato parabant in Capitolio Kal. Januariis L Cottam et L. Torqua 
turn Consoles intcrficere. See General Introduction, p. 139. — In 
comitio. How do comitium and comitia differ? See Bqjesen's Roman 
Antiquities, § 76.— Cum telo. H. 434 ; cf. pro Mil 4, 11. 

IT. Consulum .... interficiendorum causa. Is the genitive 
of the gerund, followed by its object accusative, used along with tho 
gerundive ? H. 559, ff. Is the usual position of causa = for the 
sake of, before or after its genitive 1 Z. 792. 

18. N"on mentem aliquam, not some intention on your part 
" The commonly received rule, that aliquis is peculiar to affirmative 
sentences, must be confined within more definite limits ; for aliquis u 
found in negative sentences also, when any thing is spoken ^f which 
either really exists, or at least can be conceived as existing, as in the 
present passage, non mentem aliquam; for assuredly one might have 
suspected such an intention on Catiline's part. Quisquarn and ullus 
altogether deny the whole. Thus Orat. 56, 186 : Numerus autem 
non domo depromebatur, neque habebat aliquam necessitudincm ant 
cognationem cum oratione ; i.e. as one might have imagined. Cf. 
pro Sestio, 17, 40 ; 58, 125. Mil. 1, 2, ut ne non timere quidem sine 
aliquo timore possimus. But quisquarn and ullus are not negative in 
themselves, but with a negative particle ; and they are always placed 
after that particle." M. 

20. Ac jam ilia omitto. Hand would read at for ac. Benecke 
says ac, et, and atque stand not unfrequently at the beginning, in the 
sense of sed, but without losing entirely their force as connectives. — 
Neque enim sunt, &c. ; i. e. "nam quae post a te commissa sunt, ca 
neque obscura sunt, neque pauca ; satis aperta sunt multa ilia, qua) 
post commisisti scelera." Beier Steinmetz, Klotz, and Madvig read, 
aut non multa commissa postea. — Aut . . . aut sometimes follow nega- 
tives for neque . . . neque. 

21. Q,uotiens. On the form of this word, see Z. 122. Why id 
the pronoun tu expressed, and in the next sentence ego ? P. C. 1, 
Obs.; H. 446. 

22. Q,uot .... tuas petitiones. See H. 188, 4. — Peiitiones. A 
term of the fencing-school. Cic. Or. 68, 228 : Ut enim athletas nee 
multo secus gladiatores videmus nihil nee vitando facere caute nee 
petendo vehementer, in quo non motus hie habeat palcestram quon- 
dam, — sic oratio nee plagam gravem facit, nisi petitio fuit apta, 
nee, Sec. 

24. Ut aiunt, are often added to show the proverbial character ol 
the expression, generally after the first one or two words of the prov- 
erb. Here corpore effugere signifies, " barely to escape, by the slight- 
est movement or change of position." — [Nihil agis], &c. In this sen- 
tence the marks of a corrupt text will be observed. The passage or- 
dinarily stands, Nihil agis, nihil assequeris, nihil moliris, quod mihi 



FIRST ORATION AGAINST CATILINE. I CI 



Pasr« 



latere valeat in tempore, neque tamen, &c. In the clause quod 10 

in tempore, for one mark of corruption, seo Z. 390, in fin. Madvig 
omits altogether the bracketed words, and reads, Nihil asaequeris, 
ncque tamen, &c. 

26. Extorta, viz. by the precautions taken to thwart your meas- 
ures ; in reference to the preceding tuas petitiones .... effugi. 

2T. Excidit casu aliquo. Cf. § 15: fortunam populi Romani 
cbstitisse. — Et clapsa est, = et ita elapsa est. 

28. [Tamen .... non potes.] These wcrds are omitted by 
Matthiffl and Madvig. As above, [nihil agis], [nihil moliris] may 
be supposed to have crept in from § 8, so here the bracketed words 
may seem to have been taken from ch. 9, § 24. Benecke, Klotz, and 
Supfle retain and defend them. 

29. Initiata sacris, &c. That a dagger or other weapon might 
execute successfully the purpose it was to be used for, its owner used 
to devote it, as it were, to that purpose by some solemn rites, accom- 
panied with a vow, that, after the accomplishment of it, he would offer 
it up to some god. Thus Justin. 9, 7, 13 : Olympias gladium, quo 
rex pcrcussus est, Apollini sub nomine Myrtales consecravit. Suet. 
Cal. 24 (extr.), ties gladios in necem suam prceparatos Marti ultori, 
addito elogio, consecravit. So Vitell. 10. — Necesse putas esse. Be- 
necke remarks that esse is very seldom omitted with necesse. What 
are the constructions of necesse est ? See H. 556, I. With necesse 
est in Cicero the infinitive and subjunctive appear to be equally fre- 
quent ; with oportet the infinitive is much the more common. 

Ch. VIL— 33. Q,use tibi nulla = "none of which." Nullus 
for non. H. 457, 3. It is however more emphatic, meaning " none 
at all," " not a particle." So " none of my words," not nullum dic- 
torummeorum, but nullum meum dictum; so unum verbum tuum, 
" one word of yours." — Venisti . ... in senatum. See Sail. Cat. 31. 

35. Salutavit. It was customary among the Romans, when 
they saw their friends or eminent men approaching, to rise up and sa- 
lute them, and courteously address them. For an interesting illustra- 
tion of this mark of Roman politeness, see de Repub. 1, chaps. 9-12. 
—Post hominum memoriam, " within the memory of man." — Si hoc 
. contigit nemini. Observe that contigit is not confined to desira- 
ble occurrences. 

3G. Vocis .... contumcliam . . . . judicio taciturnitatis. On 
Ibis arrangement of contrasted words, see P. C. p. 14, § 15, b, and 
p. 242, § 5. What is this figure called ? 

3T. Ctuid. SeeZ. § 769. 

38. Adventu tuo. Compare discessu ceterorum, ch. 3, § 7. — 
Ista subsellia. What is the force of ista ? How would hcec or i lla 
Vary the sense ? So below, partem istam. H. 450. 

39. Tibi . , . ronstituti fuerunt. Seo II. 384. 



102 NOTES. 

Page 

i q -1 2. Servi mehercule rnei. The emphasis and distinctness v/itft 
which Cicoro here exposes the shameless insensibility of Catiline should 
bo noticed. The comparison between his own regard for his slaves, 
and Catiline's indifference to his fellow-citizens, is fitted to excite the 
highest indignation of his audience. — Why do these words precede si? 
H. G02. And on the arrangement of the whole sentence, see P. C 
p. 242, § 5.— Mehercule see H. 589. 

44. Tu tibi. Supply relinquendam. 
14 2. Ofiensum = invisum, odiosum. Cf. Att. 2, 19 : omnibus ge* 
neribus, ordinibus, atatibus offensum. 

3. Tu, quum, &c. A fortiori — should you, deservedly odious to 
your citizens, shun their sight. 

5. Dubitas .... vitare. In what signification is dubito followed 
by the infinitive ? H. 498, S.-^Quorum. . . eorum. Z. 813 ; P. C. 3U 

T. Xeque . . . ulla. See Krebs, 527. 

1 2. Q,ua3 tecum .... sic agit. To the close of the chapter, 
Cicero, by personification, introduces his native country as speaking. 

13. Tacita loquitur. This figure, involving a contradiction, ia 
called oxymoron. So 8, 21 : quum tacent, clamant 

14. Aliquot amiis. P. C. 302 ; H. 426.— Per te. H. 414, 5. 

15. Multorum civium neces. Q. Cicero de petit, consul. 2: 
Hie (Catilina) ne leges quidem (metuit), natus in patris cgestate, 
educatus in sororis stupris, corroboratus in c<zde civium; cujus 
primus ad rem publicam aditus in equitibus Ro?nanis occidendis 
fuit. Nam Mis, quos meminimus, Gallis, qui turn Titiniorum ac 
Nanniorum ac Tanusiorum capita demetebant, Sulla unum Catili- 
nam prcsfecerat, in quibus Me hominem optimum, Q. C&cilium, so- 
roris sues virum, equitem Ro?nanum, nullarmn partium, quum semper 
natura, turn etiam cetate jam quietum, suis m.anibus occidit. Quid 
ego nunc dicam, peter e eum Consulaium, qui hominem carisshnum 
populo Romano, M. Marium (Gratidianum) inspectante populo Ro- 
mano, vitibus per totam Urbem cecidcrit ? &c Cic. in the Orat. in 
tog. cand. had mentioned, among those who were killed, Qu. Ca;cilius, 
M. Volumnius, L. Tantasius (Tanusius?) M. See Schmitz, Rome, 
p. 365. 

16. Vexatio direptioque sociorum; i. e. during his administra- 
tion of his provinco of Africa : on his return from which he was im- 
peached for extortion by P. Clodius, afterwards the en€my of Cicero, 
but acquitted by tho unfairness of his judges. Ascon Ped. in Orat. in 
tag. cand. p. 85, Bait. : Catilina ex pratura Africam provinciam 
obtinllit. Quam quum graviter vexasset, legati Afri in senatu jam 
turn absenle Mo questi sunt .... quum redisset ex Africa Torquaio 
ct Cotta coss. accusatus est repetundarum a P. Clodio adolescente 
(qui postea inimicus Ciceroni fuit) : — ita tamen, ut Clodius infamia 
Juerit prcBvaricatus esse. Ibid, p 87 : " Voc. qu&slioncs ad banc 



FIRST OR ATI OX A GAIN Si CATil.lNF.. 1G3 

I'agt 

Jpsam repetundarura causara refertur. Cf. Cic Oral, in tog. caiid. j^ 
Stupris se omnibus ac Jlagitiis contaminavit ; cczde nefaria cruenta- 
vit ; diripuit socios ; leges, qu<cstioncs,judicia violavit. Quid ego, 
ut involaveris provinciam, pradicem ? Nam ut te illic gesseris, non 
uudeo dicere quoniam absolutus es." 

17. Ad nesligendas leges. " Negligit leges ac quaestiones, qui 
earum metu a peccando non continetur ; easdem perfringit, qui quum 
in judicium adductus manifesto teneatur, aliqua tamen via elabitur." 
Muretus. — Would ad negligendum leges be in accordance with usage ? 
H. 562. — For evertendas, Klotz reads devincendas, Madvig vincendas 
— On non solum .... verum etiam, see H. 5S7, I, 5. 

20. Me totam esse. &c. See P. C. 35. Totam, patria personi- 
fied being the speaker. Notice also the contrast between me totam 
and unum te. — Quidquid increpuerit. So in Pis. 41 : Quidquid in- 
crepuisset, pertimescentem. Sen. Ep. 90 : Inter picturas vestras, si 
quid increpuit, fugitis attoniti. Liv. 4, 43 : Si quid increpet terro- 
ris. Heum. 

Ch. VIII.— 28. Q,uid ? Q,uod, &c. See Z. 769, 3d paragraph. 
— Ipse, " of your own accord." — Custodiam, i. e. liberam. Cf. Sail. 
ch. 47. This was without bonds in the house of a magistrate, senator, 
or other distinguished man, and allowed only to persons of distinction. 

29. Ad M\ Lepidum. Consul a. u. c. 688. Dio Cassius, 37, 32: 
Tii Si , £< t&v TvpatjvuJv ayyzWdncva t/jv rt airiav iTnaTuxraro Kal (Has ( t* 
avrols ypa<pi)v r<Ji KariXiva vapeaKevaare. (Lege Plautia interrogatus est 
ab L. Pailllo. Sail. ch. 31). Kai 8? rd /xiv irpZra Kal ndvv avrqv iro j//wj 
ws Kal d~b xP t ]^ r ov rov ovvtiSdros ISi^aro' np6s re ti]V Sikt]v fjToijid^tTO Kal r<3 
KiKtpuvi ai)Tu> rripziv iavrbv, 6Vw? Si] /n) (pvyrj irov, xapeSiSov' /xr] irpoaSeZa/Jitvov 
Si tKcivov Tijv (ppovpdv avrov, itapa tw MsrfAAqj tw arparrjyia rfjv Siairav 
iKovatws iiroiUTO, iV ws 7j/a<rra virorcrevOf] vco)TCpiC,u!v ti, pixpiS «" Ka ^ & T <*> v 
abrddi gwuiiotiov 1<tx v P^ v Tl Trpoc\&$*). 

3 3. Domi mees. Would domi with other adjectives be allowable ? 
H. 423, 3, 2).— Quoque. What is its position ? See H. 802, III.— Id 
responsi. Would this construction be allowable with any other form 
of the pronoun? H. 396. — Alii responsum; illud contemptius. Schultz 

33. Magiio in periculo essem. Compare esse in metu, § 18. 
In such expressions can the preposition be omitted? See Krebs, 213, 
(1) ; and Arnold, Nepos, Dion, 8, 2. 

34. Q,. Metellum. Q. Cacilius Meiellus Celer, afterwards 
consul, a. u. c. 694, \va3 poisoned by his wife Clodia, a. u. c. 695. 

35. Virum optimum, M. Marcellum, said ironically. Muretus 
thinks that this M. Marcellus was the father of that C. Marcel! ua 
whom Sestius drove out of Capua. He is not to be confounded with 
tho M. Marcellus, mentioned below. § 21, who was consul, a. u. c. 
703, and was murdered at Athens by P. Magius Chilo. Muretus 
quotes Orosius, Hist. 6, 6, p. 385, ed. Haverc. : Motus etiam in Pe- 



IG4 NOTES. 

tAlignis ortus a Marcellis patre el filio per L. Vctthun prodilus, pate- 
facta Calilincz conjuratione, quasi succisa radice compressus est, 
et de ulroque per Bibulum in Pelignis, per Q. Ciceronem in Brutiiit 
vindicatum est. M. 

36. Videlicet, is used in an ironical sense. 

4:1. Si emori, &c. " Hoc Cicero dicit ; qui tanto, quanto Catili- 
na, omnibus odio sit, vitam abjicere debere ; sin id non sustineat, a 
patria fugere quam longissime : nee hortatur vere Catilinam, ut moria- 
tur, sed exire ita jubet, ut vel moriendi causam adesse dicat." Madvig 
(Opusc. I. p. 176: he had before approved the reading si hie morari). 
Orelli gives a somewhat different explanation : " Sententia igitur hoec 
est: 'Conscientia scelerum oppressus, ssquo animo mortem nee ex- 
spectare, nee tibi ipse consciscere potes : quin igitur abis cet.' " 

44. Refer. Referre is the verbum proprium to express the laying 
of the subject for debate before the senate. This was done by the 
consul or other presiding magistrate. Deferre denotes the simple men- 
tion or announcement of any thing. So placere is the usual term to 
express a decision of the senate. — Inquis. See H. 297, II, 2. 
15 2. Id quod. See P. C. 36 ; Z. 371. — Abhorret a meis moribus, 
" is inconsistent with my character." Cf. ch. 2, § 4 : cupio me esse 
elementem. 

3. Ut intelligas, i. e. by their silence. 

4. Egredere .... proficiscere. The orator may bo supposed 
to pause here, that the silent acquiescence of the senate may be more 
impressive. 

6. Ecquid attendis. H. 188, 3. 

10. P. Sestio; then the queestor of the consul C. Antonius. p. 
Sest. § 8. — M. Marcello : he was consul twelve years afterwards with 
Serv. Sulpicius. Cicero afterwards defended P. Sestius, and spoke 
in favor of Marcellus before Caesar in the senate. 

11. Jam mihi consuli, &c. Even his dignity as consul, and 
the sacredness of the place, the temple of Jupiter Stator, would not 
have shielded him. 

16. Q,ui circumstant. Interest in tli3 proceedings had drawn a 
number around, and such a collection of men was called corona. 

18. Voces .... cxaudire potuisti, i. e. as they showed their ap- 
proval of what the orator uttered, and their abhorrence of Catilino. 

19. Tela contiueo. Even those wno have been specially armed 
for the protection of the city against your designs, will form a safe es- 
cort for you if you will leave it. 

20. Ilaec, SuktikSs, i. e. the temples and other buildings of the 
city. 

21. Prosequautur. Prosequi expresses the act of accompany- 
ing, out of respect or sympathy, one who is leaving the city for a for 
oign provinr- r>- to go into exile. 



FIRST ORATION AGAINST CATILINE. 106 

Cii. IX. — 22. Q,uamquam. In what peculiar way is t used -jk 
hero? 4 SeeH. 516, I. — Te ut, &c. Why does the pronoun, in this 
and the following sentences, precede the conjunction? P. C. p. 254, 
§ 86. ; H. 602. What feeling do such interrogations express, and how 
is the construction to be explained ? Z. 609. 

24:. Utinam .... duint. How is the wish conceived when the 
present or perfect tense is used ? P. C. 496 : H. 488. On the form 
duint, see H. 239, 3. 

26. Animum induxeris. For the construction of the phrase 
animum induco or in animum induco, see Z. 614. Of these two 
forms, Madvig asserts that Cicero uses only the former, except p. S'ull. 
30, 83 ; and that Livy uses only the latter. 

28. Recenti memoria. Abl. of cause == on account of. — At. 
See H. 58V, III. — In posteritatem, i. e. in posterum tempus. 

29. Sed est tanti = res est satis gravis: operae pretium est. Cf. 
2, 7, 15. So Fam. 8, 14: Tanti nonfuit Arsacen capere, Seleuccam 
cxpugnare, ut earum rerum, quae hie gestce sunt, spectaculo carercs. 
See H. 396, IV. 

30. Sed tu, &c. Refer the three following clauses each to its 
appropriate source, which Cic. subjoins ; sc. " pudor — metus — ratio." 

31. Temporibus. Tempora in the plural (rarely in the singular) 
signifies the circumstances of the times, especially the difficulties and 
necessities of the times. 

32. Is es . . . . ut te. What is a more common construction in- 
stead of the conjunction and pronoun ? P. C. 483 ; H. 500. Te is 
here emphatic. 

33. Pudor a turpitudine. Klotz and Madvig (from Quintilian, 
9, 3, 62) read pudor unquam, &c. 

36. Recta. What is to be supplied with this word ? Via. 

3 7. Sermoues hominum, i. e. their censure, as in " to be the 
talk of the town,'" &c. Verr. 4, 7, 13 : Nunquam — commisisset, ut 
propter cum in sermonem hominum atque in tantam vituperalionevi 
veniret. Pro Cesl. 16, 38: Sermones iniquorum effugere non potuit 
— Si id feceris, i. e. si in exsilimn perrexeris. Facer e, like the Eng- 
lish verb to do, is frequently used as the representative of a preceding 
verb. See Arnold's Nepos, Chabr 3, 4, p. 191. 

38. Jussu. See Earkness, 414, 2, 3). — Sin autem. See Hark. 
503, III. 

41. Secerue te a bonis. Is the preposition necessary? H. 425. 
— Exsulta impio latrocinio. H. 414. Latrocinium is properly high- 
way robbery and murder. No more dignified or honorable, Cicero 
moans, is Catiline's course. — Impio It is impious, i. e. unfilial, undu- 
tiful, as being against his country, communis omnium parens. 

4:2. Ut a me non ejectus. Does the non with ut express an 
effect without an intention, or belong to ejectus ? How is a negative 



166 NOTES. 

Page 

\F\ intention, expressed, and how a simple result? H, 490. What is the 
position of non when it belongs to a single word of the proposition ? 
H. 602, IV. Compare page 16, lines 49 and 41. What is the common 
construction of videri ? 

43. Q,uid ego te invitem. What is implied in such questions? 
H. 525. — In this line, for me videaris Klotz and Madvig road esse 
videaris. 

44. Ad Forum Aurelium. A little town in Etruria, betwcea 
the rivers Armenta {Fiord) and Marta, not far from the sea; now 
called Monte Alto. It was named probably from some Aurelius, who 
paved the via Aurelia from Rome to Pisa. What is denoted by ad 
when joined with names of towns ? H. 379. 

16 1. Praestolarentur. Z. 413. The prcBstolans waits for a person 
in order to perform services for him, and stands .n subordinate relation 
to the person waited for. Doderlein. 

2. Diem. On the gender of this word, see Hark. 120. — AquUam 
Mam argenteam, &c. The allusion is supposed to be to the Eagle, 
which Sallust mentions, in speaking of the engagement: Ipse cum 
libertis et colonis propter aquilam adsistit, quam hello Cimbrico C. 
Marius in exercitu habuisse diccbatur. Ch. 59. On military stan- 
dards among the Romans, see Diet, of Gr. and Rom. Antiq., Signa 
Militaria. An ensign which, like this, had been so long borne by 
the victorious armies of Marius, was regarded with unusual reverence, 
as promising certain victory. Cicero adds scelerum to limit sacrarium, 
the place where it was kept, because there Catiline preserved the in- 
struments of his crimes, and his character was such that there waa 
nothing religious in his ceremonies, but all was wicked and criminal. 
It is explained in the last clause. 

4. Sacrarium. " Nam erat eiiam quum signorum militarium 
omnium, turn aquilae qu&dam religio, et in sacello ilia reponeban- 
iur." M. 

Cn. X.— lO. Neque enim. See H. 602, in. 

11. Hcec res, i. e. bellum contra patriam. Manut. Benecko 
refers it to his departure from Rome. 

13. Nunquam . . . non modo . . . sed ne . . . quidem. See Hark. 
584 ; 602, III. — Olium = peace is often contrasted with bellum. 
Compare below otiosorum. 

15. Atque is here explicative, perditis being explained by what 
follows. 

1 G. Derelictis. De strengthens tho simple. 

11. Perfruere, &,c. A climax is here to be noticed. 

20. Meditati sunt. Here used passively, as the participle fre- 
quently is. See Hark. 221 ; 465, II, 2. — Qui feruntur = qui ser 
monibus eclebrantur, commemoranlur. Pro Sull. 23, 66 : Ejus voces 
ejus mina>. ferebantur. M. — Labores fui. Cf. pro Ctel ) 12. 



T 



FIRST ORATION AGAINST CATILINE. 167 

1'ige 
21* Ad obsidendum stuprum = "ad tempus stupro opportu- -ia 

nam obscrvundum." So Verr. 1, 2, extr. tempus obsidere. M. The 

infinitive clauses, jacere humi, &c, and vigilare, &c, are to be taken 

as in apposition with laborcs. 

23. Otiosoriun. " The peaceably disposed." So the MSS. ; the 
common text is occisorum. Otiosus h. I. dicitur qu' in pace atque otio 
securus tranquillusque vivit, nihil mali exspectat. Steinmetz ; who 
compares 2, Catil. 4, and Sail. 16. Siipfle, agsinst Orelli, Klotz, and 
Madvig. retains occisorum; and remarks, that Cicero's design to ex- 
hibit the turpitude of Catiline in a gradation, seems to require bonis 
occisorum in antithesis to somno maritorum. 

24. Illam tuam praeclaram, &c. Sail. Cat. 5: Corpus patiens 
inedia, vigilia, algoris, supra quam cuiquam credibilc est. 

2T • Q,uum te a consulatu reppuli ; i. e. " at the last election." 
Cf. Sail. ch. 26 : Postquam dies comitiorum venit, et Catilincc neque 
petitio neque insidicB, quas Consuli (i. e. Ciceroni) in Campo fecerat t 
prosper e cessere, constituit bellum facer e, et extrema omnia experiri. 
Pro Murena, 24-26. — Exsul .... consul. Paronomasia. 

Ch. XI. — 3 2. Detester ac deprecer. These words signify to 
seek to turn from or avert by adjuration and entreaty. 

34. Patria .... loquatur. Compare ch. 7, 18. Madvig reads 
sic loquatur. 

36. Q,uid agis. Formula reprehendendi. 

39* Evocatorem servorum ; whose aid however he afterwards 
rejected (Sail. 56, in fin.), although Lentulus urged its acceptance 
Cat. 3, 5, 12 ; Sail. 44. 

41. Emissus .... imniissus. Paronomasia. P. C. p. 266. 

42. Hunc .... duel .... imperabis. How is imperare moie 
frequently construed? H. 551. IT, 1. 

44. Q,uid .... impedit. Cicero, arguing disjunctively, shows 
that neither precedent, nor laws, nor the dread of future obloquy, for- 
bade the punishment of Catiline. — At pcrs&pe .... privati. On this 
use of at, see H. 537. Cic. 1, 1, instanced Scipio Nasica. Benecko 
considers the plural and persape as rhetorical exaggeration. The 
first ground of excuse was " Mos major urn." His country answers. 
" At pcrsoepe" &.c. 

2. An leges, &c. The Valerian and Porcian laws. P. Valerius in 
Publicola, when consul, a. u. c. 245, brought in a bill (the first that 
was ever brought before the comitia centuriata), which enacted, that 
no magistrate shoidd put to death or flog any Roman citizen if he had 
appealed to the people. Afterwards, a. u. c. 305, L. Valerius Potitus 
and M. Horatius Baibatus enacted, that no magistracy should be 
created with an exemption from appeal. Lastly, in a u. c. 454, M. 
Valerius Corvus brought in another law on the subject of appeal, tho 
third after the expulsion of the kings, and always by the same family. 



1G8 NOTES. 

Pa<re 

] rr The Porciau laws, which emanated from three of the Porcii, exempted 
from stripes the person of all Roman citizens, imposing a heavy pen- 
alty on any one who should scourge or kill a Roman citizen. 

3. At nunquam, &c. This is the answer to the second ground 
of excuse. Compare p. Scsi. 67, 140. 

5. Frscclaram vero. Irony, which vero strengthens. Confer 
Harkness, 335, 4. This is the answer to the third ground of excuse. 

6. Hominem per te cognitum, i. e. per te, non per majores, &c. 
Or, as Cic. immediately adds: Nulla commendatione ma jorum. 
Brut. 25, 96: Q. Pompeius non contemtus orator temporibus Mis 
fuit, qui summos honores homo per se cognitus sine ulla commenda- 
tione majorum est adeptus. M. See Diet, of Antiq., Novi homines. 

T. Mature, i. e. as soon as the laws allowed him to become a can- 
didate ; with no repulse. 

8. Omnes honorum gradus. Cicero had been chosen to fill in 
succession all the high offices of the state: the qucestorship, the ajdile- 
ship, the praetorship, and the consulship. Such success as he here al- 
ludes to was without precedent in the history of Rome. 

13. Invidiam .... conflagraturum. Cf. p. Mil. 27, 75. — In the 
preceding sentence, Klotz and Madvig read non est vehementius with- 
out the interrogation. 

Ch. XII. — 16. Respondebo. Cicero's reply is, that he would 
have put Catiline to death, even at the cost of his own life (though 
others for such deeds had won praise), if he had judged it to be for the 
interest of the state. But he regards it best for the state that Cati- 
line should be allowed to leave the city and draw after him his follow- 
ers and adherents. 

IT. Si . . . . judicarem .... non dedissem. When the imper- 
fect subj. is used where we should use the pluperfect, it denotes, not 
an action that is terminated before that denoted by the verb in the 
other clause, but conceived as going on simultaneously with it. Com- 
pare in the next Oration, § 3, si . . . .judicarem, &c jampridem 

.... sustulissem : here it is implied, at non sustuli quia non judica- 
bam, &c. (not non judicavi). Cic. implies that it was not then, and 
still is not his opinion. So Tusc. 1, 12, 27: Quas cceremonias .... 
nee coluissent nee sanzissent, nisi hesreret in eorum mentions, &c. M. 

18. Gladiatori. Contemptuously. 

23. Parricida civium. Ernesti compares parricida liberum, 
Liv. 3, 50 ; sc. pro SuH. 2, 6 : obstrictum esse patricB parricidio ; cf. 
Sail. Cat. 31 : Omnes hostem alque parricidam vocare Catilinam 
Matthia). 

28. Q,ui .... aluerunt, &c. = men who nourished, &c. It is 
not to be joined with the preceding sunt qui, as the subjunctives vide- 
ant, Sec. are, but = hi aluerunt. M. 

3 2. In liunc animadvertissem. It means "to punish with an 



FTRST ORATION AGAINST CATILINE. 169 

Page 
authoritative and steady hand," and in this sense the .preposition isyi 

necessary. — Regie = tyrannically. 

3f. Reprimi .... coinprimi. See p. 16, line 41. 

38. Ejecerit. The city where their plans have been discovered 
is the wreck of their hopes, and they must leave it or sink in ruin. 
The camp of Mallius is the friendly coast to which Catiline must flee 
with those who are wrecked with him in the discovery of the conspi- 
racy. Benecke ; who does not understand by naufragos, patrimonii) 
naufragos, but those whose hopes have been disappointed. 

39. ICaufragos. Cf. Cat. 2, 11, 24; and pro Sull. 14, 41, pa- 
trimonio naufragus. 

Cn. XIII. — 43. Jamdiu. The whole .hree years from the con- 
sulate of Lepidus and Tullus. 

44. tfescio quo pacto. Beier (Cic. Off. 1, 41, 146) rightly in- 
forms us that this phrase, like nescio quomodo, is often used with ref- 
erence to things which one would wish had not been done. What 
mood should follow ? See H. 525, 4. 

3. Ex tauto latrociuio = ex tanto numero latronum. ]$ 

5. Residebit. The metaphor is taken from a subtle poison in the 
system. The state is the body, the conspiracy the fever, and the ex- 
ecution of Catiline the draught of cool water which refreshes for a 
moment. — In venis atque in visceribus. Does atque introduce a 
stronger, weaker, or equal term? P. C.4,d; Z. 333. Observe the 
repetition of the preposition in. The repetition of the preposition keeps 
the terms distinct ; its omission before the second term combines them 
as being little more than one complex notion. But in practice the 
preposition is often found repeated, even where the notions are cognato. 
Zumpt (ad Div. in Caecil. 13) says : " vetus ilia [regula] repeti pra- 
positionem ubi diver sitas verborum sit, falsa est, si hoc debet con- 
sequi, non repeti, ubi nulla appareat diversiias. ,> The preposition is 
always repeated with et . . . . et (but sometimes cum precedes both 
the eVs ; cum et nocturno et diurno metu) ; nee .... nee ; generally 
with aut .... aut ; vel . . . vel; after nisi; and after quam following 
a comparative : e. g. et in bello et in pace ; in nulla alia re nisi in 
virtute ; in nulla re melius quam in virtute. 

6. jEgri morbo gravi. H. 414. -On the structure of this period, 
seo Z. 816 ; also H. 357, ff. 

T. Biberiut. Madvig, from conjecture, reads bibcrunt 

1 2. Id quod. See P. C. 36*. 

14-. Prsetoris urbaiii. L. Valerius Flaccus, whose tribunal they 
hemmed around, that they might intimidate him when delivering 
judgment in cases of debt. 

15. Malleolos. The term malleolus denoted a hammer, the 
transverse head of which was formed for holding pitch and tow ; which, 
having been set on fire, was projected slowly, so that it might not be 

15 



iq extinguished during its flight, upon houses and other buildings, in order 
to set them on fire. Diet. Antiq. Malleus. 

IT. Polliceor vobis hoc. On this use of hoc, see H. 450. — What 
tense of the infinitive follows polliceor ? P. C. 15. 

22. Hisce ominibus .... cum summa .... salute. On this 
ablative, see H. 414, 3 ; and, for the use of cum to denote an accom- 
panying circumstance as a result or consequence of the action, see 
Zumpt, 472, and the similar passage there cited from in Verr. 1, 24. 

23. Et ac que. How do these particles differ? P. C 

4, d ; Z. 333. 

25. Turn tu, Jupiter, &c. What is here said of Jupiter ia 
strictly true only of the Temple of Jupiter. Cf. Liv 1, 12, where 
Romulus vowed the Temple: Romulus etipse turba fugientium actus, 
anna ad caelum tollens, Juppiter, tuis, inquit, jussus avibus hie in 
Palatio prima urbi fundamenta jeci : — deme terrorem Romanis ; fu- 
gam foedam siste ; hie ego tibi templum, Statori Jovi, quod monu- 
menium sit posteris tua pr&senti ope servatam urbem esse, vovco 
So M. 

2T. Statorem. Compare note on p. 12 line 12. It may here be 
taken as = conservatorem et eum per quern in oJternum stabit Roma 
Of. Son. de Bcnef. 4, 7 



SECOND ORATION AGAINST CATILINE. 
ANALYSIS. 

1. Ij i the introduction Cicero congratulates the Roman people, thai Catiline 
has left the city, and consequently can do it no more injury. 

S. He vindicates himself from a double charge : for the well-disposed citi- 
zens complained that he had suffered Catiline to escape unpunished, while 
on the other hand the friends of Catiline maintained that he had been too 
severely dealt with by the consul. To the first complaint he replies by set- 
ting forth the grounds of his course of action, viz. i he conspiracy had not 
yet been fully discovered ; moreover, the execution of Catiline would have 
rendered him odious and have prevented the punishment of the other con- 
spirators ; and finally, the absent enemy with his army is less to be feared 
than his adherents who have remained in Rome. The second reproach he 
meets by explaining the action which the senate had taken in regard to the 
conspiracy, and by showing from several circumstances that Catiline had 
previously determined to go, not to Marseilles, but to his army in Etruria. 
(§ 3— ch. 8, § 17.) In thus defending himself against the censure of the dis- 
affected, he gives 

3. A classification of the conspirators and of the Romans who favored the 
treasonable designs, and divides them into six classes, from whom, however, 
he considers the state has not much to fear, particularly since the best 
measures have been taken for its security and weal. (§ 17— ch. 12, $ 26.) 
Finally, 

4. After an apostrophe to the conspirators who had remained in the city, in 
winch he warns them to leave Rome without delay, or at least to keep 
themselves quiet, since the disturbance of the public security will be most 
severely punished, he closes with an address to the well-disposed citizens, 
in which he assures them, that, without resort to arms on their part, the 
civil war will be ended, and, at the same time, calls upon them to supplicate 
the gods for the preservation of the state. (§ 26-end.) 

Pig* 
Ch. I. — 1. Tandem aliquando = at last, at length. These ]rt 
words express great joy at the accomplishment, after long delay, of a 
desired or expected object. Tandem is often strengthened by aliquan- 
do ; and aliquando alone, in exhortations and wishes, and sometimes 
in narrative, is used with this meaning. The correspondence to tho 
opening of the first oration, quousque tandem, may be noticed. — Qui- 
rites = citizens. The origin of this word has given rise to much dis- 
cussion. It was, however, the political name by which the Roman 
people were at homo collectively designated and addressed as free cit- 
izens of the state. 

2, Scelus anhelautem. H. 8W, 3. Anhelo describes the violence 
of his rage, and eagerness to execute the crime upon which he was 
bent. Scelus is here used in its proper senso ; it is the strongest of the 
general terms that denote evil deeds, and expresses an offence against 



172 NOTES. 

in the rights of individuals, or tlio peace of society, by robbery, murdei 
and particularly by sedition. Dod. Cf. Auct. Rhet. ad Herenn. 4, 55, 
68 : At istc spumans ex ore scelus, anhelans ex intimo pectorc cru- 
delitatem. — Pestem .... molientem. See note on line 19 of page 9. 

3. Vobis atque huic urbi ferro flammaque minitantem. 
Klotz reads (with Matthiae) ferrum jlammamque. In other passages, 
he remarks, Cic. uses ferro ignique (or igni ferroque) minitari, e. g. 
Phil. 11, 14, 37: Huic urbi ferro ignique minitantur ; in Phil. 13, 
21, 47: patricB igni ferroque [Nobbe ignem ferrumque] minitatur; 
but then igni ferroque denote only the instruments with which they 
threaten their country, &c. The ace. denotes what they threaten to 
inflict upon it : the sword (= death by the sword) and fire (= de- 
struction by flames). So Tusc. 1, 43 102: cui quum Lysimachus 
rex crucem minaretur = " death on the cross" " crucifixion." Con- 
cinnity of style here requires the accusative, that it may range, as it 
were, with scelus anhelantem. Klotz. 

4r. Vel ejecimus vel emisimus. Ejicimur nolentes, emittimur 
volentes ; sed utrumque ab alio : egredimur autem ipsi per nos. Mure- 
tus. On the use of vel ... . vel, see P. C. 456, note a ; Z. §§ 336, 
339. Cf. fro Sulla, 5, 17: ejecto sive emisso . . . Catilina. — Ipsum 
egredientem : ipsum = sponte (of himself; of his own accord). Tusc 

5, 21, 62: jam ipsa defiuebant corona. Offic. 1, 22: delapsa arma 
ipsa ceciderunt. M. 

5. Verbis prosecuti sumus = malis ominibus. Cf. the end of 
the preceding oration: Hisce ominibus . . . cum tua peste ac pernicie 
.... proficiscere, &c. — Abiit, excessit, evasit, erupit. " Certe quid 
inter abire et excedere intersit, haud facile dixeris : evadere autem et 
erumpere quum utrumque significet e loco parum tuto efrugere, ita 
differunt, ut evadere sit dolo aliquo vel arte et clam se subtrahere ; 
erumpere autem vi exitum sibi patefacere. Coacervatio autem verbo- 
rum idem significantium signum est animi laetitia exsultantis, et dubi- 
taiitis, quo verbo aptissime sensa sua exprimat." M. Cf. Quintiiian, 
9,3,46. See H. 704, II. 

G. Nulla jam. See H. 602 : and compare non enim jam, line 9 
— A monstra Mo atque prodigio. The primary notion in monstrum is, 
that it is unnatural and ugly ; in prodigium, that the appearance is 
replete with meaning and pregnant with consequences. Dod. 

8. Sine controversia = sine dubio. 

10. ~Son in campo, &c. Supply Martio. The several occasions 
here referred to, have been noticed in the first oration, chaps. 5, 11 ; 

6, 15 ; 4, 9. 

11. Pertimescemus, is here used intransitively = iimorem ha- 
hebimus, " shall not fear or be afraid" 

1 2. Ex urbe depulsus. The more common form would be ex- 
■puleua ; but Matthias remarks that ho chose rather to say depulsus, 



SECOND ORATION AGAINST CATILINE 1^3 

Pare 

bocausc Catiline was driven from his position or vantage-ground ; as in 
de loco or gradu moveri, depelli, dejici, are properly used of soldiers 
and gladiators. — Nullo impediente. In what cases is nemo defective ? 
P.G.p. 342*; H. 457. 

13. Bellum justum = regular, formal, open war. 

14. Hominem, contemptuously, as opprimet hominem in ch. 12, 
26. — Occultis, which seems pleonastic with insidiis, stands for the 
Bflke of the contrast with apcrtum latrocinium. 

15. Q,uodvero. Quod, with verbs of the emotions, introduces 
the clause which contains the ground or cause of the feeling. See 
P. C. 517 ; Z. 629. In this sentence the emphatic position of non 
cruentum should be noticed, and also the position of vivis .... incolu- 
tnes .... stantem, which, as containing the whole force of the ex- 
pression, come before their substantives. See P. C. p. 238, 25. 

IT. E manihus extorsimus. The common text is de manibus. 
So in 1 Cat. 6, 16: extorta est .... de manibus. De is here ex- 
plained by Kriiger as = away. Ellendt on de Orat. 1, 52, 225, con- 
siders ensem ex manu as the proper, de manu as the metaphorical ex- 
pression, so that the latter = adimere utendi potestatem. 

19. Q,uanto, &c putatis 2 This sort of question may often 

bo conveniently translated by imagine with must. " Imagine with 
how great sorrow he must have been stricken," &c. 

21. Retorquet oculos. As the wild beast that wistfully eyes 
the prey which has been snatched from its jaws. 

23. Evomuerit. A metaphor taken from the sick, who are often 
so relieved. This figurative use of evomo is common, nor did the an- 
cients feel that it offended against good taste. 

Ch. II. — 25. Si quis. How does si quis differ from si aliquis ? 
P. C. 391 ; Z. 708. Madvig reads, Ac si quis. — Quales esse omnes 
oportebat. All as true patriots should have judged that Catiline de- 
served death. 

26. In hoc ipso, in quo exsultat .... accuset. In = in re- 
spect to, is especially used with certain verbs, such as l&tari, gloriari, 
exsultare, and the verbs of praising, blaming, and accusing, to express 
the point, to which the general notion contained in the verb applies. 

2T. Accuset. Why subj.? P. C. 483, (2) ; H. 519. 

29. Sed temporum. Would ea referring to causa be correctly 
expressed after sed / P. C. p. 30, caution XI. 

1. A me. What is the construction of postulo ? H. 374, 3. 4). n/i 

3. Cluae ego deferrem. Consult note on p. 14, line 44. He re- 
fers to the information derived through Fulvia and communicated by 
him to the senate. The emphasis which belongs to ego should be no- 
ticed. 

4. Non putarent = did not duly estimate. The bracketed clauses 
have been regarded as spurious, because the former in one of the MSS. 



/7-I NOTES. 

Page 

qa's not found, and in others is placed after Quarn mullos, qui etiam 
J defender •ent. Klotz and Madvig give them in this order, and Klot3 
omits the [ ]. 

6. Ac si, like quod si, connects sentences which are mutually re- 
lated to each other, and = in hac rerum consecutione si. Cf. Hark. 
588, HE. — Svhlato. To what verb do the forms sustuli and sublaium 
belong? II. 292, 2. — Depelli a vobis. Is the preposition necessary? 
H. 414, 5. 

7. Si judicarem .... sustulissem. Cf. Oral. 1, p. 17, line 17. 

8. Invidiam ruea?. The possessive pronoun here takes the place 
of the objective genitive. Z. 424. — Periculo. H. 414, 8. 

9. Re etiam turn probata. Res = the fact of the conspiracy. 

10. Fore ut . . . . non possem. When is the circumlocution by 
means of futurum esse or fore ut necessary tc express the infinitive 
of future time ? H. 544. 

15. Parum comitatus. Hark. 594 ; and 396, III. 4. Sallust 
says, cum paucis ; and Plutarch gives the number 300. 

IT. Tongilium. Tongilius, Publicius, Munatius (Qy. Munatius 
Plancus ?), are unknown personages. Some have thought that the 
orator purposely mentions such names; but it. is enough to suppose 
that they icere persons of no note, and that Cicero points this out by 
avoiding all circumstantial or full description of them. Oreili quotes 
Q. Cic. de pet. Cons. 3, 10 : Catilina, qui ex curia Curios et Annios, 
ab atriis Sapalas et Carvilios, ex equestri or dine Pompilios et Vet- 
tios sibi amicissimos comparavit. — Mihi. What is this dative called ? 
P. C. 240 ; H. 389. It often gives an ironical coloring. Compare note 
on p. 22, line 5. — In pratexta. Supply toga. This was the dress 
worn by a Roman youth until he assumed the toga virilis. 

18. [Calumnia]. This word is here found in most MSS. It ap- 
pears to have been a marginal gloss, which afterwards crept into the 
text. Some editors have proposed conjectural readings for the purpose 
of giving it significance, but recent editions omit it altogether. 

19. Contractum in popina = i. e. sumiibus in popina factis 
Several MSS. read in popinam, which some editors receive as ex- 
pressing the object for which the indebtedness was contracted. 

20. JSre alieno. On the order of the words, see H. 59S. This 
class, so deeply involved in debt, were more to be feared, as they had 
nothing to lose and every thing to hope for from the overthrow of the 
government. 

Cn. III. — 22. Et Gallicanis legionibus .... contemno. The 
abl. here denotes the cause of his setting it at naught or despising it. 
A nearly similar construction occurs, Or. 13, 41 : Isocrates videtur 
testirnonio Platonis aliorum judicia debcre contemnere. See H. 414. 
Some editions, from a conjecture of Lambinus, read pr<z Gallicanis 
The MSS. give ex, for which et t the emendation of Muretus, has. been 



SECOND ORATION AGAINST CATILINE. 173 

Fagi 

generally received. — Gallicana legiones are, "Roman legions serving 2Q 
iu Gaul :" Galliccs legiones would be " legions consisting of Gauls." 
See H. 326. 

23. In agro Piceno et Gallico. These countries were situated 
on the Adriatic ; and separated from each other by the river Msis. 
The latter derived its nnme from the Galli Senones who occupied it in 
early times. 

24. Q,. Metellus Celer, the pra3tor, was dispatched by the senate 
into the Picenian torritory, to raise an army proportioned to the emer- 
gency and danger. Agrum Camertem, Picenum, Gallicum maxime 
quasi morbus quidam illius furoris pervaserat. Pro Sulla, 19, 53 
Cf. Sail. Cat. 30. 

25. Magno opere. So more correctly written for magnopere. — 
Ex senibus despcratis. The veterans who had served under Sulla 
are meant. Cf. ch. 9, 20 ; and Sail. 16. — Ex agresti luxuria = ex 
agrestibus luxuriosis, the abstract for the concrete. 

2C. Decoctoribus. Decoquere and decoctor are not used of ev- 
ery bankrupt, but of one who arranges matters with his creditors by 
an assignment of his goods (cessio bonorum) ; without a public com- 
pulsory venditio bonorum ; the decoctor did not lose his civil rights. 
K. — Vadimonia. When the praetor had granted an action, the plain- 
tiff required the defendant to give security for his appearance before 
tho prastor on a day named. The defendant, on finding a surety, was 
said vadimonium promittere or facere. If the defendant appeared on 
the day appointed, he was said vadimonium sistere ; if he did not ap- 
pear, he was said vadimonium deseruisse, and the praetor gave to tho 
plaintiff the bonorum possessio. See Diet. Antiq., Actio. 

28. Edictum praetoris. In which the praetor's judgment against 
debtors is announced. 

29. Q,uos video volitare. Verbs which denote to see and hear 
can take the infinitive or a participle. H. 551. Cic. prefers the in- 
finitive, unless a picture is to be presented, later writers, as Tacitus, 
the participle. — Volitare. With this word is associated the notion of 
impudence and presumption — insolent assurance. 

31. Nitent imguentis. . Pomatums and perfumes were then the 
fashion with such characters. Cf. ch. 10 : pexo capillo, nitidi. — Ful- 
gent purpura. The senators and equites who had joined the conspi- 
racy are here meant. The dress of the former was distinguished by a 
brwsd, of the latter by a narrow stripe of purple in front of the breast. 
See Diet. Antiq., Clavus Latus. 

32. Suos milites = as his soldiers. 

34. Q,ui exercitum deseruerunt. Pro Muren. 37, 79: Quarts 
a me, quid ego Calilinam metuam. Nihil; et curavi, ne quis metU' 
tret; sed copias illius, quashic video, dico esse metuendas; nee tarn 
iimendus est nunc excrcilus L. Catilinai, quam isti, qui ilium cxer- 






176 NOTES. 

QQcitum deseruisse dicuntur; non enim deseruerunt, sed nb ill» iz 
speculis atque insidiis relicti in capite atque in cervicibus nostria 
restiterunt. 

36. Apulia. Sail. ch. 27: C. Mallium Fcesulas atque in earn 
partem Etruria, Septimium quendam Camertem in qgrum Picenmn 
Caium Julium in Apuliam dimisit. — Quis habeat. See Hark. 
188, 454. 

38. Csedis atque incendiorum : Cadis, i. e. Cetkegus and oth- 
ers ; incendiorum, Gabinius and Statilius See Sail. 43. Cicero 
distributes these parts somewhat differently. See 3 Cat. 6, 14 ; and 
4 Cat. 6, 13. 

39. Superioris noctis. The same night that is called in the 
first oration, superior in § 1, prior in § 8. O. — Perlata esse, i. e. by 
Curius and Fulvia. Madvig reads, delata. 

41. ~Ssd illi. With what is na in the best writers usually joined? 
See H. 381, 3. 

Ch. IV. — 4:3. Vos omues. Would vestrum omnes be admissible ? 
H. 396, III, 2, (4). 
Ol 1. Nisi vero. What mood follows these words, and in what 
sense are they used? See H. 503. — Si quis. As quod and quia fol- 
low nisi when it has the sense of the adverb " except" (Z. 735) ; so 
nisi, in the same sense, is frequently followed by si and especially by 
si quis. In Cicero this is rare in his orations, but more frequent ii) 
his letters and dialogues. Madvig here however rejects the si. — 
Catilina. What case is this word here ? P. C. 212, w. 

2. Sentire lion putct. With verbs of thinking, seeming, &.c, 
the " not" is prefixed to the verb rather than to the infinitive. Seo 
Arnold's Nepos, Paus. 3, 6. Thus non puto, non arbitror, as forming 
one notion, may be compared with the compound nego, which we often 
in translating resolve into dicerc non. See P. C. p. 202, 2 ; H. 602, 
Cf. de Off. 1, 13, 39 : captivos reddendos in senatu non censuit ; pro 
Leg. Man. 23, 67: ad unum defcrenda omnia esse non arbitrantur. 

4. Desiderio sui. H. 449, II, 2. 

5. Aurelia via; which led through Etruria. Philipp. 12, 9: 
Tres via sunt ad Mutinam, a supero mart Flaminia, ab infero Au- 
relia, media Cassia. 

6. Si voleut .... consequentur. Seo H. 4*70. — Ad vespe- 

ram. Iu Cicero, with the exception of this passage, where ad vcspe- 
ram is the reading of all the MSS., ad vesperum has been restored 
from the MSS. Cicero and Caesar appear to have preferred the second 
declension in the accusative, the third in the ablative. 

T. Si quidem. H. 602. — Sentinam . . . ejecerit. Compare 1 Cat 
5, 12 : cxhaurietur .... tuorum comitum .... senlina rei publica. 

8. Catilina exhausto. With reference to the metaphor noticed 
in the preceding note. 



SECOND ORATION AGAINST CATILINE. 177 

10. Q,uod lion illc conceperit. On the place of non, see P C. m 
p. 258, 104. 

11. Tota Italia. Seo Arnold's Nepos, Prcef. 5, 1, p. 63 ; Iphicr. 
2, 3, p. 188; H. 422. 

15. Cum Catilina .... vixisse. Vivere cum aliquo = to live 
with some one, not in the sense of being his contemporary, but to have 
intercourse with, to be on intimate footing with. 

16. Q,uae caedes . . non per ilium. * Cf. 1 Cat. 6, 14 ; 7, 18 ; 
and pro Sull. 5, 16: quod fiagitium Lentulus non cum Autronio 
eoncepit ? quod sine codem Mo Catilina f acinus admisit? Per ilium 
is different, of course, from ah Mo. Per does not denote the immediate 
agent, but the person by whose instigation, assistance, instrumental- 
ity, &c, the action takes place. Per Upturn here may be compared 
with Mo ad libidinem facem praferentc, m Cat. 1, § 13. M. 

IT. Q,uod nefarium stupruni non per ilium. Why quod? 
P C. 105 ; H. 454. 

18. Jam vero. These words are often used to mark transition, 
and = " likewise," or " moreover," ii besides." 

19. Juventutis illecebra. Cf. 1 Cat. 6, 13: Cui tu adolescen- 
tulo, &c. ; and Sail. ch. 14. 

25. Sed [nee] ullo. Klotz reads ne ullo ; Madvig, ne ullo quidem. 

Ch. V. — 28. Diversa studia in dissimili ratione. Cicero here 
exhibits some of the traits of Catiline's character, made up as it was 
of extremes, in the light of contrasts. He was among the bold and 
toil-worn distinguished for his daring and patient endurance of labor ; 
and again, among the delicate and effeminate, equally eminent for his 
excess in these qualities. Cf. p. Cart. 5, 12, where the orator is speak- 
ing of Catiline : neque ego unquam fuisse tale monstrum in terris 
ullum puto, tarn ex contrariis diversisque inter se pugnantibus na- 
ture studiis cupiditalibusque covjlatum. 

30. lntimum Catilinae. For the construction of intimus, see 
H. 391, 1. 

31. Nemo in scena levior. The histrioues were either freed- 
men, strangers, or slaves, and were generally held in great contempt 
Diet, Antiq., Histrio. 

33. Frigori perferendis. Madvig reads f rigor e et fame, 

and assuefactus is more commonly construed with the ablative. With 
this reading some editions place a comma after assuefactus, and, 
construing it with exercitatione, make what follows = " propter ca 
quod frigus, &c. per ferret." 

35. Subsidia atque instrumenta. These are his capacity foi 
enduring cold, &c. — For consumerentur Madvig reads consumeret. 

3G. Si secuti erunt. H. 232.— Sui comites. The constant 
attendants and companions of Catiline in Rome, described in what 
follows as despcratorum hominum flagitiosi grtges. 



176 KOTES. 

on 38. O nos beatos, &c. The simple apodosis, " Then snail we be 
happy," is given with greater emphasis by the repeated exclamation. 
40o Libidiues .... audacise. Note use of the plural. 

42. Obligaverunt. Have mortgaged. The reading in the oldei 
editions is abligurierunt = have wasted in luxury. 

43. Res, i. e. domestica, property. — Fides. Credit. 

00 1» In vino et alea. Drinking and play were indulged in at the 
close of the feast ; and when the party were heated with wine they 
sallied into the streets with torches and music, and visiting the houses 
of their favorite mistresses, they with uproar demanded admittance, 
threatening to break down the doors if refused. This was comissatio. 
Games of chance among the Romans were prohibited by various laws, 
and aleatores were infamous. 

2. Illi quidem .... sed tamen. When quidem followed by scd 
stands with a predicate verb or adjective as a concessive particle, it ia 
not in the best writers connected with the verb or adjective, but with 
an inserted pronoun. P. C. 383 : Z. 744. — Essent .... desperandi. 
H. 371 3. 

3. Inertes homines fortissimis viris. On the distinction be- 
tween homo and vir, see Arnold's Nepos, Paus. 1,1. 

5. Q,ui milii, &c. The dative of personal pronouns is often used 
(where we cannot translate them) to indicate that the thought ex- 
pressed is one that interests and excites the speaker, or one that must 
arrest the attention of the person addressed : thus, Quid mihi Celsu? 
agit ? Hot. Ep. 1, 3, 15. At tibi repente paucis post diebus . . . 
venit ad me Caninius, C. Fam. 9, 2. — Accubantes. See Diet. Antiq. 

TrICLIxMUM. 

T. Sertis redimiti. It was customary for the guests at such ca- 
rousals to wear garlands of myrtle, ivy, lilies, roses, &c. ; and to 
perfume their hair w r ith fragrant oils. 

1 2. Sustulcrit .... propagarit. See H. 473. 

13. Non breve nescio quod teinpus. See P. C. 394; See H. 
525, 4. 

14. Nulla est euim uatio, &c. So Agr. 1, 9, 26 : Nullum ex- 
ternum periculum est; non rex, non gens ulla, non natio pertimes- 
cenda est; inclusum malum, intestinum ac domesticum est. 

16. Unius. Pompey the Great and his successes against the pi- 
rates and Mithridates are referred to. 

21. duacunque. H. 187. On the tenses in this sentence, see 
H. 470. — Resecanda. Cf. Phil. 8, 5, 15. In corpore si quid ejusmodi 
est, quod rcliquo corpori noceat, uri sccarique patimur ; ut membra* 
rum aliquod potius, qua/a totum corpus inter eat : sic in rei publico 
corpore, ut totum salvum sit, quidquid est pestiferum, amputetur. 

23. Proinde = igitur cum exhortatione quadam, and is oftea 
used in animated appeals at the end of a speech, &c. 



SECOND ORATION AGAINST CATILINE. 179 

Page 

Ch. VI. — 25. A me. With emphasis, as its position indicates. 09 
With this chapter commences the refutation of the calumnies which 
(lie enemies of Cicero and tho friends of Catiline had circulated. 

28. Videlicet. Z. 345, in fin. Klotz and Madvig read homo 
enim videlicet. 

29. Simul atque. How is atque (ac) to bo translated after words 
denoting similarity ? How after words which denote dissimilarity ? Is 
aimul alone used for simulac ? Z. 350. — Ire .... jussus est. H. 549. 
The irony is well sustained throughout the period. Compare note, 
Orat. 1, ch. 5, line 37. 

30. Paruit, ivit. On the omission of et, see Z. 783. Klotz reads 
paruit. Qui ut hesterno, &c. — Hesterno die. This statement is quite 
irreconcilable with 1 Cat. §§ 1, 9, 10 ; from which we necessarily 
gather that Orat. I. was delivered on the 8th of November ; whereas, 
from the present passage, it would appear to have been delivered on 
the 7lh. O Drumann, Vol. V. p. 456, n. 32, dates the delivery of 
the first oration on the 7th of November and of the second on the 8th. 
Madvig, Opusc. I. pp. 194-96, inclines to the same dates. 

3 1 • In aedem Jovis Statoris. Mdes in the singular = a tem- 
ple ; in the plural, a house. In the former sense it is regularly qual- 
ified by some adjective expressed, or the genitive of the deity whose 
temple is mentioned. If more temples than one are spoken of, the 
adjective or genitive determines the sense, as cedes sacra, dcorum. 

32. Detuli. See note on Orat. 1, ch. 8, line 44. 

34:. Ac non potius. In the sense of and not rather, et non and 
more commonly ac non are retained, and do not give place to neque 
or nee. See Krebs, Guide, 525. 

36. Partem illam subselliorum. Cf. 1 Cat. 7, 16. 

38. Vehemens ille consul. On this use of Me, see P. C. 381 ; 
H. 450. It refers ironically to tho first part of the chapter, sunt, qui 
dicant . . . a me, &c. — Quasivi a Catilina. Does quaro take a double 
accusative ? With what other prepositions is it construed ? Z. 393. 

39. Necne = or not. In what kind of questions is necne used? 
What is used in direct questions ? Krebs, Guide, 324 ; P. C. 122, b * 
H. 346. What is there faulty in the reading an nocturno conventu, 
which is found in some editions? H. 526. Klotz and Madvig read 
in nocturno, &c. ; and below, line 42, in proximam. 

42. Ei ratio belli descripta. For what does (he dative 

stand? H. 388. Translate " how the plan of the whole war had been 
marked out by him." 

44. Dubitaret proficisci. In what sense of dubilo does the in- 
finitive follow it? — Pararet. In oratione recta it would be quid du- 
hitas eo proficisci, quo jamdudum paras? 

1. Q,uum arma, quum secures. Cf. 1 Cat. § 24. Sail. 36.- no 
Cum fascibus atque aliis imperii insignibus in castra ad Manlium 



I BO NOTES. 

no contendit. Appian, B. C. 2, 3 : 6 (tin <5i) pdfibov<, -n Kal neXliceas, Hi rjt 
ivQvnaTos, Ktitpws /idXa avicx e n ?° iavrov Kal h tov MdWiov tx^P El orparoXoyiv. 

4. Praemissam. attaches itself to the nearest substantive aquilam 
Z. 373. — Ejiciebam. On this use of the imperfect to describe an ac- 
tion of the past time as incomplete or continuing, see H. 469. 

5. Credo. How is this word here used ? Ironically. 

Cii. VII. — 12. Periculis meis. These are the measures which 
Cicero with danger to himself had adopted for the suppression of the 
conspiracy. Cf. p. Sull. 11, 33 : meis consiliis, meis laboribus, mei 
capitis periculis; and 3 Cat. 1, 1. The asyndeton between these 
nouns, and between the several clauses of the protasis, should be no- 
ticed ; as also the force which the position of non gives, and its repeti- 
tion at the beginning of the clauses of the apodosis 

14. Faciundi. H. 238. 

15. Ad fugam atque in exsilium. Observe the change of the 
prepositions, atque in exsilium, more nearly defining ad fugam. 

19. Si hoc fecerit, i. e. iter in exsilium converterit. See note on 
Orat. 1, ch. 9, line 37. 

21. Est mihi tanti. Cf. 1 Cat. § 22. 

23. A vobis .... depellatur. If the verb in the active voice 
admits the preposition a or ab, an ambiguity sometimes exists in the 
passive construction. In this instance it will be easy to decide upon 
the construction. See H. 425, ff. 

24. Dicatur ejectus esse. H. 549, 4. 

25. Mihi credite. P. C. p. 259, 111 ; Z. 801, in fin. 

26. A diis optabo ut. H. 492, 3. 

33. Massiliam. Cf. Sail. Cat. 34: At Catilina ex itinere pie- 
risque consularibus, prceterca optumo cuique litteras mitt it ; se falsis 
criminibus circumventum, quoniam factioni inimicorum resistere ne- 
quiverit, fortunes cedere : Massiliam in exsilium proficisci, non quo 
sibi tanti sceleris conscius esset, sed uti respublica quieta foret, neve 
ex sua contentione seditio oriretur. 

34. Q,uam verentur. For their real wish was that Catiline 
would speedily return to Rome at the head of an army. 

35. Tarn misericors. Alluding ironically to those who pretend- 
ed to be distressed at the fate of Catiline. 

Ch. VIII. — 43. Fatetur se esse hostem; i. e. by his withdrawal 
to the camp of Mallius, which Cicero now assumes as certain. The 
emphatic repetition of hostis may be noticed. — Quern, quia, quod. 
Seyffert, ad had. p. 186, remarks that a succession of words commen- 
cing with q was rather agreeable to the Roman ear. From Cicero he 
there quotes, quoniam quibusnam quisquam, Acad. 1, 2, 6; and qui 
quia qu(E, Famil. 12, 2, 2. 
24 2. Si ullo modo fieri possit. Klotz reads posset; and below, 
lino 4. volunt for volent. 



P1SCCS D PRATI02? AGilNST CATILINE. 18 J 

Pagi 
5. Exponani enim vobis, Supply primum, to correspond to c> * 

tleinac. 

7. Medicinam cousilii = medicinam in consilio vositam; or 
medicinam, id est, consilium. So in § 24. M. H. 396,V. — Si quam 
votero, afferam. H. 470. 

8. Unum geuus est eorum. For the genitive, see H. 396. Cf 
p. Mil. 2, 3 : unum genus est adversum infestumque nobis eorum, 
quos, &c The genuineness of this oration has been attacked against 
the most express testimony. Among other arguments, some have al- 
leged the length and fulness of these divisions, and of the antithetical 
array of opposed principles in ch. 11, § 25. Klotz observes, that the 
orator, who was here addressing the people after the decision, had not 
to persuade them to the adoption of measures, but to satisfy them 
that all had been done with sufficient reason. &c. Hence this fulness 
of description. 

9. Majorea etiam. Would adhuc do for etiam as here used? 
No, not in the best writers. 

10. Amore adducti. H. 414, 2, B).—DissoLvi = divelli, &c. a 
pradiis Mis; but not without allusion to the phrase, <ns alienum dis- 
solves. Compare p. Sull. 20, 59 : Illud erat genus hominum horri- 
bile et pertimescendum, qui tanto amore suas possessiones amvlcxi 
tenebant, ut ab iis membra divelli citius ac distrain posse diceres 
This was uttered after the suppression of the conspiracy. 

1 2. Tu agris, tu aedificiis, . . . copiosus sis, et duMtes. Com- 
pare this form of question with the form noticed in ch. 9, line 22, of 
Orat. 1 ; and see H. 525. Observe also the forcible repetition of the 
pronoun, which in questions that indicate disapprobation, or surprise 
and indignation, is usually expressed. 

14. Acquirere ad fidem = to gain credit. Acquirere, in Cicero, 
is often construed with ad in the sense of increase or addition to that 
which is already possessed. The contrast of ad with de, and the 
chiastic arrangement of the clauses may be noticed. P. C. p. 14, 
15, b, and p. 243, init. ♦ 

15. Q,uid? Ergo, &c. See P. C. 104. 

IT. An tabulas novas? Sallust tells us that Catiline promised 
tabula nova. Cf. de Off. 2, § 84. 

18. Tabulse novas verum auctionarise : "By my good 

services fresh bills shall be proposed, but they shall be bills of sale." 
Cicero here plays upon the term tabula nova, which usually signifies 
a revision of debts; by which, in revolutionary times, the creditor 
was forced to give the debtor a fresh bill, making a stated deduction 
(often very considerable) from the old one. Tabula auctionaria were 
schedules, in which the debtor's property was summed up, preparatory 
to a sale by auction for the benefit of his creditors. These might in 
je«t be called nova (i. e. insolita), as being a proceeding quite unex- 



182 NOTES. 

0.1 pectea by the debtors. Cicero, de Off. 2, 24, 84, refers to this time, 
Numquam vehementius actum est quam me consulc, ne solveretur . . . 
numquam nee majus as alienum fuit, nee melius nee facilius disso- 
lutum est. Fraudandi enim spe sublata, solvendi necessitas conse ■ 
cuta est. M. — Meo beneficio = beneficio per me. 

21. Keque certare cum usuris fructibus praediorum : "and 
not struggle to meet the usurious interest demanded by their creditors 
with the mere incomes derived from their estates" [i. e. instead of sell- 
ing part to set the rest free] : the interest they had to pay frequently 
exceeded their entire income. — Id quod. P. C. 36*. 

22. Locupletioribus his et melioribus civibus uteremur = 
we should have in them both richer and better citizens. See Hark. 
419, 4. 

23. Puto pertimescendos. What is omitted with perlimescen- 
dos, also with facturi .... laturi, in the following lines ? Z. 776. 
This omission, which is common after verba sentiendi and declarandi, 
occurs most frequently with the infinitive future active and with the 
gerundive. 

Cii. IX. — 28. Dominationem .... exspectant. Compare below 
consules se aut dictatores, out etiam reges sperant futuros. — Rerum 
potiri. H. 409, 3. 

30. Ctuibus hoc praecipienduni. Is quibus here dative of the 
agent with prcccipiendum, or of the remote object? See Harkness, 
388, H, 2. 
405? 

32. Cluod couantur. H. 474, 554. 

33. Primnm omnium, me ipsum vigil are .... deinde .... 
deuigue. SeeH.181, 2.— These infinitive clauses are to be referred to 
pracipiendum, or some suitable verbum dicendi or sentiendi implied 
in it. 

35. Maximam multitudiuem. Mattbioe observes that the con- 
struction is as if it were ?nagnos esse animus virorum bonorum . . . 
maximam (eorum) multitudincm. * 

38. Praesentes auxilium esse laturos. The force which lies 
in prcesenies will be noticed. The gods, as if present before our eyes, 
will render prompt and efficient aid. Cf. 3 Cat. 8, 18 ; and ch. 13, 
2% of this oration. Prcesens often = propitius, favens. 

4:2. Se reges sperant futuros. Would reges sperant esse 

De admissible for, "they hope to be kings"? — Aut etiam reges. This 
Cicero adds with the design of rendering the class of which he is 
speaking odious to the Roman people, to whom the name king was 
offensive. 

43. Fugitivo ... aut giadiatori concedi sit necessc. Seo 
P. C. p. 245, 47. For Catiline, in the event of success, would advance 
Buch characters to posts of honor, not those who had remained inactive 
in Rome. 



SECOND ORATION AGAINST CATILINE. 183 

44. .iEtate .... affectum = provectum, ui vires debilitita qui-OA 
iem sint, sed non exhaustcc. 

3. <iuas Faesulis, &c. Catilinam (in consulatus petitione) sti- 25 
patum choro juventutis, vallatum indicibus atque sicariis .... cir- 
cumfiucntcm colonorum Arretinorum et Fcesulanorum exercitu. Pro 
Muren. § 49. Klotz reads quas Fmsulas; Madvig, quas Sulla consli- 
tuit. — Universas. This adjective is often used in agreement with the 
noun, where we should use an adverbial expression, as " in general," or 
" on the whole." The same is true in Latin of many other adjectives. 

5. In insperatis ac repentinis pecunlis = quum insperatas et 
repentinas pecunias adepti essent. The preposition in denotes rather 
the continuing state, the abl. alone would express the cause or ground. 
Appian, B. Civ. 2, 2, p. 177 : TrepiiTrE[xir£v eg t&v ILvWdutv tovs ra KepSrj ttjs 
t6te (lias ava\o)K6T<xs Kal dpeyontvovs epycov i/jioiiov. M. 

T. Iiecticis, &c. The lectica were a mark of opulence, requiring 
many lecticarii, &c. They answered to a splendid equipage in our 
days. See Diet. Antiq., Lectica. 

13. Sed eos hoc moneo. H. 410, 3. With a substantive, moneo 
in Cicero regularly takes de. 

14. Dictaturas cogitare, i. e. to dream that dictatorships (and 
the license of Sulla's days) will come back again. — The ilia tempora 
(= those days), the days of Sulla's dictatorship. 

15. Inustus forcibly expresses the violence and duration of the 
suffering. 

16. Non modo homines. Supply the negativo predicate of the 
following clause. H. 585, 2. 

Cir. X. — 18. duartum genus . . . qui, &c. Cf. ad Quint, fralr. 
1, 1, 12: Deinde ex eo genere civium, qui nos summa necessitudine 
attingunt. So Agr. 2, 14, 37 : Quum ex eo numero qui per cos an- 
nos consules fuerunt multi mortui sint. H. 461, 1. 

19. Jampridem premuntur. How to be construed ? P. C. 413 

21. Q,ui permulti. Z. 430 ; H. 396, III. 

22. Vadimoiiiis, judiciis, proscriptionibus. The exact order 
of procedure is here observed : for, first, the creditor took bail of the 
debtor ; secondly, if the debtor failed to make his appearance, the cred- 
itor was put in possession ; thirdly, if the creditor remained in posses- 
sion thirty days, the property was proscribed. Muret. 

23. Et ex urbe et ex agr is. For the repetition of the preposi- 
lion, see note on page 18, line 5. 

24. Infitiatores lentos. Lentus is a slow payer. Infitiatores 
lenti are persons who put off paying their debts by denying wholly, or 
; n part, that they are just debts. 

25. Primum, not followed by deinde, occurs 1 Fin. 6, 17, and iu 
neveral other passages. — Si stare non possunt. With refcronce to 
vacillant, line 21. 



184 NOTES. 

Ptjre 

OK 26. Corruant. Tho subjunctive as containing tho advice which 
Cic had promised, ch. 8, 17. — Sed ita, ut non modo, &c. "Ita ut 
nullum incommodum e ruina ipsorum non modo ad civitatem sed no 
ad vicinos quidem perveniat." Muretus, who considers the expression 
proverbial and suspects that there is an allusion to an old play, as Plate 
has f)p<*>v Of y£vv(i)(Xfvu)v, rd tov KU)nq>8onoiov, ovi ot ycirovts atydSpa rot aia- 
Qdvovrai, Alcib. 1, p. 121, and Plutarch (Phocion, c. 30\ inov fiiv rrj* 
oi)v nrjTipa yajxovvros oiiS' b yeirwv fjaQiTO. 

28. Honeste = with honor, in consequence of their debts. 

32. Neque possunt et pereant. Here two leading clauses 

are connected, the former of which stands as unconditional in the in- 
dicative, the latter as concessive in the subjunctive. On neque . . . et, 
see H. 587, 1, 2. 

34. Postremum. In a double sense "the last and worst," as 
Cicero immediately explains it. 

36. Proprium, in the full meaning of what is peculiarly and ex- 
clusively his — De complexu ejus ac sinu = of his bosom friends. Tho 
expression is figurative, and derived from the Roman custom of re- 
clining at table. It is often used in a good sense of an intimate and 
valued friend. Muretus thinks there may be here an allusion to Cati- 
line's impurity of life. 

37. Q,uos pexo capillo, nitidos, &c. Some editions omit the 
comma between capillo and nitidos, making pexo capillo limit and 
define nitidos. Compare ch. 3, 5, qui nitent vnguentis, and ch. 5, 10, 
unguentis obliti. 

38. Bene barbatos = " adultiores qui barbula dclectantur," 
ut loquitur pro Coel. 14, 33. M. Cf. Diet. Antiq., Barba. — Manica- 
tis et talaribus tunicis. " It was considered a mark of effeminacy 
for men to wear tunics with long sleeves (manicatce), and reaching to 
the feet (talares)." Diet. Antiq., Tunica. Cf. Gell. N. A. 7, 12. 

39. Velis amictos, non togis, i.e. "in such loose and flowing 
togas that they should rather be called veils." A close-fitting toga 
indicated a person of strict character, &c. ; e. g. exiguaque toga 
simulet textore Catonem. So, of course, an ample flowing toga be- 
longed to luxurious, effeminate livers. Tunc procul absiiis, quisquis 
colit arte capillos, Effluit effuso cui toga laxa sinu. M. 

4:0. Ccenae antelucanse were banquets carried on all through tha 
night till the day broke : this was called coenare in lucem* 

4:1. Gregibus. Contemptuously. So ch. 5, 10: jlagitiosi greges. 
— Aleatores. See note on p. 22, line 1. 

4:3. Neque cantare et psallere. Supply solum from the pre* 
ceding. Cantare properly of vocal music ; psallere of instrumenta 
music, particularly on stringed instruments, accompanied by the voice 
Some editions give cantare et saltare, others psallere et saltare. 
26 l. Scitote. Z. 1C4. See P. C. p. 135, note n. 



SECOND ORATION AGAINST CATILINE. 185 

Pag! 

2. Seminarium Catilinarium, " a Catilinarian nursery ;" i-°oc 
for bringing up young Catilines ; men resembling Catiline in principles 
and morals. Cf. seminarium pomarium, &c. Madvig reads CatlU- 
narum. 

3. Sibi isti .... volunt. See H. 389. 

6. Nisi, Ironically. 

7. Idcirco .... quod. Idcirco and ideo = " for this reason," 
and refer either to a preceding statement or a succeeding one. They 
sometimes refer to a following quod, quia, or quoniam. The order 
may be inverted, and quod, &c. precede. Sometimes ideo and idcirco 
refer to a -purpose to be afterwards stated by ut, quo ; ne, ut ne. The 
forms si ... . idcirco ; etsi . . . . idcirco ; neque si ... . idcirco, are 
common. Ideo also occurs with this reference to a conditional sen- 
tence. 

Cir. XI. — lO. Scortorum cohortem praetoriam. Scorta here 
= cinadi; those just before called impuri impudicique. Cohors 
pratoria was the name applied to the body of men which was partic- 
ularly appointed to. attend on the commander, and which was com- 
posed of soldiers of tried bravery. 

13. Gladiatori illi confecto. Contemptuously of Catiline. Do- 
natus, ad Ter. Eun. V. 4, 4, citing this passage says, proprie \oc vcr- 
bum (confectus) convenit gladiatoribus Us, qui gravissimis vulncribus 
occubucrunt. 

14:. Naufragorum ejectam. .... mauum. Compare note on p. 
17, line 38. Ejicere is often used of one who is wrecked and cast 
upon the shore. Virg. JEn. 1, 578 : Si quibus ejectus sibis aut urbi- 
bus err at. 

16. Urbes coloniarum ac muiiicipiorum = urbes, scilicet 
colonial ac municipia ; i. e. urbes denotes the genus, and colonial and 
municipia the species Cf. Or. 11, 15, 63 : Causa vel casus vel sa- 
pientia vel temeritatis ; where casus, sapientia, temerilas, are the 
species of the genus causa. M. H, 396,V. —Respondebunt = pares 
erunt ad resistendum ; resistent, ovpon&ntur ; " will be a match for.'* 
Cf. pro Flacco, 40, 100 : Septimio et Cadio tcstibus P. Servilius et 
Q. Metellus .... repugnabunt. Asiatics jurisdictioni urbana juris- 
dictio respondebit. The notion is that of drawing up one line of sol- 
diers opposite to another, so that each answers or corresponds to a par- 
ticular portion of the enemy's line. 

IT. Tumulis silvestribus ; which Catiline gave out that he 
would occupy, for the purpose of canying on a guerilla warfare ; 
Buch localities as cowards flee to who seek lurking-places for ambus- 
cades, and dare not give battle in the open plain. So Liv. 27, 20 : 
*umulus erat silvestris, quern Hannibal insidcis quam casiris aptio* 
few esse crediderat. ScLvit2. 

18 Ornameiita = all the necessary equipments, the whole ap- 



18G NOTES. 

Pa£C 

apparatus belli. — Cum illius latronis inopia atque cgeslate. Com] 
Sail. Cat. ch. 56: Sed ex ojnni copia circiter pars quarta crat ?k?H- 
taribus arinis instructa, &c, and ch. 59 : latrones inermes. 

20. Suppeditamur = abundamus. Cf. suppeditatio honorum 
= abundautia, copia : do Nat. Deor. 1, 40. 

22. Exteris nationibus. Externus denotes a merely local re- 
lation, and is applicable to things as well as to persons ; but externa 
an intrinsic relation, and is an epithet for persons only. Externa na- 
tiones is a merely geographical expression for nations that are situated 
without ; extercB nationes, a political expression for foreign nations. 
Dod. Compare ab externa hoste, p. 27, line 38. 

23. Contendere = conferre ; comparare. Cf. quidquid tu con- 
tra dixeris, id cum defensione nostra contendito. Pro S. Rose. 33, 
93. 

29. JEquitas, &c. Heumann remarks, that the four primary or 
cardinal virtues are alluded to, according to the practice of Platonists 
and Stoics: SiKaiocvvrj, oaxppotvvn, avSpla, <pp6vT)ais. Cf. C. de Offic. 1, 5. 

31. Postremo. Notice postremo after denique in line 29, and 
again denique after postremo in line 32. H. 442. 

33. In hujusmodi certaniiue ac proelio. Certamen = strife, 
contest with words or weapons, here in reference to the opposed virtues 
and vices ; proelium is a more technical military expression = combat, 
action, engagement, with reference to the evolutions and charges. 

35. Cogent. Klotz and Madvig read cogant. 

Ch. XII. — 38. Q,uemadmodum jam antea. After antea the 
MSS. give dixi, which Klotz retains, and with Bouecke supposes may 
refer to the sentence Instruite nunc, &c. § 24, which was interrupted 
by the enumeration of the virtues and vices which are arrayed against 
each other. 

39. Milii . . . consultum, &c. See H. 388. — Sine ullo tumullu. 
See P. C. 390, 391 ; 

41. Certiores a me facti de, &c. P. C. 1S7. 

43. Gladiatores, quani, &c. H. 445, 4. Catiline's intimacy 
with them has been noticed in ch. 5, 9. Cf. Q. Cicer. de petit cons. 
3 : qui posted cum gladiatoribus ita vixit, ut facinoris adJutorc» 
haberet. 

\\. Meliore animo sunt, i. e. potentiores et fortiores. So Mat- 
thiae after Heumann. It seems better, however, to understand the 
words of the disposition which the gladiators showed. They might 
have been better disposed to the state than some of the patricians, and 
yet have needed to bo held in check. Cicero obtained a decree from 
the senate, by virtue of which the gladiators were sent to Capua and 
other municipal towns. Cf. Sail. 30. 
iy 1. ContineDuntur, by being distributed about the country al 
Capua and other municipal towns. Sail. 30. 



SECOND ORATION AGAINST CATILINE. 187 

l»ag« 

1. Atque .,.. contra, &c. Atque adeo hero = vel potius.nn 
See II. 5S7, I. 

lO. Nunc illos, qui, &c. — monitos eos etiam atque etiam volo. 
Observe the eos, which is not wanted, the construction boing nunc 
illos .... monitos volo. Many instances of this kind are found, es- 
pecially after the relative and an intervening clause. M. quotes 2 Or. 
23, extr. : H<zc ipsa, qua nunc ad me delegare vis, ea semper in te 
eximia et prcestantia fuerunt. Inv. 1, 31, 52: Factum est, ut etiam 
illud, quod dubium videbatur, si quis separatim quareret, id pro 
certo propter rationem rogandi concederetur. — On monitos .... volo, 
see H. 551, II. 

11* Adhuc .... solutior. Would it be proper to connect adhuc 
with solutior in the sense of " still" ? No. Adhuc relates to lime, 
and = " up to this time," " hitherto,'" " as yet" 

16. Connivere possum. So Klotz, and Madvig from Schol, Val. 
Prob. p. 137, Lind. and cod. Teg. The common text is consulere 
sibi possunt. 

IT. Non inodo factum, sed inceptum. After non modo, scd 
follows without etiam, where the second is the stronger statement. 

Ch. XIII. — 23. Res maxima. Klotz and Madvig read res max- 
imes. 

25. Togato duce et imperatore. The same expression occurs 
in Orat. 3, 10, 23. The toga was the robe worn by the Romans in 
times of peace, and the word sometimes stands for pax. The lan- 
guage is military, except as qualified by the word togatus, which ex- 
presses thaLthe general is not one in the field (i. e. sagaius from sa- 
gum), but a peaceful leader in a quiet suppression of the threatening war. 

26. Sedetur. See H.463. and compare deduxerit, line 30. 

31. Q,uod .... vix optandum videtur, i. e. " as being so impos- 
sible that it would be idle to wish for it." Thus the Greeks used to de- 
note such things as one might fairly wish for, as being thxns a^ia (Isocr 
Pan. 79), or evxats t^oia (Plat, de Rep. 14, 499). O. On the use of 
the participle in dus with the signification of possibility, see Z. 650. 
With what particle has it this signification in classical prose ? 

32. Ut neque bonus quisquam intereat paucorumque pasna, 
&c. Observe neque . . . que. A negative sentence with neque (ncc) 
is often followed by an affirmative one with et or que. The notion 
introduced by et, que, is often the stronger opposite notion to that 
which is rejected. The force may often bo given by not . . . but 
rather. Cf. 1 de Fin. 14,48: Ex quo intelligitur ncc intempcrantiam 
propter se esse fugiendam temper antiamque expetendam. 

•36. Cluibus ducibus. P. C. 364. 

40. Precari, venerari [atque] implorare. Observe the grada- 
tion in the words. What is there irregular in the use of atque as here 
found? Z. 783. Madvig omits it altogether. 



THIRD ORATION AGAINST CATILINE. 
ANALYSIS. 

1. In the introduction Cicero announces to the people that the staie is sa?ed, 
and thus prepares the way for a recital of the course of events. (Ch. 1, § 3.) 

2. The orator narrates the means and precautions by which the conspiracy 
was discovered, and how the conspirators were convicted by the testimony 
of Vulturcius and the Allobroges, and by their own letters and confessions : 
for which, he adds, it was decreed by the senate, whose decree is recited, 
at the close of the examination of the conspirators, with honorable mention 
of his colleague Antonius and of the praetors, that a thanksgiving to the gods 
should be appointed in the name of Cicero. (Ch. 2, § 3-ch. 6, $ 15.) 

3. He showed that it was principally owing to the manifest favor of the im- 
mortal gods that this conspiracy was discovered, they having by the clearest 
signs indicated the danger which threatened the republic. (Ch. 7, § 15-ch. 
9, § 22.) 

4. He in conclusion exhorts the people to celebrate the festival which is to be 
instituted in honor of the gods, and commends himself to the protection and 
grateful remembrance of his fellow-citizens, promising to labor, even after 
the termination of his consulship, for the welfare of the state. (Ch. 9, $ 22 
-end.) 

Pa B e 

OQ Ch. I. — 2. Bona fortuiias. These nearly synonymous words aro 
frequently found together. Cf. Rose. Am. 49, 141 ; C<zc. 13, 38 ; and 
Verr. 2, 1, 44 : Quibuscum vivi bona nostra partimur, Us pr&tor ad- 
imere, nobis mortuis, bona fortunasque poterit ? on which Pseudo- 
Asconius remarks • Bona in ipsis possessionibus, fortuna) in fructibus 
earum. — Observe the asyndeton (H. 702) in some of the clauses of this 
period, and tho variation in the use of the conjunctions, et, atque, que 
H. 587, I, 3. 

3. Domicilium .... imperii. See ch. 11, 26: imperii do?nici- 
Hum sedemque • and Nep. Alt. 3, 3 : domicilium orbis terrarum .... 
imperii. 

4r. Hodicruo die. This oration was delivered on the 3d of De- 
cember. 

T. Et, si idem fere significat ac quod si. 

11. l»rofecto. See H. 335, 2.— Ilium qui hanc urbem condidxt 
. . is, qui eandem hanc urbem conditam amplificalamque servavit 

On such circumlocutions, see H. 604,11. In this instance, howevei, 
the form appears to be determined by considerations connected with 
the periodic structure (Z. 810) and rhythm of the sentence SeyflerfJ 
Pal. Cic. p. 10. 

12. Famaque. Be Nat. Deor. 2, 24: Suscepit autem vita ho- 
minum consuetudoque communis, ut bencficiis excellcutes viros in C(B- 



TniRD ORATION AGAINST CATILINE. 189 

Pa*. 
lum jama ac voluntate tollerent. Off. 3, 5 : Herculem ilium, qucm 2g 

hominum jama beneficiorum mentor, in concilio coelestium collocavit. 

Late Greek writers use (p/jpv in the same way. Plut. Rom. T. 1, G3, B.- 

'PutfivXov pen ovtol OtStv natSa vfivolai ^>////a«y. Cf. Tusc. 1, 12, 28. 

14. Amplificatamque. The addition of this word serves to con- 
trast the present grandeur of Rome with its early narrow limits and 
thus magnify the merit of Cicero as its preserver. 

15. Templis delubris. See P. C. p. 128, y; and compare bo- 
na fortunas above. 

IT. Iidemquc. See H. 451. 

18. Dejecimus. Cf. Verr. 5,62. Phil. 1,2,6: A cervicibua 
jugum dejicere. Pro Sull. 9, 28 : quos (homines) ego a vestris cer- 
vicitis depuli. Cf. below, 7, 17. M. 

19. Comperta sunt per me, " i. e mea opera atque industria, non 
a me. See Hark. 414, 5. Illustrata, in luce posita, ita ut non am- 
plius laterent, patejacta, ita illustrata, ut omnibus paterent, vel, ut 
ipse loquitur pro Sulla 2, in. id omnes viderent, quod antea juisset oc- 
cultum : comperta, certis indiciis cognita et deprehensa. Gravissimum 
ex his esse comperta, vel ex eo apparet, quod hoc verbo utentem Cice- 
ronem irridebant adversarii. Vid. ad Fam. 5, 5, ad Att. 1, 14. Acad. 
Disp. 4, 19, 62. Sic pro Sull. 4, 12 : non modo enim nihil comperi, 
sed vix ad aures meas istius suspicionis jama pervenit, ubi ad minora 
descenditur." M. 

21. Investigata et comprekensa = deprehensa, a metaphor 
derived from the chaso. 

22. Ex actis, accurately, according to the official reports of what 
has taken place. The regular daily journals (acta diurna) were not 
yet kept, if Suetonius is to be trusted. Inito honore, Caesar primus 
omnium instituit, ut tarn Senatus qvam populi diurna acta conjie- 
rent, et publicarentur. Jul. Cffis. c. 20 : this was in his first consul- 
ship. — The meaning of the passage from Suetonius is rather that Cae- 
sar introduced a regulation for the making up of the minutes of the 
proceedings of the senate in form for publication as a part of the Roman 
daily gazette. See Diet. Antiq. Acta Diurna. — Klotz reads, qui ig- 
noratis [et exspectatis], ex actis scire; Steinmetz, qui ignoralis, et 
exspectatis, scire, &c. 

23. Faucis ante diebus. H. 427. This was the 25th day from 
his departure. 

Or. II. — 1. Ctuum .... ejiciebani, " whilst I was endeavoring oft 
to drive Catiline out" Cf. 2 Cat. § 14, and exterminari volebam 
just below. On the mood, see P. C. 488, b;R. 518. — Cicero is not 
always uniform or consistent in his expressions respecting the part 
which he took in the withdrawal of Catiline. He distinguishes between 
allowing him to go forth, and casting him forth, emitterc and ejiccre f 
using one or the other word a3 best suited his purpose. 



190 NOTES. 

Pa^e 

oq 3. Sed turn. This is the sed of resumption = inquam, / say 
H. 587, III, 2. 

6, Atque is here a particle of transition. " When then I saw," 
or (better) " and so when I saw." " Usurpatur atque in adjiciendo 
eo, quod id, de quo antea sermo erat, sive ex ratione causae, sive tem- 
poris consequitur ; ideoque in iis locum habet, qua? necessitate quadam 
continuationis vel consecutionis arete cohaerent. Nos dicimus und so 
(and so)." Hand, i. 478 ; and p. 497, he notices as especially frequent 
the forms atque ego, atque ego scio, ac nescio, atque haud scio, ac ve- 
reor, atque ego credo, which often have the appearance of modesty, 
as if the speaker would signify that >ie has been led to his opinion by 
the circumstances themselves. 

7". Furore et scelere. Compare note 2 on page 19, and page 9. 

10. Auribus vestris. For, segnius irritant animos demissa per 
aurem, Quam qua sunt oculis commissa fidelibus. Hor. ep. ad Pis 
180. 

11. Comprehenderem = liquido convincerem, tanquam manu 
prehensam. Cf. § 3 ; pro Cluent. 16, 47: quo facilius comprehende- 
retur res ejus indicio. Pro Flacc. 16, 38. 

12. Saluti vestrae provideretis. P. C. 233 ; H. 385, 3. 

13. Ut comperi. "Per Q. Fabium Sangam, cujus patrocinio 
civitas Allobrogum plurimum utebatur : Sallust, 41. Allobrogum 
autem legati Romam venerant, questum de avaritia magistratuum, ut 
ait idem, c. 40 : ahi&pzvoi rovs fiyovpivovs avrwv. Appian, B. C. 2, p. 
179. Plut. Cic. 18 : TrpaTroiiivmv de tovtwv, £tv%ov i-idrjuovvTes 'A\\opp6- 
ywv 8vo Trptafieis, 'idvovs nakicrra Si] t6ts novrjpa 7rpdrTovros *ai fiapvvojjiivov 
Tt]v ^ye/ioviav. tovtovs ol Kepi AivrXov oxps\i[iovs fiyotifievoi Trpbs to Kivrjcai Kai 
perapaXelv ttiv TaXariav hoir/cravTO crvvwudras. Victi autem erant Allo- 
broges a Q. Fabio Maximo, a. u. c. 632." M. See General Intro- 
duction, p. 143. — The Allobroges were a Gallic people occupying the 
country between the Isara and Rhodanus, lake Lemannus and a part 
of the Alps, in modern Dauphine and Savoy. Their chief town was 
Vienna (Vienne), and their border-town towards the Helvetii was 
Geneva. The name Sapaudia was applied to this country as early as 
the time of Ammianus. 

14. Belli Transalpine In farther Gaul. — Tumultus Gallici. 
In hither Gaul. For the peculiar meaning of tumultus, see Arnold's 
Nepos, Milt. 4, 3 ; and compare Cic. Phil. 8, 1 : Quid est enim aliud 
tumultus, nisi perturbatio tanta, ut major timor oriatur ? undc etiam 
■nomen ductum est tumultus. Itaque majores nostri tumultum ItaU 
icum, quod erat domesticus , tumultum Gallicum quod erat Italia 
finitimus ; praterea nullum tumultum nominabant. 

16. Eodemque itinere. Their route to Gaul would lie through 
Etruria, where Catiline was encamped. 

18. Voltlircium. BovXrovpiciop avSpa Kforw.iJrTjv, Appian, 1. C 



THIRD ORATION AGAINST CATILINE. 191 

Vuliurcium quendam Crotoniensem, Sallust, 44. Tirov nvd Kporonua-^Q 
n?*, Plut. 1. c. 

21. TJt is frequently repeated after a parenthetical relative clause, 
as this is a repetition of the ut in line 19. 

22. Ii. Flaccum. Cf. or. pro Flacc. 40, 102 : O nox ilia, qua 
pane aternas huic urbi tenebras attulisti ! quum Galli ad helium, 
Catilina ad Urbem, conjurati ad ferrum et jlammam vocabantur : 
quum ego te, Flacce, coelum noctemque contestans, flens fientem ob- 
testabar : quum tua fidei optima et spectatissima salut'em Urbis et 
eivium commendabam. Tu, tu, Flacce, Prator, communis exitii 
nuntios cepisti; tu inclusam in litteris rei publica pestem deprehen- 
disti: tu periculorum indicia, tu salulis auxilia ad me et ad Sena- 
turn attulisti. Qua tibi turn gratia sunt a me acta ? qua ah Se- 
natu? qua a bonis omnibus? Quis tibi, quis C. Pomptino, fortissi- 
mo viro, quemquam bonum putaret unquam non salutem, verum ho- 
norem ullum denegaturum. 

23. Fortissimos atque amantissimos. By these epithets Ci- 
cero wishes to show that he selected for the execution of his plan, men 
who had both the ability and the will to serve their country. Sallust, 
ch. 45, calls them homines militares. 

25. Illi .... qui .... sentirent. When qui assigns the reason 
or ground, and stands for quum or quum is, it is followed by the sub- 
junctive ; and the noun or pronoun to which it refers usually precedes. 
P. C. 481; H.517. So Tusc. Disp. 1, 11, 24: quid de Dicaarcho 
dicam, qui nihil omnino animum dicat esse ? = qui dicit et quum 
dicat. Pro Arch. 10, 25 : qui sedulitatem mali poeta duxerit aliquo 
tamen pramio dignam, hujus ing., &c. M. 

2T. Sine ulla mora. See H. 457. 

28. Ad pontem Mulvium. Now corrupted into Pontc Mollo or 
Ponte Molle. It was three [Roman] miles from the column in the 
Roman forum, on the Flaminian road. 

29. Bipartito fuerimt. Compare in Greek, bi%a thai. See Z 
3G5, in fiu. Klotz reads bipertiti fuerunt. 

32. Ex prsefectura Reatina. Cicero was the patronus of the 
Reatini (Reate, now Riete), and therefore summoned their aid. Ego 
nuper, quum Reatini, qui essent in fide mea, &c, pro Scauro, 27. 
Prafectura were towns, the highest magistrate of which was a pra- 
fectus juri dicundo, who was appointed annually in Rome and sent 
thither. Consult Diet, of Antiq., Coloxia, towards the end of the 
article. 

33. Q,uorum opera, &c. Klotz and Madvig read, quorum opera 
ulor assidue in rei publica prasidio, cum gladiis miseram. 

34:. Tertia fere vigilia. The Romans divided the night into 
four watches. The time here mentioned would, therefore, be towards 
three o'clock in the morning. 



192 NOTES. 

Page 

on 35. Magno comitatu = cum m. com. Cf. pro Mil. 10, 28 : quum 
hie insidiator .... cum uxore vehereiur in rheda, pcenulatus, magno 
.... ancillarum puerorumque comitatu. M. See H. 434. 

36. Educuntur .... gladii. "Probabilior est Salustii narratio, 
c. 45 : utrimque clamor exortus est ; Galli cito cognito consilio sine 
mora prcetoribus se tradunt. Volturcius primo cohortatus suos, gla. 
dio se a multitudine defendit cet. Conjurati memorantur a Salustio, 
c. 17. In his ex equesiri ordine P. Gabinius Capito; quod familiao 
nomen longe probabilius est, quam Cimber. Puto rhetorem memoriae 
vitio errasse. [This refers to Oreili's disbelief of the genuineness of the 
last three orations against Catiline. Compare note on p. 24, line 8.] 
C. Annius Cimber famosus fuit M. Antonii administer, L. Tillius 
Cimber, notus Caesaris interfector. L. Statilius item eques Ro. C. 
Cornelius Cethegus, post Lentulum princeps in ilia conjuratione. Na« 
turaferox, vekemens, manu promptus erat. Sail, c 43. P. Corne- 
lius Lentulus Sura, consul, a. u. c. 683. 'AW/p yivovs [ih thSo^ov, fie- 
J3iuku>s Se <})av\(i)s Kal Si' aaiXyuav i&\r)\aiiivos rrjs fiovXijs irpdrepov' t6tz Si 
crparriyCiv to Seirtpov, u»? sOos fori rots f| vnapxns dvaKTu/iivois to @ov\evTi- 
kov afana. Plut. Cic. 17. Excogitandi et loquendi tarditatem tege- 
bat formce dig nitas, corporis motus plenus et artis et venustatis, vo- 
cis et suavitas et magnitudo. Cic. Brut. 66. O. 

Cir. III. — 39. Interventu Pomptinl. See page 11, note 12. 

41. Integris signis. With the seals unbroken. Letters wero 
frequently written upon waxen tablets, which were secured by being 
fastened together with packthread and sealed with wax. 

4:4. Cimbrum Gabinium. P. Gabinius Capito, ex equestri or- 
dine. Cf. Sail. 17, and below, § 14. See also Sail, chaps. 40 and 55. 
— Statim is opposed to a future time (postea), and = " at once" an 
opposed to "then," "afterwards," " at another time." — Nihil dum. 
Nondum, necdum, nihil dum, nullus dum add to the negatives the 
meaning of up to this or that time, whether it be a past, present, or 
future time. 
30 2. Credo. In what way is this word used ? See p. 23, line 5. 

3. In Uteris his dandis. So Orelli, Klotz, and others. Madvig 
omits his; and Steinmetz omits dandis. The common text is Uteris 
dandis, which Wunder, ad Plane. 6, 15, defends as = quum Uterus 
darct. Compare H. 431, Hand, iii. p. 286, and Halm, in Vatin. p. 81, 
fg. By in more prominence is given to the duration of the time, which 
well suits the sluggish and indolent character of Lentulus. But even 
where the notion of time would be suitable, the Latin language prefers 
the causal or instrumental mode of expression as the more logically 
exact and definite. Seyffert, Pal. Cic. p. 93. — Pr&ter consuetudinem. 
Lentulus being notoriously indolent ; b AivTovXog tjKio-Ta Spaarijpios ifv . 
Dio. 37, 32. So Catiline says of him in Sallust: Scitis equidem, mi- 



THIRD ORATION AGAINST CATIEINE. 193 

Pag» 

utcs, socordia atque ignavia Lentuli quantam ipsi cladem nnbisque ofk 
attulerit. 

4t. Q,uum vero. Vero = part, affirmativa, gravitatem addens 
narrationi de re non minimi momenti. H. 587, III, 2. 

7. Referri placeret. So Orelli, Klotz, and Supfle, from MSS. 
Madvig and others, deferri. " Correctio est ex seqq. Referri non 
' literas,' Bed significat: relationem a me consule fieri." Orelli. See 
note, p 14, line 44. 

8. Xegavi me esse facturum, ut, &c. On this circumlocution, 
*ee H. 558, IV. To what is the expression in the text equivalent ? 
H. 492, 1 ; 558, IT. <■ 

lO. Rem integram. The matter untouched, just as it was found ; 
in reference to literas . . xperiri above. — Si .... tamen. De Oral. 
1, 16, 72 : quibus ipsis si in dicendo non utimur, tamen apparet at- 
que exstat, &c 41, 185: Nam si esset ista cogniiio juris magna ac 
difficilis, tamen utilitatis magnitudo deberet homines ad suscipiendum 
discendi laborem impeller e. Muretus. 

12. Nimiam diligcntiam. = ninrice diligenticB crimen. M., who 
compares the Greek dpyiav ?%ezv, ivcraifistav KTrjoaoQai, &c. 

13, Senatum .... coegi. He summoned them to meet in the 
Temple of Concord, which stood in a commanding situation on the 
ascent to the Capitol ; its elevated site (the ascent to it was by sev- 
eral steps), commanding the forum and place of assembly, made it a 
very strong place ; and a guard oi Equites volunteered to defend it 
against all attacks. It was vowed and built by M. Furius Camillua 
(388?) in commemoration of the reconciliation between the patricians 
and plebeians. Plut. Cam. 42 ; Ovid, Fast. 1, 641. 

15. C. Sulpicium. Plut. Cic. c. 19: Taios Se ZovXttikios, its t&v 
arpaTTjyiov (= prastorum), inl rrjv oiKiav Tttn<pQtls tov KcQijyov, iroWu jiiv iv 
abrrj (iiXrj icai '6n\a, rckuara <5f £t<ptj Kal p.axaipas tvpe, vtoQrjKTovg a~d<jag. M. 
— Misi, qui .... efferret. What are the various ways of expressing 
a purpose in Latin? P. C. p. 216, h, to which qui with the subjunc- 
tive should be added, especially after verbs of sending, coming, giving, 
choosing, and the like. Cf. 1 Cat. 4, 9 : delegisti, quos Roma relin- 
queres, quos tecum educeres. 

16. Si quid telorum. SeeH. 455, 2. * 

Ch. IV.— 18. Fidem . . . publicam (= aieiav, Dio Cass. 37, 34), 
^are ■ tc pledge to him the word of the state that his life should be 
&aved = to promise him pardon, &c. 

19. Jussu senatus. For only when authorized by a decree of 
(ho senate could the consul make this pledge. Cf. p. C. Rabir. 10, 28. 

20. Metu .... timore. The change of words here is not merely 
to vary the expression. Metus is well-grounded fear, as here of pun- 
ishment, if he had not received the promise of pardon ; timor magnus, 
on the other hand, denotes the great anxiety and apprehension with 

17 



194 NOTES. 

.Ia which Volturcius was filled, without regard to its being well-founded 
or not 

22. Ut servorum praesidio uteretur. Cf. § 12, and Sallust 
44: ad hoc mandata verbis dat, quum ab senatu hosiis judicatus 
sit, quo consilio servitia repudiet ? M. After literas supply quibus 
prcescriptum erat for the following sentence to depend on. Klotz reada 
ut ad urbem, &c. 

23 • Id autem. On the id, see H. 451. Autem is the weakest 
adversative particle, being rather a particle of distinction than of oppo- 
sition. A principal use of it is to add some new distinction, description, 
or remark, where we should use " and." Beft/re the last term of an 
enumeration it gives prominence to that part of it above the rest. Ob- 
serve the frequency with which it occurs in this chapter, fee Hark. 
587, m ; Arnold's Nepos, Milt. 4, 1. 

25. Caedem infinitam. According to Plut. Cic. 18, the only ex- 
ception made by Lentulus was the children of Pompey. 

26. Q,ui .... exciperet et . . . . coiy linger et. See note on liuo 
15 of this page. P. C. 483 (6) 

31. Pedestres . . . copias non defuturas. See P. C. 460 (c) (1; 

32. Ex fatis Sibyllinis. Consult Diet. Antiq., Sibyllini Libri ; 
Schmitz, Rome, p. 68. Klotz reads ex libris Sibyll., &c. 

33. Esse se tertium ilium Cornelium. Cf. Sail. ch. 47. 

35. Ciniiam ante se et Sullam. See P. C. p. 237, 20, Obs. 

31. Post Virginum (sc. Vestalium) absolutiouem, &c. Proba- 
bly the trial, in which Fabia, the sister of Cicero's wife Terentia, was 
acquitted. She was accused of a connection with Catiline. Asconius 
in Or at. in tog. Cand. p. 93, Or. ; Plut. Cat. min. ch. 19. The trial 
mentioned in Brut. 67, 236, is probably the same. 

38. Post capitolii . . . . incensionem. " Appianus Bell. Civ. 
1, 86: Kat to KaitiTuiXiov ivsirtpnrparo' Kalrd epyov rivh eXoyo-oiovv Kap/3w- 
vos tj rStv vitdruv ft Su'XAa -nfyL^avTos zlvai' to Se aKpi(3ts aSr]\ov tjv. Cassio- 
dorus in Chronico memorat, L. Scipione et C. Norbano coss. a. u. c. 
671, Capitolium custodum negligentia concrematum esse, et Tacitus 
Hist. 3, 72 : Arserat et ante Capitolium civili bello, sedfraude priva- 
ta . Restitutum postea auctore L. Sulla et dedicatum a Q. Lutatio 
Catulo cos. a. u. c. 676." Steinmetz. 

40. Saturnalibus. They were then celebrated on the 19th oi 
December. Macrob. 1,10: Apud major es vostros Saturnalia die 
uno finiebantur, qui erat a. d. xiv. Kal. Jan. (19 Decbr.) Sed post- 
quam C. Gasar huic mensi duos addidit dies, sexto decimo (17 
Decbr J coepta celebrari. See Diet. Antiq., Saturnalia. 

4:1. Cethego nimium id longuni videretur. Compare Sail. 43 

42. Videretur. So Orelli, Siipfle, and Madvig: Steinmotz and 
Klotz read videri 



THIRD ORATION AGAINST CATILINE. 195 

Pagre 

43. Tabellas proferri jussimus, sc. by the praetor Flaccus. See or* 
Sail. 44. dU 

44. Q,ua3 .... dicebantur data?. See H. 549, 4. 

1 . Cognovit. Sail. 47, uses the same verb where we might have 31 
expected, as here, agnoscere. — Linum incidimus. See note on p. 29, 
line 41. Klotz reads legimus literas. 

4. Recepissent = promisissent. Klotz reads orare, ut Mi face- 
lent, qua sibi eorum legati prcecepissent. 

Ch. V — 5. Aliquid tamen. Tamen = although his guilt was 
manifest, he nevertheless, &c. So Fam. 16, 11 : Nobis inter has 
turbas senatus tamen frequens flagitavit triumphum (i. e. quamquam 
ha* turbas erant). Att. 1, 16: quum ilium plumb eo gladio jugulatum 
iri tamen diceret (i. e. quamquam plumbeo), though it was but a 
leaden sword. 

6. Q,ui .... respondisset. P. C. 484. In this line Klotz and 
Madvig read apud se for apud ipsum. 

8. Conscientia convictus. Cf. 2 Cat. 6, 13. 

13. Avi tui. P. Lentulus, the princeps Senatus, who was con- 
sul with Cn. Domitius, a. u. c. 592. 

.27. Dicendi exercitatio. He gives a very different opinion, 
Brut. 66 : Neque multo secus P. Lentulus, cujus ct excogitandi et 
loquendi tarditatem tcgebat forma dignitas, corporis motus plenus 
et artis et venustatis, vocis et suavitas et magnitudo. This, how- 
ever, is a critical judgment : in addressing the people he adopts their 
opinion ; for the advantages above enumerated are highly valued by 
them (M.) ; and the adoption of this opinion gives more force to the 
proof of his guilt afforded by his loss of presence of mind, &c. 

32. Dicebat. In what mood does Cicero often put the verbum 
dicendi in such clauses? Z. 551, and compare Phil. 2, 4, 7. 

33. Perturbatus tamen. To what docs tamen refer? 

Would it be proper to express quamquam with perturbatus ? Z. 635, 
and Note. 

34. Q,ui sim, &c. The letter in Sallust (ch. 44) is somewhat 
different : Qui sim, ex eo, quern ad te misi, cognosces. Fac cogites, 
in qua calamiiate sis, et memineris te virum esse : consideres quid 
tu(B rationes postulent : auxilium petas ab omnibus, etiam ab injimis. 
Matthias observes, that in ancient times neither orators nor historians 
hesitated to alter the words of a speech, letter, &c, provided they 
preserved the sense. Whether qui sim or quis sim should be the read- 
ing is questioned. 

35. Misi. On the tense, see H. 471, II, 3. 

40. Iusimulabant. " Donat. ad Terent. Phorm. 2, 3, 12. nunc 
locum affert, ut probet insimulare non modo de falso, sed etiam do 
vero nomino dici." Garut. — Ac mihi quidem, &c. Soepe occurrit 



190 NOTES. 

Page 

qi formula ac mihi guidem videtur. Opinionem cum qaadani conclusione 
adjungit continuatae rei expcsitioui. Haud, i. 503. 

43. Color oculi, vultus taciturnitas. A peculiarity in the 
punctuation, which Orelli, whose text is here given, adopts, will have 
been before noticed. Words are often paired or grouped which would 
seem to require separation by commas. Attention is here called to the 
point lest the student should suppose that oculi and vultus are geni- 
tives, as vultus is carelessly so printed in the English copy. 
$2 !• Inter se adspiciebant, " looked at each other" So inter se 
diligere, &c. So Nat. D. 1, 44, 122 qui nulla re egentes et inter 
se diligunt Lael. 22, 82 : neque solum colent inter se ac diligent 
H. 433. 

Ch. VI. — 5. Principibus. By this we may understand the con- 
suls elect, consulares, and praetors. On the order in which the ques- 
tion was put to the senators, see Diet. Antiq., Senatus. 

6. Sine uila varietate. " Pro Sext. 34, 74 : quum fierei sine 
ulla varietate discessio, i. e. quum in eamdem omnes omnino senten- 
tiam discederent." M. 

14. A suis et rei publicae consiliis. Consilia rei publico = 
consilia de republica ; as deorum opinio = opinio de diis. Nat. D. 
1, 12, in. 2, 5, in. 3, 7, in. Tusc. 1, 13, 30 ; quastio animorum, Tusc 
1, 11, 23 = qu. de animis. 2Etnensiu?n oratio, Verr. 3, 44, 10G = 
or. de iEtnensibus. M. Benecke prefers, measures or plans which 
the state had adopted for the suppression of the conspiracy. 

16. In custodiam. Et's aStvfiov <pv\aicriv, Plut. c. 19, which waa 
called libera cuslodia. Sail. c. 47 : Sen. decernit, uti abdicatus ma- 
gistratu Leniulus, item ceteri, in liberis custodiis haberentur. Ita- 
que Lentulus P. Lentulo Spintheri, qui turn adMs, Cethegus Q. 
Cornificio, Statilius C. Ccesari, Gabinius M. Crasso, Cceparius (nam 
is paulo ante ex fuga retractus) Cn. Terentio senatori traduntur. M. 

19. Ad sollicitandos pastores. Caparius Tarracinensis, qui 
in Apuliam ad concitanda servitia proficisci parabat . . . cognito 
indicio ex urbs profugerat. Sail. 46. M. 

20. Ex iis colonis, quos. Klotz reads ex Us coloniis, quas. 
21-. Perductos. Sail. 40, uses the same word. M. 

2T. Novem. hominura perditissimorum pesna. Only jive 
were seized. Cf. Cicero Sulla, 11, 33 : Meis consiliis, meis labori- 
bus, mei capitis periculis, sine tumultu, sine delectu, sine armis, 
sine exercitu, quinque hominibus comprehensis atque confossis, in- 
censione vrbem. internecione cives, vastitate Italiam, inieritu remp 
liberam. M. 

29. Supplkatio. See Diet. Antiq., Supplicatio. 

31. Q,uod mihi primum .... contigit. Phil. 2, 6, init. L. 
Cotta, vir summc ingenio sumviaquc prudentia, rebus iis ges/is, 



THIRD ORATION AGAINST CATILINE. 197 

Vagi 

eique ilh ipsi, quos modo nominavi, consulares senatusque cunctus qcj 
assensus est, qui honos post conditam hanc urbem habitus est togato 
ante me nemini. So Fam. 15, 4, 11, to Cato: tu idem mihi supplica- 
iionem decrevisti togato, non, vt multis, re publica bene gesta, sed t 
ut nemini, re publica conservata. It has been inquired how the decree 
could have spoken of Cicero's saving Italy from a war. Klotz replies, 
from a war with the Allobroges, whom the conspirators would have 
brought into Italy. Compare Cicero's own words, quoted above : Mcis 
consiliis, meis laboribus, mei capitis periculis .... incensione urbem, 
internecione cives, vastitate Italiam, interitu rem publicum' ' libe- 
ravi. 

32. Q,uod urbem, &c. So Fam. 5, 2: qui curiam cade, urbem 
incendiis, Italiam bello liber usset. Observe the chiastic arrangement 
in this sentence, which is quite common where the sentence consists, 
as this does, of three clauses ; the 1st and 2d, and the 2d and 3d are 
mutually arranged under this figure. 

34. Supplicationibus. The repetition of this word after ceteris 
and of religione below with ea, is expressive of the emphasis which 
Cicero attaches to the words. — Hoc intersit. " Ern. monet, modestius 
hoc esse, quam Grrevii interest, tqvto Siaipipoi av. Cf. infra, § 22. Sed 
respondet etiam verbis si confer atur." M. 

3T. Factum atque trausactum est. This was a regular phrase 
used by lawyers, in contracts, deeds, &c, to express that all the ne- 
cessary steps had been taken, and that the transaction was concluded. 
Hence it is adopted by other writers: e. g. Ter. Andr. I, 5, 13 : quot 
modis coniemptus, spretus ? facta, transacta omnia, hem ! M. — 
Nam P. Lentulus, &c. The nam is explanatory. Cicero begins to 
explain how all the proper preliminary steps had been taken. 

3 8. Patefactus. Klotz reads patefactis. 

4G. Magistratu se abdicavit. Not willingly, but of necessity. 
4 Cat. § 5. Magistrates, from regard to the public service, were ex- 
empt from criminal prosecution, during the term of their office, unless 
they permitted the prosecution, or voluntarily abdicated, or were by 
controlling circumstances compelled to abdicate. Observe that the 
regular classical construction is abdicate se aliqua re. The historians 
after Sallust use also abd. aliquid. — Qua religio .... non fuerat, quo 
minus. Religio est = a scruplo or doubt hinders or deters, is con- 
strued with quo minus and the subjunctive, according to P. C. 94 ; Z. 
543. Translate, That from the scruple which had not deterred Marius 
from putting to death, &c. 

41. C. Glauciam. C. Servilius Glaucia. Cf. 1 Cat. 2, 4. See 
Sehmitz, Rome, p. 349. 

Cn. VII. — 1. Captos . . . tenetis. Cf. constrictam .... teneri, oo 
I Cat. § 1. J0 

3. Opes = auxilia, praesidia, oosita in multitudine sociorum. 



198 NOTES. 

Page 

oo 4:. Q;uum . . pellebam .... providebam. Cf. § 3 : quum . 
ejiciebam .... putabam. Klotz and Madvig read depellebam. 

6. Lentuli sommim. Soinnus here = s( mnolentia .' so 2 Cat 
5, 10, dormiens for somnolentus. Ernesti. But the pupil must under 
stand that somnus does not express " somnolence," but that the oratoj 
uses the effect for the habit, to point out Lentulus as then under the 
influence of his habitual somnolence. — L. Cassii adipes = ofyesitatem 
et, qua inde oriri solent, inertiam atque ignaviam. Ascon., on the 
Or. in Toga Candida, says : " Cassium, qui iners ac stolidus turn ma* 
gis quam improbus videretur, post paucos menses in conjuratione Cati- 
linae esse apparuit, ac cruentissimarum sententiarum fuisse auctorem." 

7. Cethegi furiosam temeritatem. Sail. 43 : Cethegus semper 
querebatur de ignavia sociorum ; . ... se .... si pauci adjuvarent, 
languentibus aliis, impetum in curiam facturum. Natura ferox, ve- 
hemens, manu promptus, maximum bonum in celeritate putabat. M. 

8. Dum moenibus . . . continebatur. See 1 Cat. 5, 10 ; 2 Cat. 
8, 17. — On dum = quamdiu, see H. 522. 

9. Omnium aditus tenebat. Cf. Mn. 4, 423 : sola viri molles 
aditus et tempora noras. M. 

10. Poterat, audebat. Z. 783. 

11. Ad facinus aptum. Is ad or the dative more common with 
aptus? When is the dative necessary? H. 391. — Lingua = ars 
persuadendi ; manus = agendi facultas. 

12. Jam = deinde, porro. See note on page 21, line 18. — Certos 
homines, i. e. spectates fidei, reliable, trustworthy. 

13. Q,uum . . . mandaverat. H. 518, II, 3. Quum, with the plu- 
perfect indicative of repeated actions, is more common in the older 
writers, Cicero, Csesar, Sallust ; others prefer the subjunctive. "What 
tense is found in the apodosis ? Imperfect. 

11. Occurreret requires cui non instead of quod non. The rela- 
tive is sometimes used but once with several verbs of different con- 
structions. The proper case must therefore be supplied with each verb. 
Occurrere here = to hasten to meet for the purpose of aiding : below, 
line 28, for the purpose of opposing. 

15. Tarn acrem, sc. ad agendum: paratum = promptum cou- 
silio, manu. 

20. A cervicibus .... depulissem. Z. 94. Depellitur quod 
locum jam tenet, ut febris corpore, alia, repellitur, quod appropinquat 
et instat, pelliiur, omnino quidquid loco movetur ; pellitur hostis in 
acie stans, repellitur irruens, depellitur presidium colle. Madvig. 

22. Commisisset, ut. P. C. 479. It is only used with reference 
to some unpleasant result. 

23. Testes. Klotz, testes denique, referring to the Allobroges. 
2T. Hauc diem. On the gender, see H. 120. 

$9. Dimirandum . cum illo fuisset. Though (scripturus^ 



THIRD ORATION AGAINST CATILINE. 199 

Page 

jui, (scribendum) fuit, &c, are tho usual forms, the subj. is also Q9 
found ; e. g. thus C. Fam. 2, 8, 21 : etiam si obtemperasset auspiciis, 
idem eveniurum fuisset ; and Kriiger remarks that even continuity 
with neque .... liberassemus requires it here. 

30. Q,uum ille .... esset. Klotz, dum ille . . . .fuisset. 

Cn. VIII. — 33. duamquam is corrective. 1 Cat. 9, 22. As if 
no had before spoken too strongly, Cicero now adds that he was only 
tho instrument ; the gods were the real deliverers ; and then by enu- 
merating the various prodigies by which they had given warning of 
tho threatening dangers, he endeavors to work upon the minds of tho 
superstitious people. 

35. Q,uum possumus turn vero. H. 518, II, 3 ; 602. 

36. Humani consilii. H. 403. Klotz reads, quod vix videretur 
humanis consiliis tantam molem rerum gubernatio conscqui potuisse. 

3T. Prjesentes. Cf. 2 Cat. 9, 19. 

38. Temporibus. See note on p. 15, line 31. 

39. Visas, agreeing with the nearest substantive. 

40. Faces. In De Divinatione, 1, c. 11, &c, Quintus Cicero 
quotes his brother's verses on the subject ; among which are the lines, — 

Quid vero Phcebifax, t7'istis nuntia belli, 

Qua magnum ad columen flammato ardore volabat, 

i Pracipites coeli partes obitusque petisset ? 

Dio Cassius, 37, 25, says, KCpavvoi re iv aldpia TtoXXoleneaov, ml % yrj 

ioxvp&S iaetcdr], eUwXd re TroXXax^Oi avQpwnwv tcpavrdaOr], Kai XanirdSes dvzKas 

is rbv ohpavbv dnb tG>v dvafiGv di'iSpafxov. Jul. Obseq. c. 122 : trabs ardens 

ab occasu ad ccelum extenta. M. — Ut jaclus, ut motus 

ccteraque. Supply omittam. 

41. Ceteraque. Que (= ut in unum contraham), " and in short." 
(Gorenz.) M. 

44. Neque prsetermittendum neque relinquendum est. The 
former of an unintentional, the latter of an intentional omission. Off. 
3, 2, 9: Negant, eum locum a Panaitio pr&termissum, sed consulto 
relictum. Cf. Or. 2, 29, 12G; Tusc. 1, 49, 119. M. 

1. Cotta et Torquato consulibus, a. u. c. G89. Dio Cass. 37, 9, q | 

p 117 : «ri fitv ovv rovroig 'ix ai 9 0V 0l 'PwjuaToi, rd 8e S>i ripara Kai itdvv avrovs 
idopv(3ei' Iv yup r<i3 KairirwXiu) dvSpidvres re iroXXol bird Kepavv&v avvex<>>ve6dt]- 
xrav Kai aydXfjiara dXXa re Kai Albs inl kiovos i6pvp.ivov, eiK&v ri ris XvKaivrn 
ttw rt tw 'Pci/tcj) Kai aiiv rw 'Pw^tuAw ISpvuivi) eneoe, rd re ypd^iara rZv arrjXSiv, 
IS as ol vdpoi heypd<j)ovro, cvvexdOrj ml d/xvSpd tyivero. The following is 
Cicerc's poetical account of these prodigies (De Divin. 1, 12) : 
Nunc ea, Torquato qua quondam et Consulc Cotta 
Lydius ediderat Tyrrhene gentis haruspex, 
Omnia fixa tuus glomerans deierminat annus. 
Nam pater altitonans, stellanti nixus Olympo, 
Ipse suos quondam iumulos ac templa pctivit, 



200 NOTES. 

I»6gt 

r\A Et Capiiolinis xnjecit sedibus ignes. 

Turn species ex are vetus generosaque Nalta, 
Concidit, elapsaque vetusto numine leges ; 
Et Divum simulacra per emit fulminis ardor , 
Hie silvestris erat, Romani nominis altrix, 
Martia, qua parvos Mavortis semine natos 
Uberihus gravidis vitali rore rigabat : 
Qua turn cum puer is jlammato fulminis ictu 
Concidit, atque avulsa pedum vestigia liquit. 
Turn quis non, artis scripta ac monumenta volutans s 
Voces tristificas chartis promebat Etruscis ? 
Omnes civili generosa stirpe profectam 
Vitare ingentcm cladem pestemque monebant; 
Vel legum exitium constanti voce ferebant ; 
Templa Deumque adeo flammis urbesque jubebant 
Eripere, et stragem horribilem cademque vereri • 
Atque hacfixa gravi fato ac fundata teneri; 
Ni post, excelsum ad columen formata decore, 
Sancta Jovis species claros spectaret in ortus : 
Turn fore, ut occultos populus sanctusque Senatus 
Cernere conatus posset, si, solis ad ortum 
Conversa, inde patrum sedes populique videret. 
Hac, tardata diu species, multumque morata, 
Consule te tandem celsa est in sede locata : 
Atque unafixi ac signati temporis hora 
Juppiter excelsa clarabat sceptra columna ; 
Et eludes patria, flamma ferroque parata, 
Vocibus Allobrogum patribus populoque patebat. 

2. In Capitolio. Where was the temple of Jupiter and oihei 
temples? — Percussas, with lightning. 

3. Depulsa. This word implies a displacing, dejecta in the next 
line, a throwing down or overturning. See Nepos, Alcib. 3, 2. 

4. IiCgum sera. The laws in the earliest period were engraved 
on tablets of wood ; soon afterwards, however, on tablets of brass, and 
set up in some public place, most frequently in a temple, especially in 
and around tho temple of Jupiter on the Capitol, and in the iErariurn 
Saturn i. 

5. Tactusest = afflatus leviter fulminc ut explicat Serv. ad Virg. 
Due. 1, 17; JSn.2, 649. 

H. Q,uem inauratum. Liv. 10, 23, de a. u. c. 458, Cn. et Qu. 
Ogulnii adiles curules — ad ficum Ruminalem (quae erat in comitio 
prope curiam) simulacra infantium conditorcm urbis sub uberibus 
lupa posuerunt. M. 

T« Fuissc meministis. So above, memoria tenelis . . . pcrcussan 
With what tense of the infinitive is memini joined? H. 541, 



THIRD ORATION AGAINST CATIL/NE. 201 

Tag* 

8. Haruspices. See Diet. Antiq., Haruspices. oa 

13. tiudi, sc. scenici. Cf. Liv. 7, 2: Ludi quoquc scenici, . . . 
inter alia ccelestis irce placamina instituti dicuntur. — Et .... neque 
H. 587. 

14. Ad placaiidos. So Orelli, Klotz and Madvig. Others ad 
placandum deos. Cf. H. 565, 1. 

15. Iidemque jusserunt. Dio Cass. I. c. rd re oZv dXXa i^tdiovTo 
roTj udvTctri nctOoixevot, Kai rw Ait dyaXua [x£iZ,ov trprfj re ras avaroXds Kal irpbs 
rrjv dyopdv fiXiitov, tiirus at avvuiuoaiai, v<p y u>v irapaTTOvro, tKQavtitv, ISpvvdij- 
tat tyt)<piaavTo. M. See the lines quoted above, from Turn quis to vi- 
deret. Is jusserunt . . . . facer e the regular construction ? H. 551. — 
Simulacrum Jovis. De Divin. 2, 20 : Eo ipso tempore quo fieret 
indicium conjurationis in Senatu, signum Jovis biennio post, quam 
erat locatum, in Capitolio collocabatur. Bottiger, according to Orelli, 
has proved that this was a piece of Cicero's clever contrivance to strike 
the people with religious awe. 

16. Contra, atque. Z. 340, Note. 

1 8. Fore, ut iHustrarentur. H. 541. 

2 1 . Collocandum .... locaverunt. Contracted to have it so 
placed. 

Ch. IX. — 30. Et ea. H.451, 2. Others read comparari a perdilia 
civibus, &c. 

34. Ut, quum hodierno die. " Debebat cohaerere cum Mud 
nonne ita prcesens est, quod, quum hod. d. sed, quando factum est, 
accidit, &c. praecedit, semper fere ad hoc refertur ut. ad Fam. 5, 2, 
addam Mud etiam, quod jam ego curare non debui, sed tamen fieri 
non moleste tuli, atque etiam, ut ita fieret, pro mea parte adjuvi, ut 
senatus consulto meus inimicus, quia tuus frater erat, sublevaretur 
Verr. 2, 65, 158: de quo homine hoc auditum est unquam, quod tibi 
accidit, ut ejus in provincia statues dejicerentur ? Cf. pro I. Man. 
§ 25. Dio Cass. 37, 34, p. 133, ubi Lentulum prsetura se abdicare co- 
actum et cum reliquis in custodiam traditum narravit : Kal rav-a, inquit, 
Kal ru3 6>juh> buotws i/peae, Kal ndXia-a i~ei6ri, too Kitcipuivos 6riur]yopovvT6s ti 
xcpl axirutv, to ayaX^a to tov Albs es te to KairiT&Xiov Trap' avTbv tov Kaipbv ttjs 
'EKKXtjaias dviSpvdr] Kal Kara tijv vcpjjyrjaiv tGjv udvTtwv ~p6; ts tus dvaroXas 
Kal npbs tijv dyopdv (iXenov dvCTtdr]' iiretSi] yap eksIvoi cvvwuoaiav rivd i^cXsy- 
xQfjeeadai tK Trjs tov aydXuaTos tttwgcms stprjKCMrav Kal >; avdOeais avrov to7s 
0wja0e?ffi ovvifiaive t6 ts Qtlov eusydXvvov Kal tov; ttjv airiav Xa(l6vTas 6% 
ipyijg udXXov tiroiovvTo. M. Cf. the vv. above, from hate tardata diu 
to the end. 

35. Per forum. According to Matthioe, Cicero then occupied 
the house which he bought of Crassus ; so that the forum lay between 
; t and the Temple of Concord. Middleton describes it thus : — " About 
the time of this trial [pro Sulla, which, however, was after his con- 
sulship], Cicero bought a house of M. Crassus, on the Palatine hill, 
adjoining to that in which he had always lived with his father, and 



202 NOTES. 

Pa ff e 

DA which he is now supposed to have given up to his brother Quiulus 
The house cost him near thirty thousand pounds, and seems to have 
been one of the noblest in Rome ; it was built about thirty years bo- 
fore by the famous tribune, M. Livius Drusus ; on which occasion we 
aro told, that when the architect promised to build it for him in such a 
manner, that none of his neighbors should overlook him: but if you 
have any skill, replied Drusus, contrive it rather so, that all the world 
may see what I am doing. It was situated in the most conspicuous 
part of the city, near to the centre of all business, overlooking the /o- 
rum and the rostra ; and what made it the more splendid, was its be- 
ing joined to a portico or colonnade, called by the name of Catulus, 
who built it out of the Cimbric spoils, on that area where Flaccus for- 
merly lived, whose house was demolished by public authority for hia 
seditious practices with C. Gracchus." Middleton. 

43. Si me .... dicani . . sumam. P. C. 445. 

44. Ille, ille Juppiter. Cf. 1 Cat. 13, 33. 

35 4U Jam vero, &c. Orelli's mark t before the sic is intended to 
signify that the passage is ungrammatical, and probably corrupt. 
Matthiae explains it thus:— The regular construction would have been 
jam vero ilia Allobr. sollicitatio a Lentulo tarn temere suscepta nun- 
quam fuisset, nee tanta res tarn dementer credita et ignotis et bar- 
baris, &c, but the occurrence of tanta res, which embraces the solli- 
citatio and all its attendant circumstances, leads him to use one pred- 
icate (the nunquam credita esset) of both. — It is better, I think, to 
stop the passage thus (with Klotz) : Jam vero ilia Allobrogum solli- 
citatio sic a P Lentulo ceterisque domesticis hostibus, tarn dementer 
tanta res, credita et ignotis, &c. The sollicitatio Allobrogum is not 
the tampering with the ambassadors of the Allobroges, but the at- 
tempt to induce the nation of the Allobroges to rise up against the 
senate. This very important and dangerous mission, that of inducing 
the Allobroges to rebel, was intrusted to the ambassadors of the state, 
who were then at Rome, et ignoti et barbari. Ill voc. sic videtur sub- 
esse participium hac orationis forma : suscepta a P. Lent. — tarn de- 
menter, tanta, &c. Madvig. 

9. Civitate male pacata. Cf. Orat. de Prov. Cons. 13 : Modo 
ille meorum laborum, periculorum, consiliorum socius, C. Pomp tin us, 
fortissimus vir, ortum repenie bellum Allobrogum atque hac scele- 
rata conjuratione excitaium, proeliis fregit eosque domuit, qui laces- 
gierant ; et ea victoria contentus, re publica metu libcrata quievit. 
Liv. Epit. 103 : C. Pomptinus prator Allobroges, qui rebcllaverant, 
ad Solonem (Torre di Sole) domuit, a. u. c. 693. O. 

14. Praesertim qui = prasertim quum Mi. 

15. Super are potuerunt, [125.] " Ex nostra consuetudine scri- 
be ndum essot potuissent, sed hoc interest inter nostram et L.itinoruni 
consuetudinem, quod nos conditio nem aliquant suppressant cogitaru 



TIIIRD ORATION AGAINST CATILINE. 203 

solemns, Latini non solent. Itaque semper fere dicunt : multos com- ok 
inemor are possum, non possim, ut De Nat. D. 1, 36, 101, qua vel sine 
magistro facere potuerunt. Orat. 9, § 32 (cf. Or. 2, 32, 139), non 
potuissent. Quae consuetudo quum semel invaluisset, etiam nbi si cum 
conj. sequebatur, indicativum verbi posse ponebant, ut pro Quint. 13, 
13 at, si id velles, jampridem actum esse poterat. Cf. Verr. 3, 31, 
73 Sic Verr. 3, 49, 71, multo enim pluris fructus annui Sicilies 
W.nire potuerunt, si id te scnatus aut pop. Rom. facere voluisset. Cf. 
id Fam. 13, 29, 14 ; pro Flacc. 5, 12, etenim potest esse infinita 
(oratio), si mihi libeat. Cf. ad Manil. c. 17. Recto igitur hanc lec- 
lionem contra Ern., qu' superarent recepit, tuetur Goerenz. . . . ceterum 
m eo falsus, quod post qui, quando pro quia is ponatur, indicativum 
etiam sequi contondit. Imo ubi Latini causam plane et diserte exprin/i 
vol unt, semper conj uuctivo post qui utuntur: sed non semper necesse 
est causam diserte exprimi, ut Phil. 3, 6, 14. Si Me consul, fustu- 
arium meruerunt legiones qui consulem reliquerunt ; sceleraius Cce- 
sar, Brutus nefarius, qui contra consulem privato consilio exercitus 
comparaverunt ; membra, quae a qui incipiunt, causam continere ap- 
paret, cur illi scelerati ac nefarii appellentur, sed non necesse putavit 
Cic. h. 1. causam significare." M. Madvig, however, from conjecture, 
reads potuerint. 

Ch. X. — 16. Ad omnia pulvinaria = in omnibus templis. Pul- 
vinaria were couches provided for the purpose of a lectisternium. See 
Diet. Antiq., Lectisternium ; Arnold's Nepos, Tim. 2, 2. 

IT. Celebratote. The imperative forms in to, tote are stronger 
than the forms in a, ate, implying that the thing ordered is a duty 
either always, or under the circumstances. It is obvious from this, 
that they are (1) the natural form for laws. They are also (2) used 
in emphatic requests and exhortations ; and (3) in emphatic permis- 
sions, granted by one who has the right to forbid the action or power 
to prevent it. See, however, Hark. 53G, 537,— Processions of boys, 
matrons, and maidens, crowned with garlands, and singing hymns in 
honor of the gods, formed part of such celebrations. They lasted com- 
monly for three or five days. 

21. Eterepti. Z. 717. 

22. Togati togato duce. Cf. 2 Cat. 13, 28, and note on 

p. 27, line 25. 

23. Recordamini. Recordari very rarely takes the genitive, but 
usually the accusative of the thing; and of a person regularly the ab- 

ative with de. 

24. Non solum., .sed. H. 5S7, IIL— Quas (m-Usfii. The early 
contests between the patricians and plebeians, and the disturbances 
occasioned by the Gracchi and Saturninus are meant. 

25. JL. Sulla P. Sulpicium orpressit. [a. u. c. 666.] Quum 
I . Sulpicius tribunus plebis, aucior" C. Mario, perniciosas leges 



201 NOTES. 

Page 

ozpromulgasset, Ut exsules revocarentur, et novi civcs libertinique dif> 
tribuerentur in tribus, et Ut C. Marius adversus Mithridatem Pont) 
regcm dux crcaretur, et adversantibus consulibus Q. Pompeio et L 
Sulla vim intulisset, occiso Q. Pompeio consulis filio, genero Sulla, 
L. Sulla consul cum exercitu in urbem venit, et adversus /actionem 
Sulpicii et Marii in ipsa urbe pugnavit, eamque expulit: ex qua 
duodecim a senatu hostes, inter quos C. Marius pater et filius judi- 
cati sunt. P. Sulpicius, quum in quadam villa lateret, indicio servi 
sui retractus et occisus est. Servus, ut prcsmium promissum indict 
haberet, manumissus, et ob scelus proditi domini de saxo dejectus 
est. C. Marius filius in Africam trajecit. C. Marius pater, quum 
in paludibus Minturnensium lateret, extractus est ab oppidanis : et 
quum missus ad occidendum eum servus, natione Gallus, majcstatt 
tanti viri perterritus recessissei, impositus publice in navim delatus 
est in Africam. L. Sulla civitatis statum ordinavit : exinde colo- 
nias deduxit. Q. Pompeius consul, ad accipiendum a Cn. Pompeio 
proconsule exercitum profectus, consilio ejus occisus est. Mithrida- 
tes, Ponti rex, Bithynia et Cappadocia occupatis, et pulso Aquilio 
legato, Phrygiam, provinciam populi Romani, cum ingenti exercitu 
intravit. Liv. Epit. 11. See Schmitz, Rome, p. 357, foil. 

26, Ex iirbe ejecit. Madvig brackets these words. — Custodem 
hujus urbis. On account of the defeat and destruction of the Cimbri 
and Teutoni. Cf. 4 Cat. § 21 ; Schmitz, Rome, pp. 344-49. 

23. Cn. Octavius, consul, [a. u. c. 667.] L. Cornelius Cinna, 
quum perniciosas leges per vim atque arma ferret, pulsus urbe a Cn. 
Octavio collega, cum sex tribunis plcbis : imperioque ci abrogato, 
corruption Ap. Claudii exercitum in potestatem suam redegit, et 
bellum urbi intulit, arcessito C. Mario ex Africa cum aliis exsulibus : 
in quo bello duo fratres, alter ex Pompeii exercitu, alter ex Cinncs 
ignorantes concurrerunt : et, quum victor spoliaret occisum, agnito 
fratre, ingenti lamentaiione edita, rogo ci exstructo, ipse supra ro- 
gum se transfodit, et ef>dem igni consumptus est. Et quum opprimi 
inter initia potuissent, Cn. Pompeii fraude, qui, utramque partem 
fovendo, vires Cinnai dedit, ncc nisi projligatis optimatium rebus 
auxilium tulit, et consulis segnitie covfirmati Cinna et Marius quat- 
tuor exercitibus, ex quibus duo Q. Sertorio et Carboni dati sunt, 
urbem circumsederunt. Osiiam coloniam Marius cxpugnavit, et 
crudeliter diripuit. Liv. Epit. 79. Schmitz, Rome, p. 360, foil. 

29. Omnis hie locus. The forum, where the conflict between 
Octavius and Cinna had taken place. Hie btiKTiK&s. 

30. Cinna cum Mario. Italicis popuhs a senatu civitas data 
est. Samnitcs, qui soli arma rctinebant, Cinnce et Mario se con- 
junxerunt. Ab Us Plaulius cum exercitu casus est. Cinna ct Ma- 
rius cum Carbone et Sertorio Janiculum occupaverunt, ct fugati ab 
Octavio consule reccsserunt. Marius Antium, et Ariciam, ct LtinU' 



T111RD ORATION AGAINST CATILINE. 205 

Page 

tium colonias devastavit. Quum nulla, spes esset optimatibus resis- oc 
iendi propter segnitiem et perfidiam et ducum et militum, qui cor- 
rupti aut pugnare nolebant, aut ad diversas partes transibanl, Cinna 
et Marius in urbem reccpti sunt : qui, velut captam, earn ccedibus et 
rapinis vastarunt, Cn. Octavio consule occiso, et omnibus adversa 
partis nobilibus trucidatis, inter quos M. Antonio eloquentissimo 
viro, L. et G. Gasarc, quorum capita in Rostris posita sunt. Crassus 
filius ab equitibus Fimbria occisus : pater Crassus, ne quid indig- 
7ium virtute sua pateretur, gladio se transfixit. Et citra ulla comi- 
tia consules in sequentem annum se ipsos renuntiaverunt : eodemqite 
die, quo magistratum inierant, Marius Sex. Licinium senatorem dp. 
saxo dejici jussit ; editisque multis sceleribus, Idibus Januariis de- 
ccssit : vir, cujus si examinentur cum virtutibus vitia, haud facile 
sit dictu, utrum bello melior, an pace perniciosior "uerit : adeo, quam • 
rem publicam armatus servavit, earn prima togatus omni genere 
fraudis, postremo armis hostiliter evertit. Liv. Epit. 80. 

33. Deminutione civium. [a. u. c. 672.] Sulla Carbonem, 
cxercitu ejus fuso ad Clusium, ad Faventiam Fidentiamque caso, 
Italia expulit : cum Samnitibus, qui soli ex Italicis populis nondum 
arma posuerant, juxta urbem Romanam ante portam Collinam de- 
bellavit : recuperataque re publica, pulcherrimam victoriam crude- 
litate, quanta in nullo hominum fuit, inquinavit. Octo millia dedi- 
torum in villa publica trucidavit : tabulam proscriptions proposuit : 
urbem ac totam Italiam cadibus replevit : inter quas omnes Prcenes- 
tinos inermes concidi jussit : Marium, senatorii ordinis virum, cru~ 
ribus brachiisque fractis, auribus prcssectis, et effossis oculis, neca- 
vit. C. Marius, Prozneste obsessus a Lucretio Ofella, Sullanarum 
partium viro, quum per cuniculum captaret evadere, sceptus ab ex- 
ercitu, mortem sibi conscivit, id est, in ipso cuniculo, quum sentirci 
se evadere non posse, cum Pontio Telesino, fuga comite, stricio 
utrimque gladio, concurrit : quern quum occidisset, ipse saucius im- 
petravit a servo, ut se occideret. Liv. Epit. 88. Floras, 3, 21, 24: 
Minus est, quod apud Sacriportum (Latii portum) et apud Collinam 
portam septuaginta amplius milia Sulla concidit; bellum erat. 
Quattuor milia deditorum inermium civium in villa publica interfici 
jussit. — Quis autem illos potest computare, quos in urbe passim, 
quisquis voluit, occidit ? donee admonente Furfidio, vivere aliquos 
debere, ut essent quibus imperaret, proposita est ingens ilia tabula, 
et ex ipso equestris ordinis jlore ac senatus duo milia electi, qui mori 
juberentur. Cf. C. pro S. Roscio Am. 32. O. See Schmitz, Rome, 
p. 3G4, foil. 

34r. Dissensit M. Lepidus a Q,. Catulo. [M. JEmilius Lepi- 
dus : dpaeds avrjp ital 7roAf/noj ical i/j.Tr\t]KTiKWTaTos, Plut. Sull. 34. Cou- 
sul, A. u. c. 676. O.] Sulla decessit, konosque ei a senatu habitus 
t8t, ut in campo Marlio sepeliretur. M Mmilius Lepidus, quum 



200 NOTES. 

9K acta SullcB ientaret rescindere, helium excitavit, et a Q. Catulo col 
lega Italia pulsus est : et in Sardinia, frustra helium molitus, pe* 
Hit. M. Brutus, qui Cisalpinam Galliam ohtinehat, a Cn. Pompeio 
occisus est. Q. Sertorius proscriptus in ulteriore Hispania ingens 
helium excitavit. L. Manlius proconsul et L. Domitius legatus ah 
Hirtuleio qu&store praslic victi sunt. Liv. Epit 90. Schmitz, Rome, 
p. 370, 71. 

36. Ipsius, i. e. M. Lepidi. 

3T. Atque illae tameu ornnes. So Orelli, KIoU, Madvig. In 
some editions the reading is atque illcs dissensiones, Quirites, from 
non Mi to voluerunt being parenthetical. 

4-0. Se esse .... voluerunt. P. C. 149, h, note r. 

42. Atque illaj tameu. Ernesti says thti tamen here = inquam 
igitur (as a particle of resumption), after a parenthesis ; but M. prop- 
erly remarks that it has not a simple resumptive power, out can only 
be used when the second portion of a sentence, interrupted by a pa- 
renthesis, contains a statement opposed to the parenthetical statement: 
e. g. here the force is, — although those dissensions had for their ob- 
ject not the overthrow of the state, but a change of the constitution. 
From atque in this line to dijudicatcs sint, Madvig includes in brackets. 
36 !• Post hominum memoriarn maximo, &c. Cf. 2 Cat. 13, 28. 
The expression is emphatic with reference to the milder term dissen- 
siones just used for rhetorical effect. 

2. Nulla unquam barbaria. Cf. p. Arch. 8, 19. 

4. Cethego et Cassio. So Orelli and Klotz. Madvig, with oth- 
ers, Cassio, Ccthego. 

5. In hostium numero ducerentur. H. 4S9. 
T. Tantum civium. See Z. 726., 

8. Infinitse ceedi restitisset. " Resistere cadi eodem modo di- 
citur ut resistere dolori; i. e. non succumbere, sed hac adjuncta vi, 
ut sit fortitudine sua vel alia ratione efficere ne caede infinita civium 
ipse etiam intereas." M. 

lO. Integros incolumesque a untouched and unhurt. Incolumis 
in opp. to being wounded, &c. ; integer (from tangere) in opp. to be- 
ing attacked. Dod. 

Cn. XI. — 1 2. Prasmium virtutis . . . insigne honoris. Daring 
supposes he has in mind the honor of a triumph, as in animis ego ves* 
tris omnes triumphos, &c, follows directly after 

13. Praeterquam hujus diei memoriarn. Z. 735. Cf. 4 Cat. 
11, 23. 

16. Nihil .... mutum, e. g. a statue. 

20. Eandemque diem, &c. This passage is probably corrupt 
Matthiae, after Muretus and Garatoni, makes dies = iempus ; and 
explains it thus : " Earn a se, conjuratione oppressa, propagatam sive 
productam esse dicit, ut et salus urbis et memoria consulatus sui diu- 



THIRD ORATION AGAINST CATILINE. 207 

Page 

tius constaret." Inlelligo = video, arbitror. — Bloch expjains it nearly n(i 
in the same way (both placing a comma after fore), eandem diem, * 
quam [= .cujus memoriam], spero ester nam fore, intelligo (= video, 
arbitror) propagatam (= productam, effectu suo ad posteros prolatam. 
Cf. 2 Cat. c. 5 : mcus consulatus .... multa secula propagarit rei 
publicee) esse et ad salutem urbis (quod ea hac die servata videtur) et 
ad memoriam consulatus mei. — Intelligo must be understood again be- 
fore uno : intelligoque uno tempore, &c. ; but Madvig is surely right 
in asserting that Cicero could not say se intelligere uno tempore sc et 
Pompeium exstitisse, &c. He supposes the omission of some infinitive 
dependent on intelligo, and adopts - the reading of the best MSS. omni, 
thus : Omnique tempore [hoc precdicatum iri, simul] in hac re publi- 
ca, &c. Op. Academ. p. 192. In his second edition he reads fore, 
propagatam esse et ad salutem . . . t unoque, &c. ; then, adding what 
he supposes omitted, he suggests, omnique tempore {sic codd. aliquot) 
hoc prsedicatum iri, uno tempore. — Klotz for cives reads dies. — My own 
opinion of the passage is this : As propagare tempus, multa secula, 
&c, rei publicce, is, to grant it or procure for it an extended duration, 
&c, so propagare diem (rei publicae) is to extend the period of its 
duration; and eandem diem propagare is to grant the same extended 
duration to two or more objects, &c. Henco the meaning would be : 
" And 1 know that the same extended period .... and I hope it may 
be an unlimited one .... has been granted both for the safety of the 
state and for the remembrance of my consulship." Perhaps the clause, 
unoque tempore exstitisse, &c, is loosely connected with ad memoriam 
consulatus mei (i. e. for the remembrance of my consulship, and of 
the fact that at the same time, &c.) 

21. Alter . . . coeli regionibus. Alter = Pompejus. Compare 
his panegyric on Pompey • qui populi Romani imperium non terra- 
rum regionibus sed cozli partibus ierminavit (frag. Orat. de are 
alieno Milonis, 1, 4). O. Cf. also Virg. Mn. 1, 287: imperium 
Oceano, famam qui terminet astris. 

25. Alter . . . servaret. Cf. 4 Cat. 10, 21 ; 2 Phil. 5, 12 ; I 
Of. 22, 78. 

Ch. XIL— 28. Eadem quae. H 451, 5. 

29. Vivendum est. Klotz cum his vivendwn sit. 

31. Recte facta sua. Cf. in Verr. 4, 38, 82: suarum rerum 
gestarum, where Ernesti said, it must be rerum a se gestarum; but 
Zumpt quotes p. Deiot. : tuce res gestez ; and Brut. 35 : de rebus ges- 
tis suis. Matthiae, on this passage, gives the following examples, in- 
cluding some where the attributive is a genitive case. Ad Herenn. 1, 
14 • nisi quando pro eo dicimus, cujus multa recte facta constant 
Verr. 3, 80, 186 : nisi forte id egisti, ut hominibus ne oblivisci qui- 
dem rerum tuarum male gestarum liceret. Liv. 28, 25: suis recte 
factis gratiam qui exsolvat, non esse. Ad Fam. 10, 8, in. optima 



208 NOTES. 

Page 

o£ mentis cogitata jampridem, maturo tempore enuntiarc Pro Cluent 
31, in. qui alterius bene inventis obtemperat. 

3 2. Q,uando. When is quando used for " ever" ? P. C 402.— 
Mentes ne possent. H. 602, m, 2. 

35. Mihi quidem ipsi .... noceri potest. H. 385. 

36. Magnum enim est. P. C. p. 255, 92. 

38. Tacita defendet. ' Quia, qui me laedet, is violandae reip 
animum prodet." Weiske. 

39. Negligent volent . indicabunt. H. 470. 

4:1. Ufullius. What cases of nemo are not in use ? 

37 3. Mihi quidem acquiri. Ad Famil. 3, 7: postea vera 

quam ita et cepi et gessi maxima imperia, ut mihi nihil nequc aa 
honorem, neque ad gloriam acquirendum putarem, &c. Cf. pro Sull. 
9,27. M. 

5. duidquam .... altius. H. 438, 5. 

6. Illud perficiam ut. H. 558, 4. 

8. In conservanda re publica. Cf. note on p. SO, lino 3, and 
page 25, line 5. 

10. Meminerim .... curemque. H. 297, 2. 

11. Ut ea virtute, nou casu. Ad Fam. 5, 2 : hujus ego teme- 
ritati si virtute atque animo non restitissem, quis esset, qui me in 
consulatu non casu potius existimaret, quam consilio, for tern fuisse': 
Manut. (ap. M.). 

13. Vestrum. Nostrum, vestrum are seldom used objectively 
for nostri, vestri. Vestrum = of each individual of you. 
1 6. Atque = sed potius. Compare note on p. 27, lino 33. 
IT. C^uirites is omitted by Madvig 



FOURTH ORATION AGAINST CATJLINE. 

« 

ANALYSIS. 

, In the introduction Cicero thanks the senate for the kind feeling and con- 
cern which they had shown for his safety, and entreats them, without re- 
gard to his person, to consider only the welfare of the state. At the samo 
time, aware of the dangers whirt tnreaten him, he testifies his anxiety for 
his family, and urges upon the senate continued watchfulness. (Ch. 1, § 1-5.) 

t. The main proposition is, that the crime of the conspirators demands severe 
and speedy punishment. After again describing the magnitude of the crime 
he (a) states the different opinions in the senate respecting the punishment 
of the criminals,— that of Silanus for their punishment by death, and of Cae- 
sar for their imprisonment for life ; (b) he examines these two opinions, and 
while he praises the seemingly milder opinion of Caesar as less hazardous, 
he defends that of Silanus as more advantageous to the state ; (c) he 
refutes those who were afraid that the sentence of capital punishment could 
not be carried into execution, and shows that he has abundant resources 
for carrying it into effect, since all the orders of the state are ready to 
sustain him. (Ch. 3, § 5-ch. 8, § 17.) 

3. In conclusion, he calls upon the senate to vote with decision and courage 
for the opinion of Silanus, expresses his satisfaction with the honors he has 
already attained, commends his family to the protection of the state, and 
asks no other return for the benefits he has conferred upon his country but 
its grateful recollection. (Ch. 8, § 17-end.) 

Pa-. 

Ch. I. — 2. Ora atque oculos. Descriptive of the anxiety with ou 
which all were waiting to see which of the opinions respecting the 
punishment of the conspirators Cicero would favor. 

3. Depulsum sit, sc. a vobis et a re pubiica, sumto de sociis Ca- 
tilinae supplicio 

5. Voluntas. Kind feeling. But as Cicero refers to this as 
prompting their anxiety for his welfare, he uses deponite, which prop- 
erly refers to sollicitudinem implied. So M. 

12. Noil forum, in quo onuiis sequitas continetur. So pro 
Mur. § 31 : deque eo pauca disseram ; neque cnim causa in hoc con- 
tinetur. The usual meaning of contineri in re is to be confined within 
any thing : contineri re = positum esse in re ; ea scrvari, ex ca 
pendere. H. 414. Muretus remarks that Livy (40, 10) has imitated 
this passage, where he makes Perseus say, Quo enim alio confugiam, 
cut non — domus, non epulce, non nox ad quietem data natures, beneficio 
mortalibus, tuta est ? Muret. V. L. 19, 14. Cf. pro Mar. § 82. M. 
Cicero calls the Forum the seat of justice because in it the courts of 
jaw were held. 

13. Consularibus auspiciis consecratus. See pro Mur. 1 



210 NOTES. 

Fag-e 

2Q The Campus Martius was the place of holding the consular elections 
at the commencement of which the auspices must be taken. Cf. 1 
Cat. 5, 11. — Non curia, &c. Particularly the curia Hostilia, where 
the sittings of the senate were usually held. Cf. p. Mur. 39, 84 : in 
Mo sacrario rei publico,, in ipsa, inquam, curia non nemo hostis est. 
14:. Non domus, &c. Cf. pro domo, 41, 109: Quid est sanctius^ 
quid omni religione munitius, quam domus uniuscujusque civium ? 
. . hoc perfugium est ita sanctum omnibus, ut inde abripi neminem 
fas sit. 

15. Non lectus, &c. See 1 Cat. 4, ?. 

16. Sedes honoris, sella curulis. Liv. 9, 46: Flavius 
curulem afferri sellam eo jussit, ac sede honoris sui anxios invidia 
inimicos spectavit. M. after Heum. Madvig reads hcec sedes hono- 
ris unquam. On the sella curulis, see Diet. Antiq., Sella. — Vacua 
.... periculo. H. 425. What preposition does it also take ? Ah. 

11. Atque. Cf. note on p. 16, line 15. — Multa tacui. " Videtur 
de multis potentibus intelligere, qui in suspicionem conjurationis voca- 
bantur, Crasso, Caesare, aliis." Muretus. 

18. In vestro timore = " quum in timore essetis." In is used 
to express the condition and present state of things, where otherwise 
the participle of a verb, or the conjunctions quum, dum, si, might be 
employed. Cf. 2 Cat. 8, 18 : magno in <zre alieno ; 9, 20 : in inspe- 
ratis .... pecuniis. 

21. Virginesque Vestales. Sail. 15 and note on p. 30, line 37. 

22. Templa atque delubra. See 3 Cat. 1, 2. 

26. Suum nomen. This was Cornelius. See 3 Cat. 4. — In- 
ductus a vatibus = misled by the Haruspices. Inducere is often used 
in a bad sense of misleading, deceiving, corrupting. 
nn 1. Ad salutem rei publicae. Steinmetz and Klotz read ad sal 
populi Romani, and before ad perniciem rei publico. 

Cn. II. — 3. Consulite vobis, prospicite patriae. H. 385, 3. 

7. Omnes deos, qui . . . praesident. The tutelary gods of 
Rome. Every city, according to the prevailing belief, had its tutelary 
deities, the names of which were often concealed, and their statues 
chained or otherwise fastened to prevent their being evoked by bo- 
sieging or assailing enemies. Cf. Liv. 5, 21 ; Macrob. Sat. 3, 9. — Pro 
eo mihi, ac mereor. So ad Fam. 4, 5 : pro eo ac debui. Z. 340, Note. 

8. Relaturos esse gratiam. See note on p. 12, line 11. — Si quid 
obtigerit. A common euphemism = si me vis aliqua oppresserit in 
line 20. Acciderit is more commonly used, as p. Mil. § 36. Here 
in declaring his willingness to die for his country, he chooses the more 
cheerful and emphatic word obtigerit. See P. C. 374, d. 

9. Turpis mors. " Ea demum turpis est mors, quam qui oppetit, 
debilitatur ac frangitur animo, ignaveque et muliebriter so gerit. I?n- 
matura autem mors ea dici solet, quae intcrrumpit institutum ad glo- 



FOURTH ORATION AGAINST CATILINE. 211 

Page 
iam cursum. E Muret, not." Cf. Cic. Phil. 2, 46, 119 : Etenim figg 

abhinc annos prope viginti hoc ipso in templo (Concordia?) negavi 

posse mortem immaturam esse consulari, quanto verius nunc ncgabo 

seni ? M. 

11. Fratris carissimi. Q. Cicero: his wife Terentia; his 
daughter Tullia ; his little son Marcus (then not quite two years old). 

13. Horumque omnium. Emesti understands these words of 
the equites and other friends of Cicero, since videtis below refers to 
the senators. 

15. Q,uem mini videtur amplecti res publica tantquam 
obsidem. " Qui confirmet, me nihil gesturum in consulatu, nisi quod 
saluti sit reip. Nam qui liberos habent, non minus liberorum causa, 
quam sua, salvam remp. velle debent." Muret. Cf. Dionys. Hal. 
Rhet. p. 237, ed. Reiske: £K ?>£ tovtov Kai ivTtfioTtpovs avdyKt] yivtaBai tovs 
avOpiZnovs xal itio-Toripovs 6okc7p Kai ebvovcripovg nepl Tag avruv Ttarpidas iv 
jcavri, £ia to lb<Jiizp bixrjpa StSujKtvai rats Ttarpiin roiig iavriav iralSas. M. 
TAhrens, Orelli, &c, who attack the genuineness of this oration, say 
that Cicero was now Consul, not a vir consularis, i. e. one who had 
been Consul. To this Klotz replies, that with respect to his general 
position in the state, he was one of those who had reached its highest 
honor, the Consulship ; that if Cic. had said " to a Consul," he would 
both have unnecessarily limited the truth, and made it too immediately 
applicable to himself; and that the concinnity of the sentence requires 
rather the adjective consularis than the substantive consul ...... viro 

forti .... consulari .... sapienti. He shows too that Cicero, in an- 
other place, uses consularis of Consuls, as well as of Consulars, when 
he speaks of them as a class ; e. g. Philipp. 5, § 12 ; where, after 
mentioning several Consulars, he adds D. Silano L. Murenas, qui turn 
crant Consules designati ; placuit idem, quod consularibus, M. Ca- 
toni, &c, where even Consuls elect are called consulares.] 

18. Gener. C. Calpurnius Piso Frugi; who died before his 
father-in-law's restoration,, a. u. c. 697. He was not yet a senator, 
but must be supposed standing at the door of the Temple of Concord. 
Manut. Cf. Tacitus, Annal. 2, 37 . Hortalus — quatuor filiis ante 
limen curiae adstantibus — ad hunc modum cazpit ; P. C. has, quorum 
numerum et pueritiam videtis, non sponte sustuli. Klotz. For ad- 
stat Madvig reads stat. — Moveor = I am moved. Its position at the 
beginning of its clause points it out as the important and emphatic 
word in the sentence. See H. 594, and compare below, line 27, tc- 
ncniur ii, where a similar contrast of negative and affirmative state- 
ments occurs. 

19. Sed in earn partem. The pronoun is here used in the re- 
strictive sense, which is noticed with regard to ita and tantus in Z. 
726. 

20. Una rei pubKcae peste. Una pcslls = pest is qua, omnen 



212 NOTES. 

Page 

in eodem tempore corripit. See below, ch. G, § 11 : uno incendio. Gra> 
vius compares Statius, Et populis mors una venit ; and Ovid, Met. I, 
721 (of the eyes of Argus) : centum oculos mors occupat una. Mat- 
this; adds, C. Off. 2, 8, 27: secutus est, qui — universas provincial 
regionesque uno calamitatis jure comprekenderet. 

21. Incumbite ad. See H. 386, With what preposition is it 
more frequently construed in its figurative sense 1 In. 

23. Ti. Gracclius. See Schmitz, Rome, pp. 332, 333. 

24:. C. Gracclius. See Schmitz, Rome, pp. 336-9. 

25. Agrarios. On the agrarian laws consult Diet, of Aniiq., 
Agrariae Leges. 

26. C. Memmium. Liv. Epit. 69. L. Appuleius Saturninus, 
adjuvante C. Mario, et per milites occiso A. Nonio competitore, tri- 
bunus plebis per vim creatus, non minus violenter tribunatum, quam 
petierat, gessit. — Idem Appuleius Saturninus tribunus plebis C. 
Memmium candidatum consulatus, quern maxime adversarium ac- 
tionibus suis timebat, occidit. Quibus rebus concitato senatu, in 
cujus causam et C. Marius, homo varii et mutabilis ingenii consilii- 
que semper secundum fortunam, transierat, quum eum tueri minime 
posset, oppressus armis cum Glaucia pratore, et aliis ejusdem furoris 
sociis, bello quodam interfectus est. See Schmitz, Rome, p. 349. 

28. Vestram omnium. The genitive omnium is in apposition 
with the genitive implied in the possessive vestram. See note on p. 11 
line 30. 

32. Nemo ne . quidem. See H. 585, 2. 

Ch. III. — 36. Vos multis jam judiciis judicastis. He skil- 
fully endeavors to give to their decisions the force of judicial determi- 
nations. Res judicata formed precedents, which, in default of auy 
written law, were binding on other judges. Multis jam judiciis judi* 
castis is more emphatic than sape jam judicastis would have been 
So Klotz. Paulo ante frequens senatus judicaverat eos contra rem 
publicam fecisse ; and a little before : Legatis Allobrogum et T. VoL~ 
turcio comprobato eorum indicio pramia decernuntur. Sail. c. 50. O. 

3T. Gratias egistis. See note on p. 12, line 11. 

39. Ut se abdicaret .... coegistis. Cogere with ut is rare in 
C. — Matthiae gives de Orat. 3, 3, 9 : Catulum .... esse coactum, ut 
vita se ipse privaret. Verr 2, 17, 41 : cogere incipit eos ut absentcm 
Heraclium condemnarent, with four or five more passages See, how 
ever, H. 551, II, 2. 

<12. Supplicationem, &c. Cf. 3 Cat. § 15. — Qui honos. See 
Krebs Guide, 124. 
| a 1. Ctui in custodiam, &c See 3 Cat. 6, 14. 

2. Sine ulla dubitatione. « Without any hesitation:' 

4. Referre. See note on p. 14, line 44. "But I have determined 
to bring bofore you, Conscript Fathers, as if the matter were still un- 



FOURTH ORATION AGAINST CATILINE. 213 

Pag-a 

decided, the question, both in regard to the fact, what is your juJg-^Q 
ment, and, in regard to the punishment, what is your decree." 
6. Ctuoe sunt consulis. Cf. § 19, end, and p. C. Rabir. 1, 3. 

I. In republica versari furorem. On this meaning of furor, 
see note on p. 9, line 2. 

8. Misceri. This is the verbum proprium to describe the attempts 
cf those who seek to overturn the government, and thereby throw 
sTBry thing into disorder and confusion. Cf. p. Mil. 9, 25. 

1 0, duidquid est, quocunque vestrse mentes inclinant. The 
fwo clauses quidquid est and quocunque vestrce mentes inclinant are 
grammatically independent and co-ordinate : the second may be con- 
sidered explanatory of the first. Quidquid est, id est, quocunque 
vestra mentes inclinant. Klotz reads quocunque vestra se mentes, &c. 

II. Statuendum vobis ante noctem est. " Turn quia pericu- 
lum erat, ne noctu aliquis tumultus excitaretur, ut per vim eriperentur 
ii, qui in custodiam dati erant, turn quia senatum ante noctem dimitt: 
oportebat." Muret. Varro, in A. Gell. 14, 7, says that no senatus 
consultum was valid if pronounced before sunrise or after sunset. 

13. Affines. What cases does affinis govern? P. C. 212 ; H. 391. 
Matthias gives the following examples of both cases : Aff. sceleri, Suli. 
25, 70 ; turpidini, Clueiit. 45, extr. ; suspicionis, Sull. 5, extr. ; rei 
capitdlis, Verr. 2, 38, 94. — Latins opinione. H. 417, 2, 6. 

1 T. Sustentando = differendo. This use appears to be confined 
to Cicero [Freund.] De Pausania Alabadensi sustentes rem, dum 
Nero veniat, Fam. 13, 64, 1 ; cadijicationem Arcani ad tuum adven- 
tam sustentari placebat, Q. Fr. 2, 7. 

18. Vindicandum = puniendum. Off. 1, 30: Tib. Gracchi nc- 
farios conatus vindicavit. 

Ch. IV.— 19. Duas. For Cato (Sail. 52) had not yet spoken.— 
D. Silani, consulis designati. Sail. c. 50 : Turn D. Silanus, primus 
sententiam rogatus, quod eo tempore consul designatus erat. Appian, 
B. C. 2, 5, p. 180 : SjAavdj [iiv <5>) -rrpuJTos eXcyev, 8? is rd {ieXXov YjpriTO 
vtrarcvtiv' u><5£ yup 'Pw/iatois b jieXXwv vxarevueiv xp&ros iarcpipei yv&nrjv, w? 
tibrbs, olyiai, iroXXa t&v Kvpov/Jiivoiv ipyaad/jLevos, teal ik Tov6e £v(3ovX6TEp6v rt 
Kal EvXafiiorepov £vQvnr)a6jjtevos Kepi (KaoTiv. M. 

20. Hasc, SeiKTiK&s ; see note on p. 15, line 20. 

21. C. Caesaris, prsetoris designati. Suet. Cccs. 14. M. 

23. Pro sui dignitate. So Orelli, Klotz, and others. Madvig 
and Ste'nmetz, pro sua dignitate. Cf. de Off. 1, 39 : Habenda ratio 
non sui [al. sua] solum sed etiam aliorum. So also the genitive 
elands with causa, but only where prominence or contrast is required. 

25. Q,ui populuin Romanum. These words are included in 
brackets by Madvig. 

27. Non putat. See note on p. 21, line 2, and compare beloWi 
lino 39 : non putet. 



214 NOTKS. 

Page 

4Q 29. Recordatur, here = commemorat. M. So Tusc. 5, 5: 
Multa de Atilio, &c, recordatur. Bloch. — Alter inteliigit = censel 
arhitratur ; as 3 Cat. § 26. 

30. Mortem . . quietem esse. Caesar in Sail. c. 5L: in luctu 
atque tniseriis mortem arumnarum requiem, non cruciatum esse 
earn cuncta mortalium mala dissolvere : ultra neque euro, nequt 
gaudio locum esse ; which Muretus thinks an imitation of Soph. bans 
yap iv froAAojctv, ws iyw, kukms I £??, ttws off ov-xji Kar-Qatuv Kip&oi $ipa ; 
(Antig 463). Cf. Cic. p. Mil. 37, 101. M. 

31. Necessitatem naturae, i. e quam natura affert, id quod 
aliter non potest evenire atque a natura constitutum est. It is used 
in a different sense, Off. 1, 35 : partes corporis ad natures necessita- 
tcm data. M. 

33. Appetiveruiit. So Orelli and Klotz. Oppetiverunt is tlio 
reading of Madvig and others. — On the use of inviti .... libenter see 
H. 387. — Vincula . . . .jubet. Cf. Sail. 51: ita censeo ; publicandas 
eorum pecunias, ipsos in vinculis habendos per municipia, qua max- 
ume opibus valent ; neu quis de his postea ad Senatum referat, neve 
cum populo agat; qui aliter fecerit, Senatum existimare eum contra 
rem publicam et salutem omnium facturum. — The injustice is the 
commanding the municipal towns to receive them. 

35. Municipiis == per municipia. 

38. Suscipiam = will undertake it; i. e. the task of implormg; 
some of the municipia to receive them. 

39. Hon putet. Madvig reads non •patent. 

4:1. Digna .... sancit, &c. Sancire = proposita poena aliquid 
cavere et vetare. Madvig reads, with Lambinus and Muretus, cir- 
cumdat et dignas scelere hominum perditorum ; sancit, ne quis, &c. 

44. Eripitetiam spem, &o* Cf. de Nat. D. 3, 6, 14: Miserum 
est enim, nihil proficientem angi, nee habere ne spei quidem cxtrc~ 
mum et tamen commune solatium. 
a i 2, Multos uno dolore animi. This is the reading of the best 
MSS. Orator tamen ipse scripsisse videtur, ut vidit Graevius : multos 
uno dolore dolores animi, &c. Orelli. This last is also received by 
Madvig. Klotz retains multas uno dolore animi, &c. 

4. Pceuas ademisset. Observe an instance which proves that 
Doderlein's distinction, " adimuntur bona, eximuntur mala, is not al- 
ways observed. In C. Legg. 3, 9, it is used of a bad thing indeed, 
but one not felt to be so: tribunis plcbis injuria facienda potestatem 
.... adimere. 

6. Voluerunt = statuerunt, contenderunt, ajjirmarunt. Cf 
Tusc. 5, 14, 41 : volumus eum, qui beatus sit, tutum esse, inclpug' 
nabilem, &c M. Cicero's own belief on this point may be derived 
from_p. Cluent. 61, 171, and Tuscul. 1, 5, 10 seq. 

Cu. V.— 8. Ego mea video quid intersit. See H. 408. 



FOUHTH ORATION AGAINST CATILINE. 215 

Tage 

10. Popularis. Pro Sest. 45: qui ea, qua faciebant quaque a-i 
dicebant, mullitudini jucunda volebant esse populates . . . habeban- 
tur. The name popularis lost the good sense in which it stands below, 
line 19, and denoted one who sought to gain the favor of the crowd, 
and looked for support to the mass of the people, as opposed to the 
optimates ; and even became identified with seditiosus and turbulen- 
tus. The shades of meaning between iiese extremes will be noticed 

in this chapter. 

11. Cognitore = defensore. Ernesti in CI. Auctor sententiee 
is the original proposer of an opinion ; cognitor, one who defends it as 
his own. 

13, Nescio, an = perhaps. See P.O. 116 and p. 203, 25; 
Hark. 5*76. — Amplius .... negotii. " Rara dictio. No tamen re- 
scribas plus negotii. Nam et apud Cees. B. G. 6, 9, est amplius oh 
sidum." Heum. 

15. Vincat. The MSS. here give vindicat, which Klotz retains. 
Vincat firmat Scholiasta. Orelli. — Habemus enim, &c. Cicero, hav- 
ing observed the impression which Caesar's opinion had made upon 
those who were present, designedly praises it, in order to show his 
deference and respect for him, and thereby at the same time also to 
render him more yielding and disposed to adopt severer measures. 

16i Tamquam obsidem. " Quae confirmet, eum ita popularem 
fore ut tamen semper sit bonarum in rep. partium." Muret. 

18. CLuid intersit. Lsel. 25, 95 : Concio, qua ex imperitissimis 
constat, tamen judicare solet, quid intersit inter popularem, id est, 
assentatorem et levem civem, et inter constantem, severum et gra- 
vem. M. Quid interesset is the reading of Klotz and Madvig from 
the MSS. On the repetition of inter after interesse, see Z. 745. 

19. Deistis. H. 450,4. 

20. Non neminem Is, &c. " The far more trustworthy 

Scholiast of Gronovius says, that by this . non nemo Cicero means Q. 
Metellus Nepos; against whose odious speech to the people Cicero 
had to deliver a formal defence of himself in the beginning of the next 
year. Compare the fragments of the Oratio contra Concionem Q 
Metelli." K. — Hence the use of the singular is relating to non nemo ; 
one only being intended, though vaguely pointed out. Of course non 
nemo means more than one ; but the is proves that the principal ref- 
erence is to an individual. 

21. Videlicet, ironical. 

25. Q,usesitori, &c. Cicero had not really been appointed (as 
quccsitor) to try the cause, nor had there been a regular trial ; but ho 
puts a general case, to which the present was analogous, though not 
identical with it. 

29. Semproniae legis, de capite civium Romanorum, proposed by 
C. Gracchus, a. u. c. 631. It enacted that the people only should do- 



216 NOTES. 

Page 

Q cide respecting the caput or civil condition of a citizen Cf. p. Rabir 

4, 12. The argument of Cicero here is, that if the proposer of the 
Sempronian law himself, since he was an enemy of the state, was put 
to death with the approval of the people, then can these criminals also 
be executed. 

30. Jussu populi. " Causae serviens hoc dicit ; neque enim pc- 
puli jussu interfectus est Gracchus." Muret. The senate had given 
Opimius unlimited power to take all necessary measures for the preser- 
vation of the state, without consulting the people ; i. e. by the well- 
known formula : darent operam Consules, ne quid res publico, detri- 
menti caperet. Cf. Sail. 29. Madvig. injussu populi, Buherii et 
Ernestii conj., quam forsitan aliquis firmet ex Scholiasta, p. 412, Ed. 
meffi: "Lege Sempronia injussu populi non licebat quari de capite 
civis Romani." Orelli. 

31. Largitorem . . . . et prodigum. Largitor is one who gives 
from self-interested motives, generally for political ends ; prodigus ap- 
plies to one who seeks gratification and admiration from his profusion. 
Cic. Off. 2, 16 : omnino duo sunt genera largorum; quorum alteri 
prodigi, alteri liberales. Prodigi, qui epulis et viscerationibus et 
gladiatorum muneribus, ludorum venationumque apparatu pecunias 
profundunt in eas res, quarum memoriam aut brevem aut nullam 
omnino sint relicturi. M. Klotz and Madvig read Idem ipsum Len- 
tulum, largitorem et prodigum. 

3 2. Pernicie .... exitio. Pernicies has an active meaning, 
and denotes the destruction of a living being by murder ; exitium has 
a passive meaning, and denotes the destruction even of lifeless objects 
by annihilation. Dod. 

31. In pernicie. Cf. in vestro iimore, p. 38, line 18. Doring 
explains it as = in re populo Rom. perniciosa. Benecke reads in 
perniciem. 

Ch. VI. — 41. Dederitis. This is not for dabitis, but (as Matthias 
observes) the Romans used two future perfects in this way, when the 
second action was not merely consequent upon the first (so as then to 
begin to take place), but both were completed together. Cf. qui An- 
tonium oppresserrit, is hoc bellum, teterrimum periculosissimumque 
confecerit, Fam. 10, 13. See H. 473. 

44. Exsolvetis. Madvig reads populus Romanus exsolvet. The 
common text is a crudel. viiup. defendetis. 
^2 !• Obtineno = probabo, docebo. — Quamquam is corrective. Ci 
1 Cat. 9, 22. 

4. Ita mini liceat, ut, &cc. A well-known form of assevo 

ration by what a person holds dearest ; ita mihi deos omnes propitios 
esse velim, ut . . . . nc qua quam tantum capio voluptatis, &c. Verr. 

5, 14, 37. Ita or sic precedes with the subjunctive, and that which is 
affirmed, follows with ut, commonly with tho indicative. 



FOURTH ORATION AGAINST CATILINE. 217 

Pay* 

6. Q,uis enim est. See P. C. p. 255, 92 and note ; H. 602, III. 40 

7. Videor .... videre. Z. 380. The rhetorical figure here used 
is called Hypotyposis. 

8. t,ucem orbis terrarum. Cf. p. L. Man. 5, 11 : totius Gra- 
tia lumen. 

9. Uno iuceudio. Cf. una .... peste, 2, 4. 

1 0. Sepultam patriam. So Orelli, Klotz, and others. Madvig, 
with others, reads sepulta in pairia. Sepulta then = deleta or in- 
Gendio consumpta, laid in ashes. 

13. Ex fatis, sc. Sibyllinis. See 3 Cat. 4, 9. Klotz and Madvig 
lead sicut ipse ex fatis se sperasse, &c. 

14r. Purpuratum. Purpurati = state officers, members of the 
royal household, &c. — ministers of state, &c ; e. g. ista horribilia 
minitare purpuratis tuis. Tusc. 1, 43. — Huic (scil. Lentulo) Gabi- 
nium. Some read hunc Gabinium. The picture of Lentulus in his 
fancied royalty, with the addition of Gabinius as his prime minister, 
clad in the purple robes of oriental courtiers, is well adapted to excito 
the indignation of the republican Romans. 

IT. Q,uia .... idcirco. See note on p. 26, line- 7. 

19. Praebebo. Madvig retains the present prabeo. 

21. De servis quam, &c. Klotz reads de servis non quam, &c. ; 
Madvig, de servo non quam, &c. The singular de servo is defended 
by some because of the singular nocentis in the next sentence. This 
does not, however, seem sufficient ground for rejecting the reading of 
the best MSS. Besides, nocentis may denote the entire class of the 
guilty. We know also from Tacitus, Ann. 14, 42, that when a mas- 
ter or one of his family had been murdered by a slave, punishment 
was inflicted upon all of the slaves. 

21. Milii vero, &c. Cicero here speaks as the orator, not as the 
philosopher. 

25. In his hominibus = in regard to these men, in the case of 
these men. 

29. Id egerunt, ut. H. 492. Is the id necessary? It is. 

33. Nisi vero has the same sense as nisi forte, used ironically. 

3 4r. Ii. Coesav. This was L. Julius Caesar, who was consul with 
C. Marcius Figulus, a. u. c. 690. 

35. Sororis suae. Julia, who, after the death of her first hus- 
band, M. Antonius Creticus (by whom sho had M. Antonius the Tri- 
umvir), married P. Cornelius Lentulus. 

37. Avum. M. Fulvius Flaccus (Cf. 1 Cat. 2, 4). His daughter 
Fulvia was the wife of L. Julius Caesar (consul, a. u. c. 664), and L. 
Casar was their son. 2 Phil. 6, 14: L. Cccsar, avunculus tuus, qua 
oratione, qua constantia, qua gravitate sentcntiam dixit in sororis 
sucb virum, viiricum tuu?n ? M. 

38. Filiumque ejus impuberem. Veil. 2, 7, 2 : juvenis, specis 

19 






218 NOTES. 

A 9 exccllens, necdum duodevicesimum transgressus annum, immunisqui 
delictorum paternorum, Fulvii Flacci filius, quern pater legatum de 
conditionibus miserat, ab Opimio intercmptus est. Quern quum ha~ 
ruspex Tuscus, amicus, Jlentem in custodiam duci vidisset, Quin 
tu hoc potius, inquit, facis ? proiinusque illiso capite in postern la- 
pideum janua carceris effusoque cerebro exspiravit. M. 

4:0. liargitionis voluntas, sc. frumentaria, for the purpose ot 
gaining the favor of the people. 

42. Hujus avus Ijentuli. [Consul, a. u. c. 592.] Cf. Phil. 8, 
4, 14 : Num igitur temerarium civem aut crudelem putares .... P. 
Lentulum principem Senatus, complures alios summos viros, qui cum 
L. Opimio Cos. armati Gracchum in Aventinum persecuti sunt ? quo 
in prcelio Lentulus grave vulnus accepit? Cf. 3 Cat. 5, 10 
d Q 2. Attribuit uos trucidandos Cethego. See H. 565. 

3. Ceteros cives. Klotz and Madvig, from MSS., read et ceteros. 

5, Vereamini, censeo, &e. This parenthetical insertion of censeo 
with an ironical force is unusual (Matthias says he knows of no othei 
instance). With credo it is very common. Z. 777. Cf. Sail. 52 : 
Misereamini censeo. In the next line Madvig reads ac nefario ali- 
quid severius, &c. The common text is nimis aliquid severe. 

T. Remissione pcense = mitigatione, lenitate. [Opposed to se- 
veritas animadversionis. M.] So remissior = lenior, facilior. Att. 
16, 15. B. 

Ch. VII. — 11. Exaudio. The usual signification of the com- 
pound is to hear from a distance, or ex strengthens the meauiug, so 
that it = to hear distinctly. 

12. Jaciuntur. Others would read jactantur. But Ernesti 
remarks that jactare would imply insolence, bravado, &c, whereas 
Cicero is speaking of good citizens, who were disposed to support 
him, but were timid and apprehensive. Such persons threw out 
the remarks in question in conversation with their friends. Jacere 
voces is, he says, the right term to express this. M. But jactare does 
not appear necessarily to imply bravado : in Liv. 8, 29, we have qua 
res, sicut eo anno sermonibus magis passim hominum jactata, quam 
in ullo concilio est, ita insequentis anni Consulibus .... nulla prior 
potiorque visa est, de qua ad Senatum referrent. 

13. Vereri . . . . ut habeam. P. C. 95 ; E. 492, 4. 

20. Plenum est. " De hac re Cicero in Philipp. 2, 7 : Quis 
equcs Ro., quis prater te adolescens nobilis, quis ullius ordinis, qui 
se civem meminisset, quum senatus in hoc templo esset, in clivo Capi* 
tolino non fuit ? quis nomen non dedit ? Quamquam nee scribes 
sufficere, nee tabula nomina corum capere potuerunt." Steinmetz. 

21. Templi et loci. Not of Jupiter Stator, but of Concord. See 
2 PM. 8, 19, and 46, 119. 

24« Cum omnibus .... perire voluerunt. Cf. 2 Cat. § 21 



FOURTH ORATION AGAINST CATILINE. 219 

Page 

31. Summam ordinis consiliique, "i. e. locum primum inter A Q 
crdines ot jus de re publica deliberandi ac decernendi : exquisita Lati- 
nitate." Ernesti. — Ita . . . . ut = quidem .... scd. So pro Rose. 

§ 72 • Ita vivunt, dum possunt .... ut ducere animam dc coelo 
queant. M. 

32. Q,uos ex multorum amiorum dissensione, &c. The 
quarrels alluded to are those that arose from the changes introduced 
of late years in the judicial departments. In a. u. c. 632, C. Gracchus 
had deprived the senate of their judicial power, and transferred it to 
the cquites ; Sulla restored it to the senate in 673 ; and L. Cotta, in 
6S4, had made another change (that would naturally satisfy neither 
the senate nor the knights), and confided it jointly to the senate, the 
equites, and the tribuni cerarii. — Though this arrangement had existed 
for some years, yet Cicero speaks of this day as the day that had 
united the senate and the equites, because it was (we must assume) 
the first day of their cordial reconciliation ; the common danger having 
made both senators and knights co-operate zealously with Cicero 
against Catiline. But differences broke out anew, particularly in 
a. u. c. 693 and 694. See 2 Phil. 8, 19. 

35. Confirmatam. Cf. ad Att. 1, 15: tueor, ut possum. Mam 
a me con glutina tarn concordiam. 

39. Tribunos aerarios. These were officers who assisted the 
quoestors (from b. c. 49, the rediles) in the management of the treasury 
Their principal duty was to collect each from his tribe the pay of the 
army. They were plebeians. Madvig, Opusc. Alt. p. 242, seq., en- 
deavors to show that there was no connection between the tribuni 
cerarii of an earlier date, in the sense above explained, and the tribuni 
czrarii of the Lex Aurelia, who are here intended. His language is: 
Gradum aliqucm et distinctionem civium universorum certa aliqua 
norma factam, quemadmodum equites censu separabantur, illud nomen 
tribunorum cerariorum notare debet. His view is that the tribuni cera- 
rli of this period were those who possessed a property qualification 
next to that of the equites, and that they were so callod in the law of 
Cotta, from some resemblance in this respect to the earlier tribuni 
ararii, who, he supposes, were private men, whose property, of a pre- 
scribed amount, made them responsible for the trust reposed in them. 
The amount of property required in either period is not known. — Scribas. 
The scribes were public notaries, and received a salary. From the ab 
tuspectatione sortis and the Scholiast, we learn that it was decided 
by lot to which magistrate each should be attached (" Ipso die conve- 
ntrunt ad ararium scribce, ut sortirentur officia, qui scriba esset 
consults, qui tribuni plebis"). " In Cicero's time it seems that any 
one might become a scriba or public clerk by purchase ; and, conse- 
quently, as freedmen and their sons were eligible, and constituted a 
great part of the public clerks at Rome, the office vm U0t highly es- 



£20 NOTES. 

I'nge 

AO teemed, though frequently held by ingenui, or free-born citizens 
Cisero, however, informs us that the scribes formed a respectable class 
of men ; but he thinks it necessary to assign a reason for calling them 
such, as if he was conscious that he was combating a popular preju- 
dice." (Diet. Antiq.) His words are : Ordo est horiestus. Quis ne- 
gat ? aut quid ea res ad hanc rem pertinet ? Est vero honestus, 
quod eorum hominum fidei tabellce publicce periculaque magi&lra- 
tuum [the books in which the sentences pronounced were recorded. 
Cf. Nep. Epam. 8] committuntur. 3 Verr. 79, 183. 

4rO« duos quum casu hie dies ad aerarium frequentasset. 
They did not happen to meet on that day ; but that day, the day on 
Which Cicero was speaking, happened to be the regular day that 
brought the scribes to the csrarium. — Frequentare is here r= frequen- 
tes cogere, or congregare ; an unusual use of the word. But Klotz 
observes properly that frequentare = frequentem facere or reddere ; 
so that it may very correctly be said of the person or occasion that 
causes men to be numerous in any place. It is used in the same way 
in the Or. pro domo sua [the genuineness of which is disputed] : quern 
tu tamen populum nisitabernis clausis frequentare nonpoteras: and 
ot any rate Cicero uses the word in other places in the sense of bring- 
ing or heaping many things together ; e. g. accrvatim multa frequen- 
tans (Or. 25, 85). 

42. Ingenuorum .... etiam temiissimorum. See the extract 
from Diet. Antiq. in note on scribas above. Cf. 2 Verr. 79, 183 : 
Itaque ex his scribis, qui digni sunt Mo ordine, patribus familiis, 
viris bonis atque honestis percunctamini, &c. He also mentions that 
Imperatores, after victories, often raised their scribes to the rank cf 
knights (scribas suos annulis aureis in condone donarard : ib. 80, 
185). 
<(4 Ch. VIII.— 3. Liibertiuorum. Libertus means the freedman, 
with reference to his master, in opp. to scrvus ; libertinus, with ref- 
erence to his rank, in opp. to civis and ingenuus. Dcd. 

4. Fortunam. .... civitatis, i. e. the right of citizenship. He 
calls it fortuna civitatis, because, though gained by merit, yet merit 
could not always gain it : a man must be lucky enough to have a good 
opportunity of calling attention to his claims. 

T. Sed quid ego .... comiaemoro 1 Heumann, " Quid ego 
commemorem, inquit, est formula prceteritionis, ac turn usurpatur, 
quun; aliquid non sum commemoralurus. At quum jam commemoravi 
aliquid et ad ultimum dicere volo, commemcratione ilia me potuisse 
supersedere, subjungo quid eos commemoro ? hoc est, cur tarn longus 
sum in iis commemorandis ? pro Mil. 7, 18." But M. quotes the fol- 
lowing passages to prove that the subjunctive, in questions of this sort, 
does not always imply that the speaker does not do what he asks why 
he should do. Or. 3 8, in : Sed quid ego vet-era conquiram? Tusc 



FOURTH ORATION AGAINST CATILINE. 221 

Pa£i 

1, 45 , in : Sed quid singulorum opiniones animadveriam? Fin. 5, A a 
22, 63 : quid loquar de nobis ? — Madvig, with others, reads Sed quia 
ego hosce homines ordinesque commemoro ? Klotz, with Orelli, as in 
the text. 

8. Hujusce ordinis. The libertini. It is strange that Matthia) 
should deny the possibility of their having privates fortunes. 

11. Qui modo sit. H. 519, 3. 

13. Quantum .... voluntatis. M. quotes the following similar 
instances of a genitive dependent on iantum, though removed to a 
considerable distance from it. Or. 3, 23 : Non tantum ingenioso 
homini et ei, qui forum, qui curiam, qui causas, qui remp. spectet, 
opus esse arbitror temporis. lb. 24, in. : satis video tibi, homini ad 
perdiscendum acerrimo, ad ea cognoscenda, qua. dicis, fuisse tempo- 
ris. 1, 47, 207 : quoniam id nobis, Antoni, hominibus id atatis, 
oneris ab horum adolesceniium studiis imponitur. Offic. 2, 9, extr. : 
quantum volet, habebit ad faciendam fidem virium. Cf. de Or. 1, 1, 
3 ; pro Arch. § 13. M. The common text is non tantum, quantum, 
&c. Klotz reads qui non quantum audet et quantum potest, tantum 
conferat, &c. 

15. l/enonem quendam Jjentuli. Sail. c. 50: Dum hmc in 
senatu aguntur et dum legatis Allobrogum et Tito Vulturcio, co?n- 
probaio eorum indicia, pramia decernuntur, liberti et pauci ex cli- 
entibus Lentuli diver sis itineribus opifices atque servitia in vicis ad 
eum cripiendum solicitabant. Cf. Dio Cass. 37, 35, p. 134 ; Appian, 
B. C. 2, 5, p. 180. M. He uses leno for nuntius or administer, that 
he may give a sideblow to the dissipated habits of Lentulus. The 
word seems to have been used by later writers in the general sense of 
internuntius, &c Scythis bellum indixit, missis primo lenonibus. 
Just. 2, 3. B. 

16. Tabernas = workshops, though properly it signifies the place 
of sale of wares elsewhere made. Hence just below the paraphrase 
scllcB, &lc, whence the workmen were called sellularii or sedentarii. 

21. Denique. See Z. 727. — Otiosum = remotum a hello et tu- 
multu, quietum, i. e. peaceful. Cf. line 24, otii. 

22. Velint. Inventi sunt, being followed by pres. subj., must 
be construed by the perf. definite. 

23. Nisi vero. Madvig reads, with Ernesti, immo vero. 

26. Occlusis tabemis. This occurred, by command cf tho 
magistrates, on the breaking out of public disturbances, and in general 
mourning. 

27. Futurum fuit. Why fuit? P. C. 447 ; Harkness, 227. 
Cf. Liv. 2, 1: quidenim futurum fuit, si ulla pastorum convenarum- 
que plebs — agitari empta erat tribuniciis procellis ? 

Cii. IX. — 30. Ex plurimis . . . insidiis atque ex media morte« 
Atque = atque etiam or atque adco. Cf. 2 Cat. 12, 27. 



222 NOTES. 

A A 35. Supplex manus tendit patria. Compare 1 Cat. 7, 17 
Such a personification is frequently resorted to, to move the feelings of 
the hearers. 

36. Arcem et Capitolium. See H. 587, 2. 

38. Vobis omnia deorum templa. Klotz and Madvig read vo- 
bis omnium deorum templa. Orelli does not notice this variation. 

39. Muros et iirMs tecta commendat. Madvig reads muroa 
atque urbis, &c. ; Klotz, muros urbis, tecta commendat. 

41. De focis. Consult note on p. 46, line 24. 

43. Q,uae .... facultas datur = cujus generis or qualem ducem 
non semper habere contingit. 
£5 2. Cogitate, quantis, &c. If the participial construction is em- 
ployed in a sentence introduced by a relative or interrogative, in trans- 
lating we may use a substantive and preposition, or change the parti 
ciple into the finite verb, and add the finite verb in an accessory clause, 
or we may make of the participle a leading sentence and connect it 
with the other sentence by and, but, and therefore, &c. Here, for 
example, we may translate, " consider, by how great labors the 
empire was founded, &a, and how a single night almost destroyed 
them." 

5. Una nox. That on which the Allobroges were taken. Cf. p 
Flacc. 40, 102. — Ne unquam .... non modo .... sed ne . . . quidem. 
See H. 585. 

9. Mea vox, &c. Cf. p. C. Rabir, 1, 3 ; and 3, 6, of this oration. 

Ch. X. — 1 1 . Ad sententiam, sc. rogandam. 

14. Sed earn, &c. Klotz reads sed earn esse judico turpem et 
infirmam et objectam ; Madvig, sed cam esse turpem judico et infir- 
mam et abjectam. 

15. Si aliquando alicujus. Si aliquando, si aliquis, &c, " dif- 
ferunt a si quando . n quis, &c, eo quod plena vocabula ponuntur, 
quando in iis vis inest, et nunquam, nemo, nullus vel multi, omncs 
opponi potest, ut h. 1. non significat nunquam cujusquam manum plua 
valituram esse, sed concedit fieri posse, ut aliquando alic, &c, si 
quando autem et si qui ponuntur, quando conditio tantum spectatur. 
Cic. Phil. 13, 1, extr. Proximo bello si aliquid de summa gravitate 
Pompejus, multum de cupiditate Cccsar remisisset. Brut. 82, 285: 
Quern igitur imitaris ? si aliquem, ceteri ergo Attice non dicebanl; 
si omnes, &e." M. See P. C. 391. 

19. Mini is omitted by Klotz and Madvig. 

22. Gratulationem = " supplicationem qua gratia diis aguntur " 
Fam. 11, 18: hac tarn recenti gratulatione, quam diis ad omnia tem- 
pla fecimus : and Phil. 14, 3, 7. 

23. Sit Scipio. P. Cornelius Scipio Africanus major, who put 
an end to the second Punic war by the battle at Zama, a. u. c. 552. 

24. In Africam redire atque Italia decedere. Benecke di- 



FOURTH ORATION AGAINST CATILINE 223 

rects attention to the varepov r.p6rtpov in these words, which would be^jK 
more correct if inverted. But such instances are not uncommon. 

25. Alter .... Africanus. Africanus minor. He was the son 
of L. iEmilius PauIIus, and adopted by the son of the elder Africanus 
He put an end to the third Punic war by the destruction of Carthage, 
a u. c 608. 

26. Numantiamque delevit, a. u. c. 621. 

27. Paullus ille. The father of the younger Africanus. 

28. Perses. See Hark. 43 ; and consult Schmitz, Hist. Rome, p. 
299. 

29. Bis Italiam .... liberavit. " Propter Ambrones et Teu- 
tones in Gallia ad Aquas Sextias, Cimbros in Italia ad Vercellas de- 
victos, a. u. c. 652, 653." Manut. Schmitz, Rome, pp. 346-8. 

3 1. Cujus res gestae, &c. Cf. 3 Cat. 11, 26, and p. Arch. 10, 23. 
Pompey's exploits are praised in the oration p. L. Manil. 
33. Nisi forte, ironically. 

35. Ut . . . . illi, qui absuiit .... revertantur. Cf. de Offic. 
1, 22, 78 : Mihi quidem eerie vir abundans bellicis laudibus Cn. 
Pompeius, multis audientibus hoc tribuit, ut diceret frustra se tri- 
umphum tertium deportaturum fuisse, nisi meo in rem publicam be- 
neficio ubi triumpharet, esset habiturus. See also 2 Phil. 5, 12. 
Pompey was absent, being in command of the army in the war against 
Mithridates. M. 

36. Revertantur. H. 465, II, 2, 3. — Quamquam. See note on p. 
15, line 22. — Uno loco = una parte, in one respect. 

42. Q,uare mihi, &c. So pro Sull. 9, 28 : Etenim in qua. civi- 
tate res tantas gesserim memini ; et in qua urbe verser, intelligo : 
plenum forum est eorum hominum, quos ego a vestris cervicibus de- 
puli, judices, a meo non removi. — Quare non sum nescius, quanto 
periculo vivam in tanta multitudine improborum, quum mihi uni cum 
omnibus improbis (Bternum videam bellum esse susceptum. 

5. Conspirationem = consensum, unanimitatem. te» 

Cn. XI. — T. Pro imperio .... provincia, instead of pro imperio 
exercitus in provincia. Cicero separates the notions for the sake of 
emphasis. Some understand him to mean the province of Macedonia, 
which he relinquished to his colleague Antonius to gain him to his 
side, or at least to neutrality in regard to the conspiracy of Catiline. 
It is, however, better to refer it to the province of Gallia, which Cicero 
gave up because of the dangers wh'ch threatened the state. Cf. Plut. 
Cic. 12. In Gallia there was yet much opportunity to gain warlike 
renown and honors. 

lO. Pro clientelis. The colonies, allies, provinces, and especial- 
ly the countries dependent on Rome, chose from the most distinguish- 
ed men in Rome a patron who represented them in the city, and took 
care of their rights and interests. Thus Q. Fabius Sanga (Sail. 41) 



224 NOTES. 

An was tho patronus of the AUobroges, probably becauso Q. Fabius Mai- 
imus had conquered them. Cf. de Off. 1, 12, 35. So Cicero was the 
patronus of the Sicilians. — Hospitiisquc. Such ties of hospitality 
often grew into the relation of patron and client, and increased tho 
dignity and authority of the Roman citizen who was the patron. 

11. Urbanis opibus = auctoritate et potentia amicorum et cli- 
en turn urbanorum. 

1 2. Igitur = inquam (H. 602), and in this connection with igitur 
the pronoun is not is but hie, since the latter refers more distinctly to 
the preceding. 

15. Consulatas memoriam. Compare 3 Cat 11, 2G 

16. Dum erit. Dum with the futuro = quamdiu. 

21. Suo solius. The genitive solius agreeing with the genitivo 
implied in the possessive suo. See Krebs' Guide, § 105. 

21. De aris ac focis. A well-known formula for private dwell- 
ings. For foci were fireplaces in the atrium for sacrifices to the 
household gods (lares), and arcs were little altars in the impluvium 
for sacrifices to the guardian deities (penatcs). — De fanis aique tern- 
plis. P. C. p. 128, note y. 

The result of this debate is given in the General Introduction, p. 144. 



It may here be briefly stated, that the genuineness of the Orations 
against Catiline has not been unquestioned. Each in its turn has been 
attacked. The second oration was early assailed, in consequence of a 
remark of F. A. "Wolf, that one of the four was spurious, he at the 
same time adding, u esse alteram e mediis duabusy "Wolf, however, 
it appears, intended the third, and he seems to have adopted this opin- 
ion from a suggestion made by Eichstadt. But the genuineness of tho 
fourth oration has been most warmly assailed, and by the largest num- 
ber. The first had escaped, until recently it has found an assailant 
in R. A. Morstadt. Orelli (Oralt. selectt. Cicer. pp. 1 76-182) endeav- 
ors to prove that all, with the single exception of the first oration, 
are spurious. But notwithstanding these attacks, the genuineness of 
these orations has had able defenders in Madvig, Drumann, and many 
otherai 



THE ORATION FOR THE MANILIAN LAW. 



INTRODUCTION. 

MmmiDATES, king of Pontus, had been checked in his plans of conquest and 
aggrandizement, by L. Sulla, as early as a. u. c. G69, by the battles of Chaero- 
neia and Orchomenos, and compelled to restrict himself to the dominions 
which he held before the commencement of the war. But he had from this 
time improved every opportunity to carry into effect his long-cherished hopes. 
Therefore, in the years 671 to 073, he had renewed the war, and defeated tho 
Roman general, Murena, near Sinope. In 680, while the Roman arms were 
occupied in Spain with Sertorius, in Italy with Spartacus, while too the pirates 
who infested the coasts of Cilicia and Insauria, increasing in boldness after tho 
downfall of Carthage, caused alarm along the sea and coasts of the Roman 
empire, Mithridates thought the most favorable moment had arrived for carry- 
ing his plans into execution, and directed his first effort to grasp Bithynia, 
which, by the will of king Nicomedes, was to become a Roman province. In 
pursuit of similar aims he sought to gain his son-in-law Tigranes, king of Ar- 
menia, and commenced a secret correspondence with Sertorius in Spain, for 
the purpose of bringing about some concert of action. The consuls of the year 
680, L. Licinius Lucullus and M. Aurelius Cotta, marched against Mithridates 
from Rome, and although Cotta lost a battle on land and sea, Lucullus was 
afterwards so successful on land, that he not only signally defeated Mithridates 
in several battles and drove him from his kingdom, but also several times routed, 
in the years 685 and 686, Tigranes, who had received and protected Mithridates 
in his flight. Thus Lucullus probably would have completely frustrated the 
last efforts of the combined kings, if other circumstances, of which he was 
partly the cause, had not prevented. Lucullus had received his army in a 
wretched and insubordinate condition, but as a skilful general he had brought 
them under subordination thus far by strict discipline, until his insatiable ava- 
rice, which he sought to gratify at the expense of the legions, excited the 
minds of the soldiers against his severity. It was thus easy for his enemies in 
Rome, who, without his knowledge, had their agents even in his army, to 
foment insurrections in his legions, and in this way so to paralyze his energy, 
that Mithridates was enabled again to establish himself in Pontus. Thus his 
opponents in Rome, at the head of whom was Pompey, succeeded in effecting 
his recall from the command of the army, a. u. c. 687. He was succeeded by 
M\ Acilius Glabrio, consul of this year, who, however, showed such incapacity 
and so little activity, that Mithridates disgracefully defeated two Roman le- 
gates, Fabius and Triarius. At the same time also the pirates from the coast 
of Cilicia and Isauria, against whom Servilius Isauricus, M. Antonius, and 
Csecilius Metellus Creticus had fought, had made the most daring assaults 
upon Roman territory and property, and caused serious losses to the public 
treasury as well as to private individuals. This state of things led the tribune, 
A. Gabinius, a friend of Pompey, to propose a law that some one should be 
clothed with extraordinary powers for three year* for the purpose of putting 



226 OilATION FOR THE MANILIAN LAW. 

an end to the disturbance of the pirates, who carried on open and formal wai 
against Rome. Although tins bill was directed less against the pirates than 
the existing constitution of the state itself, since that "some one" could be nc 
other than Cn. Pompey, who after his consulship had remained in Rome with- 
out a province, and only thought how he might secure to himself political pre- 
ponderance, it nevertheless was passed, and Pompey received the coram anu 
on all seas and coasts for 400 stadia inland with the most extensive powers. 
Pompey executed this trust with such success, that within fifty days he had 
entirely conquered the pirates and in part brought them back to a better mode 
of life. But instead of laying down his power after the conclusion of the war 
against the pirates, he sought to extend it still more, and when Mithridalea 
came forth against Glabrio with renewed strength, L. Manilius, a tribune, o. f 
Pompey's party, a. u. c. 688, proposed a bill that the extraordinary powers con- 
ferred on Pompey should not only be prolonged, but extended so as to include 
Pontus, Bithynia, and Armenia. This bill was opposed by many patriotic cit- 
izens, as Catulus and Hortensius, but C. Julius Caesar supported it from deep 
political motives, and M. Tullius Cicero, who had been chosen praetor, recom- 
mended it to the people in this oration, the first he ever addressed to the as- 
sembled people, and hi this year, 688, under the consulship of M\ JEmiliua 
Lepidus and L. Volcatius Tullus the bill was carried. The Romans, however 
had no occasion to regret the step they took. 



ANALYSIS 

In this lueid and finished oration the orator commences with a modest recital oi 
the reasons which have hitherto prevented him from addressing the people 
from the rostra, testifies his gratitude for the office of prastor conferred upon 
him by the people, and promises to devote the influence of his office, and his 
eloquence to the good of the state. (Ch. 1.) He then briefly reviews the con- 
dition of the Romans in Asia Minor and the position of Mithiidates, which had 
occasioned the Lex Manilia (§ 4, 5), and distributes his speech into three 
parts ; the first of which treats of the character of the war, the second of the 
magnitude, and the third of the general in whom are found the qualifications 
requisite to bring it to a successful issue. {§ 6.; 

|l.) On the first head, the character of the war, the orator shows (a) that the 
honor and dignity of the Roman people are endangered (§ 6-11) ; (b) that the 
protection of the allies in Asia deserves the closest attention (§ 12, 13) ; (c) that 
the largest and surest revenues of the state are exposed to the greatest danger, 
if help is not speedily rendered (§ 14-16) ; (d) that the property of many Roman 
citizens, especially of the farmers of the revenue and of merchants, is depre- 
ciated, so that in Rome itself the most disastrous consequences to the credit cl 
the state must ensue. (§ 17, 18.) 

2.) Cicero speaks of the greatness and importance of the war, mentions with 
due praise the many and great victories of Lucullus (§ 20, 21), shows, however, 
at the same time, how powerful Mithridales has again become since his defeats, 
(«) by the aid of Tigranes and many nations of Asia ; (b) by the resistance o. 
the army which has refused to follow its general ; (c) by the return of Mithri- 
dales to his kingdom, and the frightful overthrow which he caused the Romas 
army when Lucullus had been recalled from the command by the Roroafi 
people. (§ 21-20.) 



ORATION FOR THE MANILIAN LAW. 227 

$.) He seeks to show that to no other general than Pompey, who amies in him- 
self all the qualities of a commander, can the command in this war be given 
(§ 27) ; for (a) he possesses the most accurate knowledge and experience ol 
war (§ 28) ; (b) the greatest bravery as shown in the Italian, Sicilian, Gallic, 
and Servile wars ($ 29, 30), and especially in the war against the pirates ($ 31- 
30). He besides possesses the greatest purity of character and disinterestedness 
($ 37-39) ; self-command ($ 40, 41) ; good faith, courtesy, eloquence, and human- 
Sty (t) 42) ; respect and authority among all nations, friends and foes ($ 43-46) ; 
and finally, the marked favor of fortune everywhere attends him (i> 47-49). He 
can besides best take charge of this war as he is already in the neighborhood 
of it. ($50.) 

The orator having sufficiently dwelt upon these points, proceeds to refute two 
opposite opinions (t> 51) :— 

(I.J That of Hortensius, who had objected that all power ought not to be con- 
ferred upon one man. Cicero weakens this objection by showing that if the 
conduct of the war against the pirates, in accordance with this view of Horten- 
sius, had not been given to Pompey, the welfare of the Roman people, nay, 
even its world supremacy would have been lost (t> 52-56). He thus gives to his 
own opinion greater weight, and casts suspicion upon that of Hortensius, as 
opposed to the welfare of the state. He further adds, what does not properly 
form a part of this cause, that some had unworthily opposed Gabinius, in pre- 
venting his appointment as legate to Pompey, when he had been the proposer 
of the Lex by which Pompey was charged with the command of the war 
against the pirates (§ 57, 58). 

(2.) That of Catulus (to whom he testifies his respect for his merits,) that such a 
proceeding was contrary to the institutions of their ancestors ; by showing, (a) 
that the Roman people, for its own advantage, had often made exceptions and 
put many wars in charge of one man ($ 60) ; and (b) that Catulus himself had 
previously, to honor Pompey, voted for extraordinary measures. Praise ol 
Pompey ($ 60-62). 

Finally, Cicero concludes with urging that, in accordance with the judgment of 
the people, Pompey should be appointed to the command of the army against 
Mithridates (§ 63), especially because he possesses the self-control which is ne- 
cessary in an Asiatic war ($64-67). He then offsets to the authority of Hor- 
tensius and Catulus the views of other distinguished men who had supported 
the Manilian bill ($ 68). At last, praise of Manilius for his bill, encouragement to 
perseverance, and, with the promise of his support, the most solemn assurance 
also that the orator has been influenced solely by the good of the state to de- 
lend this bill and cause ({ S9-end). 



228 .NOTES. - 

a-j Ch. I. — 1. Frequens conspectus vester, by hypallage for con. 
spectus frequently vcstras. Cf. p. Plane. 1,2: Nunc auiem vester, 
judices, conspectus et consessus iste reficit et recreat mentem meant. 
2. Multo jucundissimus. See H. 444, 3, 2) Hie autem lo- 
cus. The rostra, Jrom. which the orators addressed the people. Con- 
sult Diet. Antiq. Rostra. — Autem = " and though," &c, serves to 
continue the discourse. See note on p. 30, line 23. — Ad agendum . 
dicendum The distinction between agere and diccre in this passage 
is given in Gell. 13, 15. Only magistrates had the right of submitting 
questions to the people (agere cum populo) for their approval or dis- 
approval ; while to harangue them was open to any one, though not 
invested with office, to whom the presiding magistrate gave the au- 
thority. — Ad = quod attinet ad. See note on p. 12, line 29 

4. Hoc aditu laudis. The Rostra, the grand entrance to glory 
and fame at Rome. — Optimo cuique maxime patuit. H. 458, 1. 

5. Vitse mess rationes. My chosen plan or course of life, i. e. 
pleading causes. 

6. AT) ineuiite aetate. Referring to manhood, not boyhood. At 
the age of 26 Cicero argued his first private cause for P. Quinctiusj 
and in the following year his first public cause for Roscius of Amelia. 
— Nam, quum, &c. Three causes deterred him from the rostra : 1. 
his plans of life, 2. his modesty, 3. the talents and industry requisite 
for such an undertaking. 

T. Per eetatem. Cicero was now in his forty-first year, had been 
pleading causes for nearly twenty, and had held the offices of quaestor 
and aedile. — Hujus auctoritatem loci = Mine locum, qui auctoritatem 
tribuit concionantibus ex eo. But Benecke considers the words hie lo- 
cus ad ag. amplissimus, ad die. ornatissimus and hujus auct. loci at- 
tingere audeam, statuereihque nihil hue nisi perfect am ingenio, &c, 
us mutually corresponding, and explanatory of each other. Locus ad 
agendum amplissimus is therefore one to which only magistrates and 
men of the highest dignity were admitted, and ad dicendum ornatis- 
simus where the finished and elaborate eloquence of the most perfect 
orators was wont to be brought forward. Consequently, hujus aucto- 
ritatem loci is that to which the highest authority belongs, because 
from it men of the highest standing and influence were wont to con- 
sult the people. 

10. Temporibus = Kaipols. Cf. § 2: in privatorum periculis, 
and note on p. 15, line 31. Benecke is displeased with the play upon 
the words tempus .... temporibus. — Transmittendum = tribuendmn. 
Cf. 14, 42: huic hoc tantum helium transmittendum. 

11. Ita ucquc hie locus. Seusus est: Eo pacto, dum private 
eorvio, vestram mihi benevolentiam conciliavi, quum interea tameu 
desertus hie locus non esset. Holoman. For a dependent thought, 
which should be thrown in, as an intervening or accessory clauflo, 



ORATION FOR THE MANIJLIAX LAW. 229 

Tags 

Bubordinately to the rest of the sentence, is sometimes put in co-onli-Aij 
nate relation with the leading thought, notwithstanding it does not pro- 
ceed from it ; as e. g. this passage does not follow from the preceding 
Cicero, however, could boast of having preserved by his activity as an 
advocate many citizens to the state, who now could defend its inter- 
ests. Especially was this the case before his praetorship. — Neque . 
fit. H. 587, 2. — Ab iis = talibus ; therefore the subjunctive defends- 
rent. 

1 2. Causam = id in quo utilitas vestra posita est ; interest. So 
causa tei public <e, § 4 ; pop. R. vera causa, § 53. — Periculis = trials, 
prosecutions. Pericula in Cicero is a standing expression for judicia 
publico, or criminal prosecutions instituted against private individuals. 

13. Caste integreque versatus. These words refer to the cus- 
tom of conferring gifts and favors upon lawyers and orators to induce 
them to defend even the worst causes. To put a stop to this abuse, 
the Lex Cincia de donis et muneribus was passed, a. u. c. 550, in 
the comitia tributa, having been proposed by the tribune Cincius, and 
supported by Q. Fabius Maximus. It prohibited advocates from re- 
ceiving fees or gifts from their clients. Caste and integre are else- 
where found together. They both denote purity and integrity of char- 
acter, but particularly freedom from cupidity and corruption. De Fin. 
4, 23, 63: caste et integre vivere; id. 1, 9, 30: incorrupte atque in- 
tegre judicare ; pro Sest. 43, 93 : homo castus ac non cupidus. — Ju- 
dicio, as expressed by acts, in electing him to the office of praetor. 

14. Propter dilationem, cornitiorum. The higher magistrates, 
consuls, praetors, and censors, could only be chosen at the comitia cen- 
turiata. The comitia might be broken off for some informality in 
taking the auspices, by a tempest, by the intercession of a tribune, or 
for other reasons. The grounds of postponement were more frequently 
political than religious. In this instance it arose from the ferment in 
which the city was kept by the promulgation of the Gabinian, Ros- 
cian, and other laws, and the assembly had been twice adjourned be- 
fore completing the election of the entire number of praetors, which 
was then eight. 

15. Praetor primus. These words do not mean that Cicero was 
chosen prcetor urbanus, as of higher rank than either of the other 
praetors, but merely that he was the first choice of the people at three 
successive trials. The particular duties of the praetors were after their 
election decided among themselves by lot. To Cicero fell the quaslio 
de pecuniis repetundis. — Centuriis. See Bojesen's Roman Antiqui- 
ties,?. 33, § 10; and p. 49, § G. 

IT. Q,uid aliis praescribereiis. The approbation which the 
people had expressed of his course by conferring their honors upon 
him, set it up as an example for others to follow. 

18. Honoribus maiidandis. Compare note on p. 30, line 3- 



230 NOTES. 

Page 

Art 21. [Ea] apud eos utar. Klotz and Madvig omit ea altogether. 

22. Iu dicendo. The common text omits in; and this reading 
Matthice explains as = efficere, quod operee pretium sit. Benecke. 
from Cod. Erf., receives in and explains : si quid in ipsa arte, oratorio 
efficere possum, si quam facultatem dicendi habeo, &c. 

23. Potissimum. See Arnold's Nepos, Milt. 1, [2], 6.—Ei . . . 
rci = facultati dicendi. 

24. Censuerunt. Klotz and Madvig read duxcrunt. 

25. IUud .... Ia3tandum .... esse. H. 551, 1, 1. 
2T. Possit. The common text gives potest. 

£g 1. Virtute = high qualities, merit, talents. — Hujus autem ora- 
tionis, &c. The position of a genitive, which is governed by two or 
more substantives, is either before or after ths governing substantives, 
not between them. The resemblance of this passage to the following 
from Lysias against Eratosthenes, § 1, is striking : ovk apt-aaOai uoi 
Soku airopov ttvai, S> avSpes SiKaaral, ttjs Karriyopias, aWa .ravaaadai 
Xiyovri. 

3. Copia = materials for eloquence. — Modus, moderation in the 
use of them. 

Ch. II. — T. Vectigalibus. Tributaries. — Sociis, particularly Ario- 
barzanes, of whom below, ch. 5, rex, socius populi Rom. atque ami- 
cus. 

8. Alter, Mithridates, relictus, non prorsus debellatus a L. Lucullo. 
See § 22. — Alter, Tigranes ab eodem Lucullo lacessitus dumtaxat, 
non victus. § 23. 

9. Oecasionem .... ad occupandam Asiam. We might ex- 
pect the genitive of the gerundive after occasio. For one substantive 
is seldom joined to another by a preposition in Latin, except after a 
verbal substantive, retaining the construction of the verb from which 
it is derived (aditus ad portum) ; and when the substantive with its 
preposition expresses the material (monile ex auro). — Asiam. Procon- 
sular Asia, a portion of Asia Minor, including Mysia, Troas, iEolis, 
Ionia, Lydia, Caria, aud the two Phrygias. These were the finest 
and richest districts of Asia Minor, and from them the Romans de- 
rived large revenues. 

iO. Arbitrantur. So also Klotz and Madvig. It is defended by 
Wunder, Varr. Lectt. Cod. Erf. p. LXIX. against the common read- 
ing arbitratur, and by Benecke, since it refers to neither singly, but 
to Mithridates and Tigranes conjointly as allies. — Equitibus Romanis. 
The equites, as possessing large wealth, were usually the farmers or 
the public revenues. The revenues were let out, or, as the Romans 
expressed it, were sold by the censors in Rome itself to the highest 
bidder. The publicani, which word is used as synonymous with equi~ 
tes, had to give security to the state for the sum at which they bought 
one or more branches of the revenue in a province ; but as for this 



ORATION FOR THE MANILIAN. LAW. 231 

Pa£« 

reason the property of even the wealthiest individual must have heen JQ 
inadequate, a number of equites generally united together and formed 
a company (socii, societas, or corpus), which was recognised by the 
state. The credit of these companies, and the flourishing state of 
their finances, were of the utmost importance to the state, and in fact 
its very foundation. See ch. 6. Cicero, p. Plane, calls them the or- 
namentum civitatis et firmament um rei publiccc. 

1 2. Aguntur = are at stake, employed in the farming of your 
revenues. — Exercere vectigalia is said of the equites ; cxigcre of their 
subordinates (vid. § 16). Vectigalia is the general term for all the 
regular revenues of the Roman state. These were derived partly 
from the tithes paid to the state by those who occupied the public land 
(decumcc) ; partly from the sums paid by those who kept their cattle 
on the public pastures (scriptura) ; and partly from the harbor duties 
raised upon imported and exported commodities (portorium). There 
v/ere other revenues from the salt-works (salince) and the mines {me- 
talla). These various branches of the revenue were let out by the 
censors, who had the charge (.€ this business, to the Publicani for a 
fixed sum and for a certain number of years. The letting or sale of 
the revenues generally took place m the month of Quinctilis, and was 
made for a lustrum. The responsible person in each company, and 
the one who contracted with the state, was called manceps. There 
was also a magister to manage the business of each society, who re- 
sided at Rome, and kept an extensive correspondence with the agents 
in the provinces. See Diet. Antiq. Vectigalia and Publicani. 

13. Pro necessitudine. For Cicero himself belonged to their 
order, and, regarding them as holding the balance of power in the 
state, zealously defended their interests. Cf. p. Rabir. Post. 6, 15 ; ad 
Q.frat. 1, 1, 12. 

14. Causam rei publicae. See note on vestram cansam, p. 47, 
line 12. He adds the public interest to the private interest of the 
equites, that he may not seem to be solicitous for these only. 

15. Bithyniae vicos exustos esse. The construction 

which the parenthesis had interrupted is here continued, and these 
words depend upon afferuntur .... Uteres. — Vesira provincia. By 
the will of the deceased king Nicomedes Philopator, a. u. c. 679, who 
bequeathed it to the Roman people, because Sulla had restored him to 
the throne when driven out of his kingdom by Mithridates. It became 
a Roman province, and was governed sometimes by proconsuls, some- 
times by propraetors. 

16. Regnum Ariobarzanis, sc. Cappadocia, of which, on the re- 
call of Lucullus, Mithridates again took possession. 

IS. Huic qui successerit. M'. Acilius Glabrio, consul, a. u. c. 
687, and at that time governor of Bithynia. 

JJO. Unum, sc Pompeium, whom Cicero designedly omits to name. 



232 NOTES. 

Page 

A Q Tt is greater praise of Pompey that he does not need to be named, and 
the attention is more awakened. 

21. Deposci atque expeti = magnopere et iustanter posci atque 
valde ac prae ceteris desiderari. The prepositions strengthen the 
meaning of the simple verbs. 

24. De genere belli; as being in defence of civil rights and 
freedom, for supremacy, or for honor and glory. 

25. Deligendo. Of choice from among several objects, with the 
accompanying notion of superior fitness. Cf. § 63. 

28. In quo agitur. On the use of the relative ;u Latin, where 
wo should use the demonstrative or personal pronoun and some copu- 
lative or causal conjunction, see H. 453. This sentence is explanatory 
and not dependent upon genus est enirn, &c. ; therefore agitir is indica- 
tive, while debeat is subjunctive, by Z. 556. Notice also the ixava&opd. 
H, 704, II, 3. 

30. Tradita est. Quo turpius videtur amittere. Cf. infra, 5, 11. 

3 1. Magna et gravia bella. They are mentioned below, ch. 6, 14. 

32. Certissima vectigalia. Such were the riches and 

fertility of Asia, that the revenues could be depended upon, unless in- 
terrupted by the calamities of war. Cf. 6, 14 : Asia vero, &,c. 

33. Pacis oruamenta et subsidia belli. Below, ch. 7, 17, ho 
calls them nervos rei publico. — Requiretis = desiderabitis, carebitis. 
The consequent standing for the antecedent, for we commonly mis? 
and seek what we have lost. Compare Div. in Ccecil. 22, 71 : nihil 
de suis veteribus ornamentis requiret, where Pseudo-Asconius inter- 
prets it amissum sentiet. Here its relation to quibus amissis just be- 
fore may bo noticed. 

3-1. Multorum civium. The collectors of the revenue aud oth- 
ers, who were engaged in business in Asia. — A vobis. Why is the 
preposition with the ablative here preferable to the dative, which is 
regularly the case of the agent with this participle ? H. 3S8, II, 1. 

35. Et rei publicae causa. Because losses to the equites, who 
iaad farmed the revenues, would react upon the stato, in case of their 
inability to meet their engagements. 

Ch. III.— 36. Appctentes gloriae. H. 575, 399. 

38. Mithridatico bcllo superiore. a. u. c. 666. For an ac- 
count of the manner in which it commenced, see Schmitz, Rome, p 
356, fol 

40*. Uno die. Velleius Paterculus says, eodem die atque Jwra. — ■ 
Tola Asia. On the omission of the preposition in, see Arnold's Nepos, 
Praf. [5], 1 ; Iphicr. 2, [3], 4, and H. 422. Klotz reads tota in Asia. 

41. Una signifieatione literarum. H. 396, II. 

42. Denotavit. Cf. 1 Cat § 2. Klotz reads curavit. Some 
writers state the number of those who perished in (his massacre at 
80,000: Plutarch makes it 150,000 



ORATION FOR THE MANILIAN LAW. 233 

1. Cappadociae latebris. From its being so far inland. Cf. in a q 
Rull. : In Paphlagonia ienebris atque in Cappadocice solitudinc. 
Klotz and Madvig read Ponti neque Cappadocia latebris. Siipfle 
defends Ponto. 

2. Emergere. Emergere proprie dicuntur, qui aqua mersi eluc- 
tant et evadunt, undo pulchrae nascuntur translationes v. c. de eo ; qui 
"X obscuro loco ad illustriorem adspirat, aut ex infelice fit felix, aut a 
vitas pravitate se recipit ad bonam frugem. Ruhnken ad Terent. And. 
3, 3, 30. Sic igitur emergere etiam Mithridates dicitur, qui e patrio 
et non ita nobili regno profectus totius Asiae imperium affectavit. 

3. III Asiae luce = in maxima celebritate atque in oculis homi- 
num in ea provincia. Cf. ad Q.frat. 1, 1, 18: in luce Asia, in ocu- 
lis clarissima provincia, &c. 

4. Insignia victoriae. These are triumphs, as may be seen from 
the following triumphavit. Reportarent then, which is strictly appli- 
cable only to vicioriam, comes under the figure zeugma. H. 704. 
Manutins considers insignia as = signa et indicia victoriae (ut capti- 
vos, aurum, argentum, vestes, &c). 

5. Triumphavit Ii. Sulla. Schmitz, Rome, p. 359, fol. Sulla 
made peace with Mithridates in G70, and returned to Italy in 671 
He triumphed in 673 

6; Triumphavit Ii. Murena. Schmitz, Rome, p. 369. Though 
he was defeated and recalled, a triumph was still granted him, in the 
same year with Sulla. 

7. Ita triumpharunt. Ita with a restrictive meaning. Z. 726. 
— Pulsus super atusque. What writers join the particles quamquam, 
quamvis, etiam, and vel with the participle itself ? The later Latin 
writers. 

9, Q,uod egerunt, .... quod reliquerunt. Quod in both in- 
stances is to be considered as a causal conjunction, and the verbs are 
to be taken absolutely, the action, and not the object to which it is 
directed, being the prominent notion. Thus quod egerunt = quod 
non otiosi, sed strenui in bello Mithridatico gerendo fuerunt. The 
absolute use of agere is common, and here relinquere for the sake of 
concinnity is likewise so used. 

10. In Italiam res publica. His opponents, the Marian fac- 
tion, having gained the ascendency in Rome. His recall too of Mure- 
na may have arisen from pressing occasion for all these troops in Italy. 
Consult Schmitz, Rome, p. 369, fol. 

Ch. IV. — 12. Omiie reliquum tempus. After the return of 
Murena. 

14r. Fosteaquam .... aedificasset. Hark. 478. But Madvig 
adopts the conjecture of Benecke, qui postea, quum maximas, &c. — 
Ornassetque = instruxisset. On the omission of the English verb " to 
cxder," or " have," see Z. 713. 



234 NOTEft. 

iQ 16. Bosporanis. Accolis Bospori CimmeriL They had revolted 
from Mithridates, but he afterwards reduced them to submission aud 
established Machares, one of his sons, as king of that country. 

18. Ad eos duces. Sertorius. Consult Schmitz, Rome, p. 373, 
fol. Appian gives the names of the ambassadors as L. Magius and 
L. Fannius 

19. Duobus in locis. Asia and Spain. 

20. A binis .... copiis. Why the distributive bini ? H. 174. 
How does copia differ in meaning from copies ? H. 132. 

21. De imperio, i. e. de conservatione vestri imperii vestraeque 
libertatis. 

22. Alterius partis periculurn = periculum, quod ab altera 
parte vobis imminebat. 

25. Depulsum est. By the defeat of Perperna, a. u. c. 682 
See Schmitz, Rome, p. 376. 

26. Initia ilia rerum gestarum. See ch. 8. 
2T. Haec autem extrema. See ch. 9. 

Ch. V. — 35. Mercatoribus aut naviculariis, &c. Compare 
Verr. 5, 58, in. Quot bella majores nostros et quanta suscepisse 
arbitramini, quod cives Romani injuria affecti, quod navicularii rc- 
tenti, quod mercatores spoliati dicerentur ? Madvig reads majores 
vestri ; and after naviculariis, with Klotz, nostris. 

38. Legati quod erant appellati superbius. Consult Scbmitz, 
Rome, p. 311, fol. 

40. Extinctum esse voluerunt. H. 551. Extinctum is chosen 
with reference to lumen, and therefore the agreement with the nouu 
in apposition instead of Corinthum . . . extinctam esse. Hark. 462, 2. 
Cicero calls Corinth, Gracia totius lumen, but Rome {feCat. 6), lu- 
cem orbis terrarum ; Corinth is compared to a glimmering point of 
light ; Rome is distinguished as that city in comparison with which 
all other cities lie in darkness. Dod. 

4:1. Legatum. Manius Aquillius, who had been consul a. u. c 
653, and as proconsul had put ail end to the servile war in Sicily, 
a. u. c. 655. He was sent in 664 into Asia to Nicomedes and Ario- 
barzanes. Mithridates, into whose hands he had fallen, treated him 
in the most barbarous manner, and put him to death by pouring mol- 
ten gold down his throat. 

4:3. Civiurn Romanorum, i. e. naviculanorum. 
K(\ 1. Persecuti sunt = ulti sunt. Persequi corresponds to the fol- 
lowing relinquetis. 

2. Relinquetis. Verr. 1,33,84: cum injurias tuas reliquistit 
i. e. ncn persecutus, non ultus es. This figurative use of relinquere is 
derived from its senso f e= omittere, praeterire. — Videte, ne, = cavete, 
Voremini, &c. 

6. Q,uid, quod. On this familiar formula, seo Z. 769. 



ORATION FOR THE MANILIAN LAW. 235 

Page 

8. Socius p. R. atque amicus. Such honorary titles were re- kq 
ceived by friendly kings from the Roman people for services rendered. 
They were conferred by decree of the senate, and accompanied by 
rich gifts — as a golden crown, a golden patera, an ivory curule chair, 
an embroidered toga, an ivory sceptre, and a tunic with a purple bor- 
der. Those who had received this title, in foreign countries placed 
their throne next to the seat of the Roman generals, and had a squad- 
ron of Roman cavalry as a guard. 

11. Cuncta Asia. Cf. tola Asia, 3, 7. "At non idem est in 
tota Asia et in cuncta Asia. Nam cuncti significat quidem omnes, 
sed conjunctos et congregates, ait Festus." Matthiae. So some separate 
these words from the preceding by a comma, and take them as nom- 
inatives. 

14:. Alium miseritis. M.' Acilius Glabrio, the consul of the 
previous year. See §§ 5 and 26. — Sine summo periculo, no offendant 
Glabrionem. 

16. Summa ... omnia. The greatest virtues, the highest 
qualities. 

IT. Propter esse, i. e in Cilicia, employed against the pirates. 
This war however he brought to an end in 687 and landed his forces 
in Cilicia and Pamphylia, where he waited hoping to receive the com- 
mand in Asia. — Quo .... agrius = et eo cegrius carent, sc. Pompeio. 
These words are included in a parenthesis by Klotz and Madvig, and 
the following cujus brought into immediate connection with cum 
'propter esse. 

22. Dignos . . quorum . . . commendetis. H. 501, III. 

23. Atque hoc etiam magis. Supply dignos existimetis. Hoc 
magis stands with stronger emphasis for eo magis. — Quod ceteros, 
&c. The common reading is quam ceteros, quod ejusmodi horn, in 
prov. Benecke explains the text as arising from brevity of expression, 
for quod ceteri homines, quos in provinciam mittimus, ejusmodi sunt. 

24. Cum imperio, sc. militari, quod habent ii, quibus potestas 
belli gerendi data est. Hoc impenum qui habent, dicuntur esse cum 
imperio. The wealth of the Asiatic provinces excited, more than any 
other, the avarice of the Roman generals. Cf. chaps. 22 and 23. 

25. Adventus. Why the plural of an abstract noun? Z. 92. 

26. Ah hostili expugnatione. For the conduct of the Roman 
oraetors in Asia, see chaps. 22 and 23, and compare ad Q.frat. 1, 2, 9. 

2T. Hunc audiebant. When he was carrying on war in Italy, 
Africa, Gallia, and Spain. — Tania temper antia, &c. What ablatives 
are these 1 H. 428. Hanc virtutem primam nominal, ut opponat ali- 
orum libidini et rapacitati. 

29. Commoratur. Eruesti thought the subjunctive necessary, 
and reads commorctur. But Cicero here speaks in his own person. 
Z. 546 



23G NOTES. 

ka Cii. VI. — SO. Nulla ipsi injuria lacessiti. Notice the contrast 
between ipsi and socios. 

31. Cum Antioclio. a. u. c. 562-5G4. See Schmitz, Ro:ne, 
p. 279, fol. — Cum Philippo. 553-556. Schmitz, Rome, p. 274, fol. 
— Cum JEtolis. They had formed an alliance with Antiochus. See 
Schmitz, Rome, p. 278, fol. 

32. CumPcenis. 490-512; 536-553; 605-608. 
36. Tauta sunt, i. e. tantilla, tam exigua. 

38. Asia vero tam opima, &c. Opima in reference to (ho soil 
and pasturage ; fertilis in respect of the grain and produce. — Ubertate 
agrorum, &c. Three sources of revenue are referred to : decumcs, 
scriptura, and portorium. See note on p. 48, line 12. 

4rO. Exportautur. H. 501, 1, 2. Klotz, however, from the Er- 
furt and some other MSS., reads exportentur. 

4:2. Belli utilitatem, res eas, quae ad bellum gerendum bellique 
sumptus sufferendos sunt utiles. Retinere is the reading of the best 
MSS. Est autem inter sustinere et retinere illud discrimen, ut susti* 
neri dicatur res ea, quae ne labatur ac corruat, provideamus ; retineri, 
quae ne amittatur periculum sit. 

43. A calamitate. Calamitas is here loss of crops by devasta- 
tion and by the expulsion of the cultivators, or by checking the pursuit 
of husbandry. Hence loss, misfortune, in general. 
51 4:. Facta est .... pecua. So Benecke and Madvig ; Klotz, pe- 
cora. 

6. Scriptura e The publicani had tc keep lists of the persons who 
sent their cattle upon the public pastures, together with the number 
and quality of the cattle. From this registering (scribere), the duty 
itself was called scriptura. See Diet. Antiq., Scriptura. 

9. Q,ui vectigalia . . . . pensitant. The inhabitants of the prov- 
inces. 

10. Q,ui exercdiit atque exigunt. The Roman equites ot 
publicani. 

13. Familias rnaximas = servos. 

14. Custodiis. These were places where the servants of the 
publicani kept watch, lest any goods should pass without paying cus- 
tom. Consult Diet. Antiq., Portorium. As this formed a part of the 
portorium, portubus and custodiis are rightly joined by atque, while 
the other three sources of revenue are distinguished by quas in. — For 
salinis various conjectures have been proposed, that this passage may 
be made to correspond with the one in § 14, where three sources of 
revenue are referred to. But the MSS. give, almost without excep- 
tion, salinis. These too were sources of revenue, and Pliny, H. N. 
31, 7, speaks of numerous salt-works in Asia. Cf. Diet. Antiq^ 
Saun^e. 

to. Magno periculo. See H. 414, 2, 1). 



ORATION FOR THE MANILIAN LAW. 237 

Pasra 

16. lllis rebus, vectigalibus. — Eos, publicanos. — Fruciui sunt, ^-j 
i.e. fructum preebent; sc. et socii et publicani. H. 390. Cf. vobis 
curtB esse debent, below 

Cir. VII. — 20. Q,uod mini ego, &c. Quod is here the pronoun ; 
in the next line it is the conjunction depending on negligendum. 

22. Q,uorum .... babenda est ratio, Rationem habere ali- 
cujus rei = to regard something. 

23. Nam et publicani. This sentence is anacoluthous. We 
should expect below, to correspond with this commencement, a second 
et. But in its place, at § 18, the orator begins a new period with deinde. 
See, however, Hand, Tursell. ii. p. 508, seq. 

24:. Honestissimi, i. e. splendidissimi, an epithet of ihe equites. 
Honestus is one who deserves honor, honorable ; honoratus, one who 
is honored, qui magistratus gerit aut gessit. — Ornatissimi. A com- 
mon epithet of those who are distinguished for their high qualities, or 
for their rank and splendor. — Rationes = resources, property. 

28. Firmamentum. Cf. p. Plane. 9, 23 : flos equitum Rom., 
ornamentum civitatis, firmamenium rei publicce publicanorum ordine 
continetur. 

29. Ex ceteris ordinibus, praeter ordinem publicanorum. 

30. Negotiautur. Negotiari is used of such Romans as sought 
for gain, partly by putting out their money to interest in the provinces, 
or in the purchase and sale of grain. They are expressly distinguished 
from the publicani. The former mode of employing capital was more 
profitable, as the rate of interest was not limited by law in the prov- 
inces. Cicero also distinguishes those who pursued their business in 
Asia, from those who remained at Rome and put out their money 
there. 

31. Partim eorum, sc. nonnulli, aliquot. Hark. 396, 461. Somo 
read partim suas et suorum, but on insufficient authority. 

32. Collocatas babent. See P. C. 291. 

33. Calamitate probibere. Compare p. 52, line 1, and see S. 
425. The preposition is more commonly expressed. 

34:. A re publica sejuuetam esse lion posse. Cf. de Off. 3, 15, 
63 : Singulorum enim facultates ct copies diviticE sunt civitatis. — ■ 
Illud, sc. quod mihi responderi possit. 

35. Illud parvi refert. H. 408. Does refert occur in Cicero 
with the genitive of the person ? 

36. Publicanis amissis, i. e. perditis. The common reading ia 
amissa. 

3T. Redimeudi. Redimcre = to farm or purchase the revenues. 
Here re may have its force of again. 

40. Initio belli. Twenty-three years before. Bcnecko and 
Madvig, id quidem certe ; Klotz as in the text. 

41. Nam turn, &c. After certe id quidem .... memoria rcti» 



238 NOTES. 

e-i nerc debemus, we should expect quod turn, quum, &c. But instead 
of the second member with quod, in imitation of the Greek usage, a 
new sentence begins with nam. 

42. Solutione impedita. Payments were suspended in Rome 
because the publicani and capitalists had not received returns from 
Asia. 

43. Non enim possunt . . . . ut non, &c. What is more com- 
mon than ut non in this construction ? How is the clause to be trans- 
lated? See Hark. 498. Compare below ruere ilia non possunt, ut 
hcBC non, &c. 

j)2 3. Ratio pecuniarum. Z. 678. — Inforo, in tabernis argentario- 
rum. The shops of the bankers were in the cloisters round the 
forum. 

5. Ilia, sc. vectigalia Asiatica. — H<bc, vectigalia Romana. 

9. Defeiiduntur. Klotz and Madvig read civium conjuncta cum 
re publica defendantur. 

Ch. VIIL— 14. Ne forte a vobis. Z. 651. Madvig, ne forte 
ea vobis. 

18. Maximas Mitliridatis copias. Appian informs us that the 
army of Mithridates, at the beginning of the third war, consisted of 
140,000 infantry and 16,000 cavalry. Lucullus had only 30,000 in- 
fantry and 1600 cavalry. Cicero, in order to elevate Lucullus's bra- 
very, first mentions Mithridates' prosperous condition, and then pro- 
ceeds to the victory gained by Lucullus. 

19. Urbem Cyzicenorum, &c. See Schmitz, Rome, p. 

382. 

23. Liberavit. In grateful remembrance of the relief which he 
brought, the inhabitants celebrated a yearly festival, called Lucullea. 

24. Ducibus Sertorianis. L. Varius. Lucullus gained two na- 
val battles ; one near Tenedos, the other near Lenxnus, where Varius 
was taken and put to death, since he was a Roman senator and could 
not be led in triumph. — Studio atque odio inflammata. Madvig omits 
atque odio. Others read s. a. o. injlammato. 

28. Sinopen atque Amisum. The former was a city and Gre- 
cian colony in Paphlagonia, on the Black Sea, and the birthplace of 
the cynic, Diogenes. The latter was a city and Grecian colony in 
Pontus. — Ex omni adilu. Benecke directs attention to the rarer use 
of ex where c6 might be expected. 

29. Domicilia. The Asiatic kings had palaces in several places. 

32. Patrio atque avito. This was the sixth from Mithridates I. 
the founder of the kingdom. 

33. Ad alias gentes, sc. Iberos, Caspios, Albanos et utrosque 
Armenios. 

35. Atque ita. Understand esse again, i. e. atque ita laudatum 
esse Lucullum. 



ORATION FOR THE MANIL1AN LAW. 239 

Page 

3 (J. A nullo istorum, i.e. Catulo et Hortonsio. Why nullo? Key 
H. 457, 2. 0L 

37. Obtrectant. See Arnold's Nepos, Joist 1,1. 
Ch. IX. — 39. duuni baec ita siiit = quum tautas res gesserit 

Lucullus. 

40. Reliquum bellum = reliqua pars belli. P. C. 179. 

43. Medea ilia. Z. 701. In this sense Me usually stands after 
its substantive, or after an adjective connected with tho substantive. 

44. Fratris. Absyrtus. Parens, iEetes. See de Nat. D., where 
Cicero has preserved the following lines of an old poet : — 

postquam pater 
Appropinquat, jamque, pane ut comprehendatur paral : 
Puerum interea obtruncat, membraque articulatim dividit, 
Per que agros passim dispergit corpus ; id ea gratia, 
Ut dum nati dissipatos artus captaret parens, 
Ipsa interea effugeret, ilium ut maror tardaret sequi, 
Sibi salutem ut familiari pareret parricidio. 
1. Eorum collectio dispersa. This figure is called hypallage, 53 
where the adjective is joined with a substantive different from that to 
which it seems properly to belong. This is done only when the adjec- 
tive itself can be transferred to the other substantive. Thus here, as the 
limbs had been scattered, their collection also could be called dispersa. 
3. Maximam. vim. Plutarch and Appian say he owed his escape 
to his shrewdness in opposing a mule laden with his treasures to his 
pursuers, who were on the point of overtaking him, and to his scatter- 
ing his money as he fled, with the collection of which his pursuers 
were retarded so that he escaped with 2000 horsemen to Tigranes in 
Armenia. Cf. Flor. 3, 5, 18 : Rex callidus Romanceque avaritia 
peritus spargi a fugientibus sarcinas et pecuniam jussit, qua se- 
quentes moraretur. 

12. "Venit. What mood and tense usually follows posteaquam 
and the conjunctions which are equivalent to the English " as soon 
as ?" P. C. 514 ; Z. 506 and 507, b.—Plures gentes. Plut. Luc. 26, 
gives the names of a number. 

15. Neque lacessendas bello neque tentandas. DSderlein 
understands tentare of peaceful attempts on the part of Rome to form 
connections of friendship and alliance with other nations. 

16. Per animos .... pervaserat. The preposition is rejected, 
on the authority of the Erfurt MS., by Wunder, Benecke, Klotz, and 
Madvig. 

IT. Fani, &c. The temple 3f Bellona in Comana, respecting 
which compare Hirt. de B. Alexandr. 66 ; Venit Comana, vetustis- 
simum et sanctissimum in Cappadocia Bellonce templum, quod tanta 
religione colitur, ut sacerdos ejus decs majestate imperio potentia 
sccundus a rege consensu gentis illius habeatur. 



240 NOTES. 

Pa«"e 

kA 21. Urbem, sc. Tigranocerta. Plat. Zuc. 26 and 29. Cicero 
*" heie calls it urbem, kcit' it-oxrjv, from its being the capital and from its 
opulence. — Tigrani. H. 92, 2. So p. 52, line 18, some read Ml- 
thridati. 

23. Plura uon dicam. For the Romans had suffered a severe 
defeat, which Cicero (§ 25) ascribes to the misfortune of Lucullus's 
absence. 

2T. Ex ipsius regno. Madvig reads ex ejus regno, and includes 
only the et before eorum in brackets. This accords with the conjec- 
ture of Matthiae, who omits et and explains suam manum conjirmarat 
eorum as = qua? constabat ex iis, qui se coll. Orelli, because of the 
involved explanation of the common text, (sc. " et eos, quos ante secum 
habuerat, et eos, qui denuo se ad eum adjunxerant,") and of anothe 
reading found in one MS., supposes with Benecke a double interpola 
tion of the text. 

32. Ut [iis] liomen, &c. Madvig reads ut regale iis nomcn, 
&c. Klotz, ut his nomen, &c. Ut = so that. 

36. Ut illam .... attingeret, depend upon accidcrat. 

38. Sicut poetae solent. He appears to allude to the first Punic 
war of Cn. Naevius, and to the annals of Q. Ennius. 

39. Nostram calamitatem. The defeat, first of M. Fabius 
then of C. Triarius, in which the Romans lost more than 7000 men. 

40. Ad aures imperatoris. Madvig, ad a. L. Luculli; Klotz, 
a. a. Luculli imperatoris. 

4r4: # Imperii diuturnitati. Lucullus had been in command of 
the army for seven years, from a. u. c. 630-636. Cf. Liv. 4, 24: 
maximam libertatis pop. R. custodiam esse, si magna imperia din- 
turna non essent, et temporis modus imponeretur, quibus juris import 
non posset. 
54 2. Stipendiis confecti eranto Madvig, with others, confectis, 
i. e. who had served out their time. Confecti = fracti, debilitati. For 
the infantry exemption was allowed after 20, for the cavalry after 10 
years' service. 

3. Sed ea vos conjectura perspicite, quantum . . . putetis. 
Putare, existimare, are often redundant. 

5. Conjungaiit = conjunctim gerant. 

Ch. X. — 8. Q,uare esset. The imperfect, because not merely a 
result is denoted, but an action from its commencement. 

11. Esse videatur. Z. 751. 

19. Sic existimo. See note above, line 3. 

20. Scientiam .... felicitatem. An asyndeton for the sake of 
distinctness and emphasis. The orator speaks in this chapter of the 
military science of Pompey ; of his bravery, ch. 11-14; of his weight 
of character and authority, ch. 15-16 ; of his good fortune, ch. 16. 

S3. IJello maximo, sociali. 4. u. c. 663-665. In this war Italy 



ORATION FOB THE MANILIAN LAW. 241 

51 



Page 

lost no less than 300,000 of her sons. Schmitz, Rome, p. 352, foil. On k 



the omission of the preposition in, see H. 426. — Acerrimis hostibus 
Compare H. 431. — Ad pairis exercitum. Cn. Pompeius Strabo. It 
was in his 18th year thai Pompey entered upon his military career. 

25. Extrema pueritia. H. 426. So just below, ineunte ado- 
lescentia. 

26. Imperator, in the 23d year of his age, when he collected an 
army of three legions, and went to the aid of Sulla, by whom ho waa 
saluted imperator as a mark of distinction. 

2T. Hoste is contrasted with inimico. Hostis is '•' the enemy," 
in the field and war ; inimicus, '•' an enemy," in heart. Dod. Ob- 
serve also the choice of verbs, concertare and conjligere. With the 
former Manutius supplies verbis, and compares ad Att. 3, 12 : nun- 
quam accidit, ut cum eo verbo uno concertarem. 

29. Confecit = subegit, in potestatem Romanorum redegit. Cf. 
Liv. 40, 28 : confecta provincia dccedere. 

3 2. Non stipendiis, contrasted with triump-his, and = inactive 
campaigns, the time merely of service as measured by the soldiers' pay. 

34. Civile. Between Sulla and the Marian faction, against Car- 
bo, Cinna, &c, 666. — Africanum, 673. Against Cn. Domitius and 
Hiarbas, king of Numidia, whom ho conquered, and then restored 
Hiempsal to his kingdom. Schmitz, Rome, p. 369. — Transalpinum, 
677. The history of this war is obscure, and only known from § 30 
and the letter of Pompey to the senate in Sallust's Hist. frag. III., 
where Pompey says of himself : diebus quadraginta exercitum para 
vi, hostesque in cervicibus jam Italia; agentes ah Alpibus in Hispa- 
niam summovi; per cas iter aliud, atque Hannibal, nobis opportu- 
vius patefeci ; recepi Galliam, Pyrenaum, &c. Cf. Plin. H. N. 3, 4. 
Scrtorius appears to have formed an alliance with the Gauls that dwelt 
Detween the Pyrenees and the Alps, for the purpose of cutting off or 
obstructing tho march of the Roman armies through Gallia, and of 
securing easy access for himself to Italy. — Hispaniense. Sertorianum, 
676-682. 

35. Mixtum, &c. Madvig reads mix turn ex civibus atque ex 
bell.; Steinmetz, Benecke, and Klotz, m. e. civitatibus atque ex bell. 
Orelli explains his text as = quod varie gerebatur, hie finiebatur, illic 
rursus incipiebatur ab incitatis et bellicosissimis nationibus Hispanise. 
Siipfle remarks that prominence is to be given to the circumstance, 
that the last-named Spanish war, as also in part the previously men- 
tioned wars, was carried on by states that were connected with Rome 
(as the citizens of Roman colonies in Spain), and at the same time by 
foreign nations that were not Roman. It was thus a bellum mixtum. 
— Servile. Against Spartacus, 683, see § 29. Schmitz, Rome, p. 
376, foil. 

30. Navale. Against the pirates, 687, see § 35. — Varia . . . . ho~ 
21 



242 NOTES. 

k a stium. la apposition with the preceding. Varia dicuntur quas uod 
ejusdem sunt generis, diversa, quae dissimilia 

Ch. XI. — 4:0. Jam vero mark transition. See note on p. 21, lin« 
18. — Virtuti, in a general sense of merit, virtue. 

4:1. Q,uid est, quod quisquam. See P. C. 477. 

43. Neque enim illae sunt, &c. Cicero here speaks generally 
of the ordinary virtues of a commander, and extols Pompey's posses- 
sion of them, but forgets to add what the reader will expect, sed alios 
etiam } &c. These are mentioned in § 36. 

55 2. Tanta quanta. The neuter as referring to all that has 

gone before. 

4r« Testis est Italia. Notice the anaphora and the metonymy, 
the names of the countries standing for the inhabitants. — Quam .... 
L. Sulla .... confessus est liberatam. Cf. § 28, and note on p. 54, 
line 26. Liberatam a dominatione partium Marianarum. 

6. Sicilia. Being sent thither by the senate, when 25 years old, 
he drove out Perperna, and took Carbo captive and put him to death, 
a. u. c. 672. From Sicily he crossed into Africa. 

7. Explicavit, instead of explicuit, for rhythmical reasons. Gell. 
N. A. 1, 7. Cinctam, in the previous line, and explicavit are both 
used figuratively, as of escape of the game when surrounded by the 
nets or toils of the hunter. — Africa. Where, in the war against Cn. 
Domitius and Hiarbas, of an army of 20,000 only 3,000 escaped. 

9# Gallia. See § 29, and note on p. 54, line 34 : Transalpinum. 

14:. Expetivit. What Plut. says, Crass. 11, may be referred 
here. This praise of Pompey is greatly exaggerated. 

IT. Exterae geutes ac uationes. Gens and natio denote a peo- 
ple, in a physical sense, in the description of nations, as a society 
originating in common descent and relationship, without any apparent 
reference to civilization. Gens includes all people of the same descent ; 
natio, a single colony of the same. Dod On extercz, consult note 
on p. 26, line 22. 

19. Toto mari, sc. raediterraneo = per totum mare. H. 422. 
Observe how Cicero, in order to excite the attention of his hearers, 
begins with the most remote coasts and countries, which were dis- 
quieted by the pirates, and draws nearer and nearer, until he exhibits 
these daring foes at the very mouth of the Tiber. 

22. Commltteret. Committere = to expose. It is often used 
of a thing of doubtful issue. The thought is expressed in a general 
way and therefore the imperfect. In another form it would be : qui- 
cunque navigabat, se committebat. Commiserit would be used of an 
actual fact. — Hieme Because the sea, owing to the season, was less 
full of pirates, navigation being generally suspended during the wintei 
months. 

24* Vetus. It was begun a. u. c. 667, in the consulship of Octa 



ORATION FOR THE MANILIAN LAW. 243 

Pag-e 
▼ius and Ciuna, and ended in the consulship of Lepidus and Tullus, k^ 

a. u. c. 688. 

25. Q,uis .... arbitraretur. See H. 486, 1. 

31. Captas. a. u. c. 686. The pirates had more than 1000 ships 
on the sea, and had taken 400 cities. Their chief stations were in 
Ciete and Cilicia. See Plut. Pomp. 24. 

Ch. XII. — 33, Q,uid longiuqua commemoro. See note 

on p. 44, line 7. 

34. Fuit proprium populi Romani. The repetition of the verb 
contributes to the emphasis. See note on p. 9, line 25. What case 
does proprium take ? H. 391, 2, 4). 

35. Propugnaculis, Ernesti understands this of the colonies 
founded in subdued nations, to keep the conquered in subjection, and 
to restrain the neighboring nations from attacks upon the provinces. 
See p. Font. 1. Sometimes fleets and armies are so called, and in 
this sense, since Cicero adds sua tecta and is speaking of the piratic 
war, Benecke and others take it here. 

3T. Clausum. In consequence of the waylaying of the pirates. — 
A Brundisio. Brundisium is particularly mentioned, because it was 
the port from which the Roman forces set out for the war against Mi- 
thridates and the pirates. It was also in the usual route to Greece. 
The preposition is sometimes added to the names of towns, particularly 
where the departure or starting is had in view rather than the route. 
But see Z. 398, Note 1. Madvig reads sociis . . . vestris and exerc. vestri. 

3 8. Hieme summa. In the dead of winter. See note on line 22. 
— Transmiserint, used absolutely. 

39. Venirent = venire vellent. — Querar. H. 525. So dicam, 
line 41, and commemorem, line 44. 

4rl» Duodecim. secures = two praetors, for in the provinces a 
praetor had six lictors, while in the city he had only two, and without 
the axe. Plut. Pomp. 24, gives the names, Sextilius and Bellinus. 

42. Cnidum. A city of Caria, situated on a peninsula, with two 
harbors, and distinguished for its commerce and for the Venus of Prax- 
iteles. — Colophonem. A city of Ionia, famous for its horses. 

43. Samum. An island and city of Ionia in the Icarian Sea, 
known as the birthplace of Pythagoras. 

1. Q,uibus vitam et spiritual ducitis. For through them sup- e/» 
plies of grain were brought from Sicily, Sardinia, and Africa. 

2. Caietae. A promontory and town of the Auruncans, now 
Gaeta. It had a fine harbor. — Celeberrimum. Thronged, populous. 

3. Prsetore. Probably Marcus Antonius, son of the orator and 
father of the triumvir, surnamed Creticus. In an attack which he 
made upon Crete, he entirely failed, and shortly after died there. 

4. Misenum. A promontory of Campania, with a noble harbor 
and tew n. 



241 NOTES. 

"age 

K£ 5. Liberos. Plut. Pomp. 24, informs us that the daughter cl An 
tonius was taken by the pirates. Vari ous passages show that it waa 
customary for orators when speaking of one son or one daughter to use 
the plural liberu The thing and name, and not the number, are re- 
garded. 

6. Ostiense iucommodum. Dio Cass, tells us that the pirates 
ventured to enter the harbor of Ostia at the mouth of the Tiber and 
Id burn or plunder the shipping. 

9. Consul. Cicero conceals the name, to cover the disgrace. — 
Capta atque oppressa. Weiske explains capta of those that came 
into the power of the pirates ; oppressa of those that were destroyed 
or greatly damaged. Others find here a varepov vp6Tspov, understand 
ing opprimere as = subito et improviso invadere in classem. Benecke 
considers opprimere in this connection as but an amplification of ca- 
pere, and = capta classe, plane tenere earn dominumque ejus fieri 
They are likewise found together in Verr. 2, 19, 46 ; Sest. 15, 35 

13. Nunc nullam. Madvig reads ii nunc nullam, &c. Orelli 
remarks, ii videtur ortum e geminatione litt. is et n. Cfr. tamen, § 55 : 
nos .... ii. 

14. Oceani ostium = /return Herculeum, the straits of Gibral- 
tar. The expression is chosen to correspond to Ostium Tiberinum and 
ostium is repeated with emphasis. 

1 5. Haec .... prsetereunda non sunt, for prater eundum von 
est, &c. The subject of the accessory clause is sometimes, for the 
sake of prominence, drawn into the leading sentence, and made its 
object or subject. In the latter case the leading sentence becomes 
personal. In both cases a kind of attraction exists, by which the lead- 
ing and accessory clauses are interlocked. The verbs of the leading 
clause are principally such as express some mental activity, and not 
seldom also the verbs of causing or effecting (facio, cjficio). Cf. L<sl. 
17, 63 : Quidam saepe in parva pecunia perspiciuntur, quamsint leves 
(for perspicitur, quam leves sint quidam). 

17 • Aut obeundi negotii aut consequendi quaestus studio. 
The former refers to the negotiatores or money-lenders, the latter to 
the mercatores or traders. 

1 9. Belli impetus navigavit. The language is here poetical, 
Jmpttus belli = bellum, with the accompanying notion of its magni- 
tude and impetuosity. Navigavit is equally poetical and appropriate, 
as the impetus belli consisted in the fleet of Pompey. It may alao 
have special meaning with reference to the following nondum temp, 
ad navigandum mart. Cf. Floras, 2, 2, 7 : Regulo ducc jam in 
Africam navigabat bellum. 

21. Sardiniam. H. 379, 4. 

24. Duabus Hispaniis. Spain was divided into hither and far* 
ther Spain. — Gallia Tntelligendirm do Ligustico siuu et Gallico; 



U RATION FOR THE MANILIAN LAW. 246 

Florus, 3, 6, 9. Quod vulgo inculcatur vel Transalpina vel Cisalpina &a 
del. est. Orelli. 

27. Duo maria. The Adriatic and Tuscan seas. — Adornavit 
pro simplici ornavit, i. e. instruxit. M. 

28. Undequinquagesimo die. According to Zonaras, 10, 3, 
Pompey cleared the Tuscan and Libyan seas" and the sea around Sar- 
dinia, Corsica, and Sicily in 40 days. Steinmetz retains the preposi- 
tion before Brundisio. See ch. 12, 32. 

32. Creteiisibus. Pompey's interference in the affairs of the 
Cretans was quite unwarrantable Q. Cascilius Metellus was charged 
with the conduct of the war against Crete, and several towns had 
fallen into his hands, so that the war seemed almost at an end, when 
the Cretans sent to offer their submission to Pompey, from whom they 
hoped to obtain more favorable terms than from Metellus. Metellus, 
however, refused to take any notice of the legates whom Pompey sent, 
and continued to attack and subdue the towns until he brought the 
war to a close. Schmitz, Rome, pp. 379 and 381. On the construc- 
tion, see Z. 812, in fin. 

34. Speni .... non ademit obsidesque imperavit. On que 
after a negative, see note on p. 27, liue 32. 

36. Q,uo bcllo. See note on p. 11, line 1. 

3 7. Extrema hienie. H. 426. 

Ch. XIII. — 40. Q,uid ceterae, &e. In transitions, the noun, on 
which the emphasis rests, and the pronoun which serves as it were to 
prepare the way for what follows, aro often prefixed with quid to the 
interrogation itself. Cf. de Senect. 7, 22 : Quid jurisconsulti ? quid 
pontifices ? quid augur es ? quid philosophi senes ? quam multa me- 
minerunt? Tusc. 1, 14, 32: Quid Mud? num. dubitas, &c. See 

p. a 4nn. 

42. Q,uaerenda est, i. e. postulanda, requirenda. Cf. § 64. 

4:3. Artes = virtutes, qualities. 

44. Innocentia. Innoceniia est affectio talis animi, qua. noceat 
nemini. Tusc. 3, 8, 1G. Cicero here uses it, as he explains more 
fully, § 37-40, for disinterestedness, as particularly opposed to avarice. 

2. duanta facilitate. See § 42, where also consilium and di- M 
cendi gravitas et copia, i. e. eloquence, correspond to ingenio. 

5. Cognosci atque intelligi. Intelligere denotes a rational dis- 
cernment by means of reflection and combination; cognoscere, sn 
historical discernment by means of the senses and of tradition. Dod. 

T. Ullo in numero putare. We may supply esse or ponendum. 
—Centuriatus veneant atque venierint. Allusion appears to be made 
here to Glabrio. Madvig: veneant cent atque venierint. 

9. Cogitare. Supply putare possumus. Bcnecke places a com- 
ma after quid, and construes the accusative and infinitive absolutely, 
as a question expressing indignation. 



246 notes. 

z~ 10. A lit propter cupiditatem provincial. From desire to con- 
tinue in his province, by their permission or assistance. For the cus< 
torn had arisen of extending the time of office. 

12. In quaestu reliquerit. At interest. Cf. in Pison. 35, 86 
— Vestra admurmuratio facit. Your murmur of approbation shows, 
&c. 

17. Ferant. Ambigue dictum est : nam significare potest et affe- 
rant et ipsi perferant. M. The context seems to decide for the formoi 
sense. If you supply from quocunque an eo with ferant, the ambigui- 
ty ceases. — Itinera. The marches in the social war, and in the warn 
between Sulla and Marius, against Sertorius, and Spartacus, 

1 8. Per hosce aimos. Of late years. 

19. Fecerint. Madvig reads fecerunt. making the clause merely 
explanatory of the preceding substantive, itinera; the subjunctive 
brings it into dependence on recordamini. 

21. Existimetis. Compare § 26, putetis, p. 54, line 3. 

24. Contiiiere = reprimere, coercere. Cf. ad Q. frat. 1, 1, 2 
quid est enim negotii, continere eos, quibus prcesis, si te ipse conti- 
neas. — Ipse. Z. 696, where ipsum the common reading is given, but 
see the end of that §, and compare the passage from Q. frat. 1, 1, 2. 

26. Hie miramur, i. e. quum ita se res habeant, with a mixture 
of indignation, and irony. — Tantum excellere. See Z. 488, Note 2. 

21. In Asiam pervenerint, bello piratico. Bake places a mark 
of interrogation after ceteris, and defends the reading pcrvenerunt 
The subjunctive in the text expresses the ground of the wonder, or 
rather is given as the thought of those who wonder. — Ut non modo, 
&c. = non modo nihil rapuisse, sed ne pedem quidem, ubi non licebat, 
posuisse. On non modo for non modo non, see Z. 724, b. 

30. Hibernent. Pompey was encamped on the borders of Cilicia. 

31. In militem, upon a soldier, in usum militum. 

32. Hiemis .... perfugium est, quo hiemis vitandae causa con- 
fugimus ; avariticB perfugium, quo avaritia ad se explendam confugit. 

Ch. XIV. — 35. Age vero. These particles are used in transitions 
to give animation to the discourse. The following verb is often in the 
olural. — Qua sit temperantia. The common text is qualis, &,c. 
Madvig gives quali. 

37. Inventum = paratum, effectum. So the Greeks use ebcioKar 
for parare, consequi. Here the word figuratively expresses fertility 
of invention in devising the means of accomplishing some difficult ob- 
ject. 

39. In ultimas terras, sc. Pamphyliam. 

41. Devocavit. Did not call off or turn aside, allure, attract. 
He alludes to the common faults of Roman generals, and draws a 
comparison favorable to Pompey. — Libido. Pompey sent the mis* 
of Mithridates back to their parents 



ORATION FOR THE MANILIA.N LAW 247 

Pa£9 

42. Xobilitas urbis ad cognitionem. Alluding to Athens, Ki* 
where he only remained long enough to offer sacrifices, and address 
his soldiers. 

44». Signa. Statues of bronze, marble, ivory, &c. — Tabulas, sc. 
pictas. Cf. in Verr. 5, 48, 127 : In urbe nostra pulcherrima atque 
ornatissima quod signum, qua tabula picta est, qua non ab hostibus 
victis capta atque asportata sit. He then proceeds to notice this 
robbery more particularly, and says that Athens, Pergamus, Cyzicus, 
Miletus, Chios, Samos, all Asia, Greece, and Sicily are to be seen in 
tho environs of a few Roman villas. So ad Q.frat. 1, 1 : Prccclarum 
est enim summo cum imperio fuisse in Asia triennium, sic ut nullum 
te signum, nulla piciura, nullum vas, nulla vestis, nullum manci- 
pium, nulla forma cujusquam, nulla conditio pecunice . . . ab summa 
integritate continentiaque deduxerit. 

1. Ea. Compare note on p. 27, line 10. KQ 

2. Omnes nunc. The common text has quidcm after omnes, 
which Benecke defends as giving more emphasis to omnes. 

4. De coelo delapsum. So ad Q.frat. 1, 1,2: Nam Greeci qui- 
dem sic te ita viventcm intuebuntur, ut qjiemdam ex annalium 
memoria aut etiam de coelo divinum hominem esse in provinciam de- 
lapsum putent. 

5. Homines Romanos. In a similar way, homines Gr&ci, ho- 
mines Latini, homines adolescentes, and the like occur. But the 
connection is found only where the genius and character of the nation 
or men are particularly had in view. 

8. Lucet. Klotz and Madvig read lucem afferre coepit. 

9. Ea temperantia. Madvig, hac temp. What ablative is this? 
H. 428. 

10. Jam vero. In what way are these particles used? See 
note on p. 21, line 18. 

11. duerimonise. Querimonia and querela are expressions of 
indignation ; the former in the just feeling of the injured person, who 
will not brook an act of injustice ; the latter in, for the most part, the 
blamable feeliug of the discontented person, who will brook no hard- 
ship. The querimonia is an act of the understanding, and aims at 
redress or satisfaction ; the querela is an act of feeling, and aims for 
ilie most part only at easing the heart. Dod. 

13. Principibus excellit. H. 386, 2. 

14. Consilio = prudentia, or, as in § 36, ingenio. — Dicendi 
gravitate et copia. Velleius, 2, 29, calls him eloquentia medium. 

15. In quo ipso inest. In Cicero, what is the regular construc- 
tion of inesse ? H. 386, 3. 

16. Hoc ipso ex loco, i. e. quum ex hoc ipso loco Pompeius con* 
cionaretur. The common reading is hoc ipso in loco, which Hand, 
Turs. 2, p. 627, inclines to prefer. Cf. 17, 52 ; 24, 70. 



248 NOTE*. 

Pa see 

kq 1 ?• Hostes oiaues omnium gener urn. So Beneckc, Klotz, ana 
Madvig in accordance with the MSS. The common text is Itoslcs 
omnium gentium, i. e. the pirates. 

18. Sanctissimam judicarint. By unconditional surrender 
Cf. § 46. 

film Et quisquana, &c. Et est commemorantis aliquid, quod 
fieri indignetur. Vid. § 45, 55 ; pro Mil. 33, 91. — Transmitiendum, 
i. e. committendum, mandandum. See note on p. 47. line 10 

23. Ctuodam .... videatur. On this use of quidam to soften 
an expression, see H. 456; and on the use of videatur, Z. 751. 

Ch. XV.— 25. Certe = at least, to limit an assertion. See H. 
335. 

30. Opinione . . . . et fama. The common reading is opinione 
. . . .fames, i. e opinione, qua? fama et sermone hominum niiitur. But 
to this Benecko objects that in this use the genitive is not commonly 
separated from its governing substantive, and the position of nan mi- 
nus would lead us to expect another genitive equally dependent on 
opinione 

34. Tarn prseclara judicia. Summis ad eum delatis imperils. 
Besides, a triumph was allowed him in his 26th year, when he was 
only a knight ; and in his 36th year, when he was legally eligible 
only to the aedileship, he was elevated to the consulship. Judicium 
often stands of an opinion or judgment which is expressed by acts, not 
by words. Cf. ch. 1,2: ex vestro judicio, &c. 

35. An vero. On an see P. C. 120 ; Z. 353. The orator con- 
tinues the proof of his former proposition in the interrogative fonn to 
give animation to his discourse. 

36. Illius diei. When the Gabiniau law was passed. 

3T. Completisque .... templis. The Roman forum was sur- 
rounded by porticos, public buildings, and temples. The numbers 
collected on this occasion were so great that the forum could not con- 
tain them, and the steps leading to these buildings were filled. And 
Plutarch says, that the applause of the people was so deafening, that 
a crow, which was flying over, was stunned by the concussion of the 
air and fell among the crowd. 

38. Ad commune omnium gentium bcllum. Against the pi- 
rates. 

40. Ut non dicam ncque, &c. See H. 5S5. We use ne 

dicam to indicate that we could say something more important, but do 
not wish to say it ; on the other hand, when we say ut non dicam, 
we signify that we do not wish to say what might be said, because it 
is not necessary, and we have said enough for the present purpose 
So pro Murena, 15, 32: ut aliud nihil dicam. 

4-*l. Q,uantum auctoritas. Klotz follows the MSS., and retains 
hujus before auctoritas. 



ORATION FOR THE MANILIAN LAW. 248 

Pag-e 

43. Qui quo die. The relative to connect propositions is found k<^ 
even before other relatives. 

44. Vilitas annonep. The gram merchant anticipating a large 
supply from the foreign market, in consequence of the seas being 
cleared of the pirates, was glad to dispose of his store before its arrival. 
— Ex summa inopia, i. e. statim post summam inopiam. 

2. Spe ac nomine, Plutarch says, as the price of provisions fell kq 
immediately, the people were greatly pleased, and it gave them oc- 
casion to say, " The very name of Pompey had terminated the 
war." 

3. Accepta .... calamitate. The defeat of Triarius, § 25. 

4. Invitus admonui. H. 443. So § 25 : Sinite hoc loco, &c. 

7. Ad ipsum discrimen. At the very critical moment. So Be- 
necke, Klotz, and Madvig. Other readings are ad ipsum temporis, 
and ad id ipsum ejus temporis. 

8. Ad eas regiones, sc. in Pamphyliam et Ciliciam. 

lO. Insolita victoria. For he had been couquered by Sulla, 
Murena, and Lucullus. His victory was over Triarius. — Coniinuit. 
This is appropriate to Mithridates, who was near ; as retardavit to 
Tigranes, who was at a distance. 

1 2. Perfecturus sit ... . perfecerit. So Benecke, Klotz, and 
Madvig for profecturus sit .... profecerit. 

14. Ipso nomine. H. 452, 2. 

Ch. XVI. — 15. Age vero. See note on p. 57, line 38. — Ilia res. 
The following circumstance. Ille often refers forward to what follows. 
It is here explained by the sentence, quod .... dediderunt. 

18. Cretensium legati. See note on p. 56, line 32. 

19. Xoster imperator. Q. Caecilius Metellus Creticus, consul 
a. u. c. GS5. 

20. In ultimas .... terras. Pamphylia ; ultimas in reference 
to Rome. 

25. Ad euin potissimum. Instead of to Q. Metellus who was of 
consular rank, while Pompey was only a quaestor. That Mithridates 
ever sent an ambassador into Spain to Pompey seems highly improba- 
ble. In the preceding line Madvig omits semper, and line 24 reads in 
Hispaniam. 

28. Judiciis. See note on p. 58, line 34. 

29. Existimetis. See note on p. 57, line 21. 

31. Reliquum est, ut, &c. H. 495, 2. 

32. Meminisse. On the omission of the conjunction vero in ad- 
versative clauses, see Z. 781. 

33. De potestate deorum, i. e. do re ea quce est tota in potestato 
deorum, ut cavendum sit, ne in ea plus homini tribuamus. Sic bono 
explicat fortunam. 

34. Thnide. Ne quod est deorum, homini Iribuisso videar Idoo 



250 NOTES. 

P a tr e 

Knpauca, quia timide. — Maximo. Q. Fabius Maximus, called Cunclator 
from his caution in war. 

35. Marcello. M. Claudius Marcellus, celebrated as five times 
consul, and the conqueror of Syracuse. — Scipioni. Manutius under- 
stands the younger Africanus — Mario. C. Marius, seven times con- 
sul. Cf. note on p. 45, line 29. — Et ceteris. In concluding an enu- 
meration of several persons or things, is et common with alii and 
ceteri ? No. 

39. Et ad gloriam. Emesti rejects the preposition. The best 
authorities give it. Consult note on p. 18, line 5. 

41. De quo nunc agimus. Some editions give quo de, placing 
the preposition after its case. On this usage in regard to de, see Z. 
324. 

44. Invisa diis, i. e. if he said, in illius potestate fort un am posi- 
tam esse. — Ingrata, if he failed praterita meminisse, reliqua sperare 
50 2. Domi militiae. So also Klotz. Madvig, and others, militia- 
que. For quantaque Matthice prefers quanta, since Cicero is not 
speaking of both the greatness of Pompey's deeds and of his good for- 
tune, but only of the latter. Such a connection, however, of the more 
important with the less important, by means of an explanatory con- 
junction, is not uncommon. We might properly have expected, quan- 
ta felicitate tantas ille res, &c. 

3. Ut = how. — Assenserint. In Cicero the active form of this 
word is very rare, except in the perfect tense and in the moods and 
tenses derived from the perfect. The deponent or middle form an- 
swers to its meaning more nearly than the active. 

4:. Obtemperarint .... obedierint .... obsecundarint. Ob- 
serve the propriety with which these words, which have the same 
general signification, are selected and applied to their several subjects. 
Obedire denotes obedience as an obligation, and a state of duty and 
subjection ; obsecundare and obtemperare, as an act of free will. The 
obtemperans obeys from persuasion, esteem, or fear, evincing his con- 
formity to another's will ; the obsccundans from love and complaisance, 
showing his readiness to obey. Dod. — Tempestatesque. Tempestas 
>s a vocabulum medium, and like valetudo , j "acinus, dolus, &c, taken 
not only in ?nalam, but also in bonam partem. The "favor" of the 
elements was especially apparent in the piratical war. 

5. Neminein unquam. See Krebs, 527 ; H. 457, 1. 

6. Q,ui tacitus auderet. P. C. 483 (2) ; H. 500. On the 

use of tacitus, which may be rendered adverbially, see H. 443. 

lO. Sicuti facitis. As evinced by the extraordinary honors and 
offices conferred on him. — Velle et optare. Velle means to wish, and 
co-operate towards the realization of one's wish ; optare, to wish, and 
leave the realization of one's wish to others, or to fate ; cxpetcr \ f c 
wish, and apply to others for the realization of one's wish. Dod 



ORATION FOR THE MAKILIAN LAW. 251 

Past 

12. Ctuare quum, &c. The general conclusion before proceeding iu\ 
to the confutation. 

16. Dubitabitis . . . quin . . . couferatis. Is this the common 
construction of dubitQ or non dubito when the meaning is " to scruple" 
or " hesitate" ? No. Quirt i3, however, necessary when dubitare 
stands in the passive or gerund : Domitius sibi dubitandum non 
putavit, quin proelio decertarel. Caes. B. C. 3, 37. So also, Quum- 
que nee mihi, nee fratri meo dubiumesset, quin Brundisium conten- 
der emus. Cic Att. 8, 11, D. 3. 

Ch. XVII. — 19. Q,uod si = quare si, is more than the simple si. 
Quod serves to indicate a connection with the preceding proposition. 
See Z. 342 and 807. How may we express this quod ? Z. 807. In 
rendering it may also bo sometimes unexpressed, and should not al- 
ways be translated by " because if." 

20. Erat deligendus. Si with the imperfect or pluperfect sub- 
junctive is generally followed by the indicative of the historical tenses^ 
most frequently by the imperfect indicative, in expressions which de- 
note "must," "should," " can," " may," &c. ; also the participle of 
the future active, almost without exception, and the gerund and ge- 
rundive, regularly are connected with erat,fuit, fuerat. See Z. 519, 
a. The subjunctive denotes the simple thought or conception, the in- 
dicative the actual undoubted fact, in itself true and certain. 

22. Adjungatur, ut adsit. See H. 495. 

23. Ab iis, &c. Pompey had just brought the piratic war to a 
close, and was now in Cilicia, and could receive troops from Lucullus 
or Glabrio, the proconsul of Bithynia. 

25. Cetera. Supply bella from the next clause, and connect 
summa with salute. On the cum, see H. 414, 3. 

26. Bellum regium, adversus Mithridatem ac Tigranem. — Com- 
mittamus. So also Klotz and Madvig. 

28. At enim. These particles are used in anticipating an objec- 
tion for the purpose of removing it. 

29. Vestris beneficiis amplissimis affectus = suminis houo- 
ribus ornalus ; for Catulus had been consul with Lepidus twelve years 
before, and offices among the Romans were regarded as benefits, 
which the state conferred, and therefore named beneficia, to which 
amplissima is here added to denote the high dignity of the consulship. 
— Q. Catulus. Throughout life he was distinguished as one of the 
prominent leaders of the aristocracy, and being consul along with M 
JSmilius Lepidus, a. u. c. 676, the year in which Sulla died, he stead- 
ily resisted the efforts of his colleague to bring about a counter-revolu- 
tion by abrogating the acts of the dictator. During the progress of 
the Catilinarian plot, he strenuously supported Cicero, and either he 
or Cato was the first to hail him as " pare?is patriae." Catulus died 
during the consulship of Metellus Celer. a. u. c. 694 ; " happy," says 



252 NOTES. 

£Q Cicero, " both in the splendor of his life, and in having been spared 
the spectacle of his country's ruin." 

31. Q,. Hortensius was so distinguished as an orator, that Cicero 
calls him (Divin. in Q. Cacil. 7) rex judiciorum. This domination 
over the courts continued up to about the year, u. c. 684, when Hor- 
tensius was retained by Yerres against Cicero. The issue of this con- 
test was to dethrone Hortensius, and to establish his rival, Cicero, aa 
the first orator and advocate of the Roman forum. Hortensius at- 
tached himself closely to the dominant Sullane or aristocratic party, 
and after his consulship, a. u. c. 685, took a leading part in supporting 
the optimates against the rising power of Pompey. Up to Cicero's 
consulship, a. u. c. 691, Hortensius and Cicero were continually opposed, 
professionally and politically. After this period they usually acted to- 
gether professionally, for Hortensius retired from political life in the 
year 694. He possessed enormous wealth, and of his luxurious habits 
many stories are told. 

32. Multis locis. See H. 422, 1. 

33. Cognoscetis. So Benecke, Madvig, and others, instead of 
the common reading cognoscitis, which Klotz retains. See Jordan, 
ad CcBC. pp. 166, 167. Benecke considers this passage as closely con- 
nected with chap. 23, § 68 : Quod si auctoritatibus, &c, to the close 
of the chapter. The meaning then is, " Although I shall offset to tho 
views of these men (Catulus and Hortensius) the views of other dis- 
tinguished men (§ 68), we can however for the present pass these by, 
and seek the truth from the merits of the case." 

34:. Auctoritates = sententias, quse a viris gravibus profecta? 
auctoritatem et vim habent. — Foriissimorum. In reference to the 
boldness of their declarations, quoniam neque ?netu, neque ulla alia re 
deterrebantur, quin libere dicerent, qua sentirent. It is also an ex- 
pression of courtesy, as clarissimorum which follows and denotes their 
rank as senators. 

35. Tamen. The repetition of this particle after tametsi is not 
uncommon in Cicero. H. 516, HI. — Omissis auctoritatibus, I. e. praeter- 
misso pondere, quod illorum sentsntias, ut hominum honoratorum ha- 
bent. 

36. Hoc facilius. H. 417. Supply ex quir ere possum us. 
3T. Adhuc. Z. 292. 

39. Igitur is used as a formula of commencement, to introduce a 
narration, argument, &c, the subject having generally been mention- 
ed before. 

4rO. [Uaum.] Klotz and Madvig without brackets. 

43. Tu idem. Hark. 446 and 451.— Pro. See Arnold's P. C. 
56, in fin. 
^1 1. A. Gabinium. Gabinius was tribune of the people in a. u. c. 
687 and moved that tho command of the war against the pirate 



ORATION FOR THE MANILIAN LAW. 253 

iihould be given to Pompey. Having dissipated his fortune by extrav- (}] 
agance and profligacy, if he had not carried his law, says Cicero, 
{post Red. in Sen. 51), such were his embarrassments, that he must 
have turned pirate himself. He afterwards became consul in 696. 
See introduction, at the bottom of p. 225. 

2. Uno. For Pompey was not named in the law. See introduc- 
tion, p. 226 

3. Ex hoc ipso loco, i. e. ex rostris. 

4. Contra legem earn. Klotz and Madvig read earn legem. 

6. Vera causa. The true interests of the state. See note on 
page 47, line 12. 

9. Capiebantur. See ch. 12. 

12. Privatam rem. See §§ 31, 32. 

Ch. XVIII. — 14. Non dico, &c. The sense is, " I speak not 
now of larger states, which were distinguished for their navies and 
maritime power ; even small islands and states could protect them- 
selves against the pirates. How disgraceful then for the Roman em- 
pire not to be able to defend itself." 

15. Atlieniensium, sc. civitatem. For nearly seventy years the 
Athenians commanded the maritime coasts, extending even to the 
Euxine and Pamphylian seas. 

16. Karthaginiensium. The naval power of the Carthaginians 
was for a long time unrivalled in the Mediterranean. 

IT. Rliodiorum. The Rhodians often aided the Romans in their 
maritime wars, and Strabo testifies to their excellent discipline and 
naval prowess. 

19. Q,uae ci vitas unquam tarn tenuis. After unquam Klotz 
reads antea, and Madvig [antea]. 

24. In navalibus pugnis. Particularly the victories of Duilius, 
Regulus, and Catulus in the first Punic Avar ; and of Livius and L. 
iEmilius Regillus over the fleet of Antiochus, a. u. c. 563, 564. About 
half of the Roman fleet was furnished by the Rhodians, and tbey 
were further assisted by King Eumenes of Pergamus. The fleet of 
Antiochus was commanded by Polyxenidas. — Ac multo = atquo adeo 
multo maxima parte. 

25. Utilitatis. Rerum ad usum vitas necessariarum, i. e. vecti- 
galium. — Dignitatis. See § 32, foil. 

26. Antioclmm. See § 14. 

2T. Persenqne. See H. 43 ; and note on p. 45, line 28. We 
must infer this defeat, which is not directly mentioned by historiany, 
from the naval triumph of Octavius. Liv. 45, 42. 

29. Ii. So § 33 in sorao editious the reading is vos, qui .... ft 
nunc, &c. This pronoun is often used to resume or repeat with em- 
phasis a preceding noun or pronoun. See note on page 27, line 10 
and compare the next sentence, nos .... iidem. 



254 NOTES. 

Page 

/?1 3a. Delos. This island possessed an excellent harbor and situa 

tion, lying in the route of those who traded between Asia and Greece, 

or Italy ; and, after the overthrow of Corinth by Mummius, was very 

celebrated as a commercial place, until it was almost destroyed by 

the generals of Mithridates. — Tarn procul, tamen nostris armis et opi- 

bus tuta. 

35, Referta divitiis. By its commerce and by the costly gifts 
and deposites made in its temple. Cf. C. Nep. Arist. c. 3. — Nihil ti- 
mebat. Delos is instanced as furnishing a lontrast between former 
security and present insecurity. 

3T. Appia jam. via. This led from Rome to Capua and across 
to Brundisium. Where it touched the sea, or was near to it, it was 
insecure owing to the landing of the pirates. — Carebamus. Because 
we had not free and unobstructed enjoyment of them. 

38. Noil pudebat, &c. Pudori esse debuit oratoribus hiuc (e 
rostris) verba facere, quod potestatem illam maritimam penitus ami- 
sisset populus Romanus. Hortensius may be particularly alluded to 
in reference to §§ 52 and 53. 

40. Exuviis spoliis. Prceda and manulicB denote booty 

only as a possession and gain that has been made by conquest ; whereas 
spolia and exuvics, at the same time, are signs of victory and of 
honor. Dod. 

Ch. XIX. — 4-1 • Animo = mente, consilio, with good intention, in 
good faith. 

43. Ea, qu» sentiebatis. Are such circumlocutions common? 
Z. 714, 3. 

44. Dolori suo. Dolor denotes an inward feeling of pain, as 
from a wound or blow, especially when the sensation or feeling is 
fresh. Liv. 41, 10, joins it with indignatio, in which sense it may 
here be taken. The people were indignant at the wrongs and con- 
tumely they suffered from the pirates. 

62 1. Una lex. The Gabinian. — Unus vir. Poinpey. 

3. Vere. The ill success of former generals in their efforts to 
suppress the pirates might have made the Roman supremacy appear 
questionable. Now, however, it has at last recovered its true ascen- 
dency. 

5. Obtrectatum esse. Impersonal, P. C. 285 ; Hark. 301, 3 ; 
Krebs, 171. On the meaning of obtrectare, see Arnold's Nepos, 
Arist. 1, 1. 

6. Gabinio dicam, anne Pompeio, an utrique. For the forms 
of disjunctive questions, see H. 346. Anne is not frequently used, and 
only in the second member, and generally when the interrogative par- 
ticle is omitted in the first member. — Id quod. P. C. 36. 

T. Ne legaretur A. Gabinius. In his tribunate he procures 
a law to bo passed, investing Pompey with supreme command 



ORATION FOR THE MANILIAN LAW. 25S 

When obtained, Pompey asks for his lieutenant this same Gabinius. go 
Such an attempt, leading to corrupt jobbing, was properly resisted. — 
Expetenti ac postulanti. On expetere, see note on p. 60, line ]0. 
Postulare = to make claims, or demand, with reasons of right and 
equity, or in accordance with relations and circumstances. By the 
Gabinian law, Pompey, as Plutarch (Pomp. 25) informs us, was em- 
powered to choose out of the senators fifteen legates, or lieutenants, to 
act under him. He actually chose twenty-four (Plut. id. 26), which 
number accords more nearly with Appian (B. Mith. 94), who gives 
the number as twenty-five. The persons appointed to this office wero 
usually men of great military talents, and were nominated by the 
consul or dictator under whom they served ; but the sanction of the 
senate was an essential point, without which no one could bo legally 
considered a legatus. But the senate baffled Gabinius in his favorite 
project of following Pompey into Asia, by successfully opposing, or, at 
least, delaying his election as one of the legates. 

9. Idoneus qui impetret. What other adjectives have the 

same construction ? H. 419, IV. Consult also P. C. 486 and 212* 

14:. Periculo. For if Pompey had been unsuccessful, the blame 
would also have attached to the proposer of the law by which Pompey 
was put in command. 

15, An C. Falcidius, &c. On the form of the sentence, see 
note on p. 9, line 19. In the second member, the future or subjunc- 
tive is more common. 

16. Q,uos omnes. Not quorum omnes. Compare note on p. 13, 
line 33 ; and see Z. 430, in fin. — Honoris causa = out of respect, 
with all due respect. 

18. Diligentes = strict, scrupulous, careful, sc. in adhering to 
the rule that tribunes should not be appointed legates to a general 
who had received his appointment during their tribuneship. Confir- 
mation of the general's choice had become so much the rule, that 
Pompey must have deeply felt the rejection of Gabinius. To wound 
him still more deeply, laws which, as Cicero claims, had in tho case 
of Falcidius and others been neglected, or not applied, were revived 
and applied against Gabinius ; viz. that no one who had proposed a 
bill should participate in the commission under it. Klotz retains : in 
hoc uno Gabinio 

20. Per vos. By your suffrages = vestris suffragiis, at the end 
of the chapter. 

21. Deberet. The subjunctive imperfect refers to the implied 
conditional clause, si esset in exercitu Pompeii. 

22. Ego me profiteor relaturum. Since a legatio required a 
decree of the senate, it was necessary, if Gabinius was to be a legate 
to Pompey under tho Manilian law, that a decree should approve. 
And as it devolved first upon the consuls (o propose the question, CU 



25G NOTES. 

Pag-o 

an cero says, Co?isules spero, &c ; and immediately adds, in order to 
stimulate the consuls to act, that he (as preetor), in case they decline, 
will bring forward the business of Gabinius's appointment. For it ap- 
pears to be going too far to deny, as some do, that a praetor could in 
the presence of the consul propose a decree. He must however sub- 
mit, if the higher magistrate interfered to prevent his design. 

23. Impediet quo minus. P. C. 94 and 98 ; H.499.— 

Inimicum edictum. With reference to the preceding note, this may 
mean an edict issued by the consuls, either of a general nature to pre- 
scribe the mode of conducting business in the senate ; or to define the 
mode of procedure in reference to a single session. Cicero calls it 
inimicum, as intended to trammel and thwart in his purpose the mover 
of a measure, and declares that he will disregard it and persist in hia 
motion. In such a case nothing was left to the consuls but to inter- 
cede, when the praetor must yield. Cicero could be bold, because the 
grounds of objection to Gabinius's appointment, which existed undei 
the Gabinian law, of which he was the mover, no longer existed un- 
der the Manilian law. 

24r. Jus, sc. praeturac. Ernesti makes it the right which the tri- 
bunes had to be appointed legates, and beneficium, the honor and rights 
of the tribuneship itself. Benecke understands jus of the right of the 
people generally to bestow its honors on whom it pleases, and benefi- 
cium of the favor thereby conferred. L. v. Jan rejects both of these 
opinions, and understands the words of the right of the people to ap- 
point Pompey to the command of the war against the pirates. As the 
senate were opposed to this measure, they, in revenge for their defeat, 
refused to confirm Gabinius as legate to Pompey. The overcoming 
of this revenge, therefore, by the appointment of Gabinius, will be a 
triumph of the rights of the people. 

25. Intercessionem, sc. tribunorum. A compliment to the per 
pie, to whose tribunes he v/as ready to defer. 

26. Q,ui minautur, se intercessuros, aut, alii nt intercedantj 
operam daturos. 

29. Socius adscribitur, i. e. pro socio Pompeii in bello maritime 
habetur, ejus gloriae particeps est. Cicero intimates that the tribunes 
had no just grounds for interceding, and reminds his hearers of Ga- 
binius's special and peculiar claims to the office of legate. See § 57. 

30. Illud bellum. Madvig, id bellum. 

Ch. XX. — 32. Reliquum est, ut videatur. See H. 495, 2; 

and compare § 27: restat, ut . . . . dicendum esse videatur. 

34. duaereret. See P. C. 415, s; Krebs' Guide, 232 (4); 
H. 486, 4. — Si .... poneretis, si quid eo factum esset Notice here 
ft double protasis without co-ordination or subordination of the one tc 
the other. In English we might put them in co-ordination by the 
conjunction and, but this is not allowable in Latin, whether they boto 



ORATION FOR THE MAMLIAN LAW 'Jo7 

Page 
naud immediately together, or inclose the apodosis, or leading sen- acy 

tence. Render " When he inquired of you, if you were to place ail 

your dependence on Pompey alone, on whom you would set your 

nopes, in case any thing should befall him," or (inserting one protasis) 

1 ' on whom, if any thing should befall him, you would set your hopes." 

— Si quid eo factum esset. A euphemism to avoid uttering a word of 

ill-omen or gloomy import. Compare noto on p. 39, line 8. — Eo. 

P. C. 291, in fin.; Z. 491. What other case is also found in this 

construction, and what preposition is sometimes expressed with the 

ablative ? 

36, Q,uum omnes . . . . dixistis. H. 518, IT. This anecdote is 
given in Plut. Pomp. 25, and in Veil. Pat. 2, 32. The occasion was 
when Catulus rose up to speak against the Gabiniau law. 

3T, In ipso. Madvig: in [eo] ipso; Klotz: in eo ipso, who says 
that as the Quirites could not cry out in ipso spem habcbimus, but in 
te ipso, &c, so in Cicero's speech eo is almost indispensable. — Talis 
est vir, &c. Cf. Sest. 47, 101 : qualis nuper Q. Catulus fuit, quern 
neque periculi tempestas, neque honoris aura potuit unquam de suo 
cursu aut spc aut metu demovere. 

40. In hoc ipso. This refers to the words of Catulus : in v.no 
Cn. Pompeio non omnia ponenda, and quod gives the reason for Ci- 
cero's differing from Catulus on this point. 

43. At eniin. An objection. See note on p. GO, line 28. — Ne 
quid is the reading of Benecke, Klotz, Madvig, and others. 

44. Non dicain. Non dico, non dicam, non commemorabo aro 
forms of expression by which the orator, without omitting any thing 
that he wishes to say, under the appearance of brevity gains the good- 
will of his hearers, and their attention in expectation of something 
more important to come. Cf. in Rull. 1, 7, 21. 

1. Iu pace consuetudini, in bello utilitati. Thus Marius too.. Q9 
in later times, presented two cohorts of Camertiaus with the freedom 
of the city, on the field of cattle, for their gallant resistance to the 
Cimbrians ; and when told that it was illegal, he replied, that the din 
of arms drowned the voice of the laws. Vul. Max. 5, 2, 8. 

3. Novoruin consiliorum rationes. New measures. Ratio is 
often used as a circumlocution. Z. G78. The concluding remark of 
note on p. 19, line 3, may apply here. 

4. Duo bella maxima. The third Punic and Numantine wars. 
— Ab uno imperatore. P. Scipio JEmilianus. See Schmitz, Rome, 
pp. 307 and 316. 

8. Vobis .... esse visum. That it seemed good to you, that 
you thought it proper. 

lO. Cum Ciinbris. Consult note on p. 45, line 29. 

Ch. XXI. — 14. Tarn novum." The meaning of novum is deter- 
mined hy the words prater consucludinem, inauditum, inusitalurn, 



258 NOTES, 

l'age 

po singular e, incrcdibile, with which Cicero below varies the expression 
Ho introduces further variety iu the construction. The first three are 
followed by quam and the ace. c. inf., and the second three by quam 
and ut with the subjunctive. We may also notice the skill with which 
justness of proportion between uniformity and variety is again con- 
sulted for in the answers to the questions. — Adolescentulum, privatum. 
See note on p. 54, line 26; and compare Veil. Pat. 2, 29, 1. 

15. Conficere = comparare, contrahere, conscribere, to enrol, 
levy. 

18. A senatorio gradu. The age at which a person might be- 
come a senator, was probably at this period 27. Pompey was at this 
Lime only 24. 

20. Bellumque iu ea. Klotz reads, in ea provincia. 

23. Equitem Romaimm triumphare. On his return from 
Africa, he demanded a triumph, which was at first refused. Pompey 
however persisted, and was at last allowed a triumph at the age of 25. 
Plutarch says, it would have t/een nothing strange if Pompey had 
been a senator before the age fixed for it ; but it was a very extraor- 
dinary instance of honor, to lead up a triumph before he was a senator 
And it contributed not a little to gain him the affections of the multi- 
tude ; the people were delighted to see him, after his triumph, class 
with the equestrian order. 

25. Visendam, Visere, as the frequentative of videre, is strong- 
er, and equivalent to studiose videre. Its meaning of " go to see," is 
also involved. Therefore, Ern. : non modo vidit, sed etiam studiose 
et frequenter spectavit. Klotz reads omnium for omni. 

26. Q,uid tarn inusitatum, quam. ut. So below, quid tarn 
singulare, quam ut, and quid tarn incredibile, quam ut. H. 556, II. 
Above, with novum, prater consuetudinem, and inauditum, the con- 
struction is the accusative and infinitive. — Duo consules. They were 
D. Junius Brutus and Mam. iEmilius Lepidus, a. u. c. 677. 

28. Bellum maximum. The Sertorian or Spanish war. 

29. Non nemo. H. 585, 1. 

31* Pro consule, i. e. as proconsul, with proconsular powers. — 
L. Philippus. A celebrated orator. Cf. Brut. 47, 173. Cos. a. u c. 
663. 

32. Pro cousuiibus. Here is a bonmot, consisting of a play 
upon words, by which the incapacity of the consuls of that year is in- 
timated. Cicero, who also mentions it in the 11th Philippic, 8, 18, 
skilfully makes use of it here, as though it had been uttered simply 
to glorify Pompey. 

33. Rei publico; bene gerendse, i. e. belli rei publico? causa sus- 
ccpti bene gerendi. 

36. Legibus solutus. By the lex annalis, a. u. c. 574, it was 
decreed that the consul should be 43 years of age. The age requisite 



ORATION FOR THE MANILIAN LAW. 259 

Pag9 

or the sodileship, which was the first of the curale magistracies, by ao 
the same law was 36. But Pompey was consul when he was only 35. 
38. Iterum .... triumph aret. a. u. c. 683, at the age of 35, 
over Sertorins. Usually no one could be permitted to triumph unless 
he had held the office of dictator, of consul, or of praetor. 

42. Profecta sunt = ei tributa sunt. 

43. A Q,. Catuli atque a cet h omnium auctoritate* 

On the repetition of the preposition, see note on p. 18, line 5. 

Cir. XXII.— 1. Videaut, ne, &c. II. 492, 4, 1). 64 

5. Suo jure facere aliquid dicuntur, qui libere, pro arbitrio, nullo 
impediente, impune faciunt. With perfect right. 

6. Vel contra omnes. Vel = " even." 

7. Iisdem istis reclamantibus. Hortensius, Catulus, and their 
adherents. 

8. Unum ilium ex omnibus. Z. 691. — Quern . . . praponeretis. 
H. 500. 

10. Studia vestra. Your views and wishes. 

11. Sin autem vos plus .... vidistis. But if you then saw 
more clearly the true interests of the state, if you hotter understood 
what was for the real welfare of the state. 

14. Et sibi et ceteris populi auctoritati parendum. 

P. C. 332. Compare de Orat. 1, 23, 105 : Gerendus est tibi mos 
udolescentibus. How might Cicero have avoided the two datives, 
one of the agent, the other of the object? Z. 651 ; P. C. 335, h. 

15. Atque, &c. This passage down to gaudeant, § 68, is by 
Orelli printed in italics and included in brackets. With reference to 
which he makes the following note : " Qua? literis inclinatis exprimen- 
da curavimus, ea subditicia et ex aliqua declamatiuncula hie inculcata 
esse viderunt Naugerius, Pantagathus, Blochius, qui subtiliter ea de 
re disputavit, et Madvig." But Madvig, in his second edition of select 
orations from Cicero, gives it without any indication of its being of 
doubtful genuineness. 

18. Magnce et multae. Madvig retains, with Ernesti, multa et 
magna. The text is from Cod. Erf. and given also by Klotz. Of it 
Orelli says, u utique contra veri Ciceronis usum ; cf. § 23." Compare 
Krebs' Guide, § 81. — Difficile est. Owing to the wealth and remote 
situation of those countries. 

19. Interiorum nationum. Remote from the sea. 

20. Nihil aliud nisi. Arnold, P. O. 185. Benecke defends 
nihil aliud quam. 

25. Per hos annos. Of late years. 

29. Ctuibus = ut iis. — Causa belli = prastextus, simulatio belli. 
Dicitur enim causam inferre, qui simulat causam ac fingit. 

36. Non modo .... sed. Z. 724, says, When a transition from 
greater to lesser things is to be expressed, we usually find nan modo 



2G0 XOTES. 

Pn^e 

n* .... sed without the ctiam. Arnold (P. C. Part 2, 505) ohjects, that 
the second is always the stronger statement. Here, though a tribu- 
nus is in himself less than an imperalor or legatus, yet that a prov- 
ince could not endure even a tribune, is a stronger assertion than that 
it could not bear an imperator or legatus. 

37. Aiiimos ac spiritus. Superbiam et quaB inde oritur, libidi 
uem atque avaritiam. On the plural, see Z. 92. 

Ch. XXIII. — 40. Q,ui se a pecuniis. Madvig adopts the con- 
jecture of Benecke and omits se. Benecke retains it in [ ]. 

42. Maiius oculos animum cohibere, Cf. de Off. 1,40: At 
enim pratorem, Sophocle, decet non solum manus, sed jtiam oculos 
abstinentes habere. 

44. Ecquani. H. 188. For even if a rich city were really dis- 
posed to peace and tranquillity, some occasion was sought to chargo 
it with disobedience and contumacy, for the purpose of plundering its 
riches. 
()5 4. Requisivit = desideravit. — Videbat, se. ora maritima, i. e, 
habitatores, incolae orae maritimse. Z. 675. The common reading is 

Videbat enim populum Romanum non locupletari neque nos, 

&c. The leading of the text is defended by Benecke, and given by 
later editors, except that Madvig reads neque nos instead of neque cos 
It best suits the connection, and is nearest to the MSS. The sense 
is : For they (i. e. the inhabitants of the coast) saw that the praetors, 
with the exception of a few, yearly enriched themselves from the ap- 
propriations of the public money, and that they in the name of a fleet 
attained nothing else, &c. From this passage it appears that the 
praetors, along the Mediterranean and particularly in Asia Minor, 
yearly received appropriations from the public treasury, for the pur- 
pose of fitting out ships ; and that they embezzled this money, and ap- 
plied it to their own use. This neglect of their naval force left them 
too weak to resist the pirates, and subjected them to defeats, which 
brought disgrace upon the Roman name. 

6. Classium nomine. Z. 679. — Detrimentis accipiendis. The 
difference in the use of the participle in dus and of the perf. pass, par- 
ticiple, though we may often render both by a verbal noun in ing, 
should be attended to. It is the difference of a completed and past 
action and one yet to be. Compare urbis condendte principium pro- 
fectum a Romulo, and institutes rei publico clarum exordium. De 
Rep. 2, 2. Also, superstitione tollenda religio non tollitur De Div. 
2, 72. Sublata superstitione would represent this action as prior to 
the other ; but tollenda marks it as continuing at the same time. So 
ill Cat. 2, 10, 21 v male gesto negotio for gerendo, would modify the 
conception, though in itself giving a just idea. 

8. Jacturis, from jactre, properly the throwing of goods over- 
board in a storm ; then any loss whatever ; and here, us a kind oi 



ORATION FOR THE MANILIAN LAW. 261 

Page 

Waste or loss, expense, largess, made to those through whose aid they p^ 
had received their province. * 

9. Conditionibus. Engagements. Klotz reads, et quibus con- 
ditionibus. — Videlicet isii, sc. Hortensius, &c, ironically ; for he had 
eaid before, noverunt sociorum vulncra, &c. 

11, Q,uum — .turn* Z. 723. — Alienis vitiis magnum Quia 
vitiis aliorum vacat ; with perhaps an allusion to the cognomen of 
Magnua, which he had received from Sulla. 

13. Nolite dubitare. Hark. Lat. Gram., 535, 1, 3). — Quin. 
H. 498, 3. 

14. Inter tot annos. The correctness of tnis expression was 
formerly questioned, but is sufficiently defended by several similar 
passages. On the ground of this doubt, however, some editors have 
erased annos, understanding imperatores ; and the correspondence be- 
tween huic uni and inter tot seems to favor this reading. — Unns . . . 
quern .... gaudeant. P. C. 484 (a) ; H. 501. 

IT. Bellorum omnium, i. e. omnis generis. 

1 8. P. Servilius. Consul a. u. c. 675. Ho was the first of the 
Romans who led an army to Mount Taurus, and for his victory over 
the Isaurians, whom he reduced to subjection, he received the cogno- 
men of Isauricus. He was joint advocate of the law with Cicero. 
— Mariquc. He had been successful in several engagements with the 
pirates. 

19. Ciuum .... deliberetis. Tho subjunctive denotes a pos- 
sible case, and asserts conditionally. 

20. C. Curio. C. Scribonius Curio, consul a. u. c. 678. He tri- 
umphed over the Dardanians, a. u. c. 683 ; and was the first Roman 
general who penetrated to the Danube. 

22. Praeditus. This word does not well suit rebus gestis. Here 
is a kind of zeugma, and insignis or conspicuus may be supplied.— 
Cn. Lentulus, Clodianus. Consul a. u. c. 682. — Pro. H. 384, H. 

24. C. Cassius, Varus. Consul a. u. c. 681. — Cassius, intcgri- 
tate, &c. The genitive or ablative of quality seldom stands, as here, 
in immediate connection with proper names. The connection is com- 
monly effected by means of the apposition of homo or vir. So too, 
not sapientissimus Socrates, Corinthus a?nplissima, but Socrates, 
sap. homo ; Cor. urbs ampl. 

25. Videte, ut. This is the reading of the MSS., and suits the 
sense. See Hark. 492, 1. From ut appears to have arisen utrum, 
and then num, which is the common text. Madvig adopts a former 
conjecture of Orelli, and gives videte, horumne. 

Ch. XXIV. — 33. Cum tanto studio. H. 428.— Nunc itcrum 
The first was in passing the Gabinian law. An earlier reading is non 

iterum vidimus. Benecke contends also for adesse videmus, 

claiming with Wunder, p. Plane. 12, 29, p. 101, that the particle 



262 NOTES. 

Page 

GK quum, H3 often as it has the meaning of to, quod, necessarily requires 
the indicative. See P. C. 488 (c). 

35, De re. De tanto viro deligendo. — De perficiendi facultatc. 
About our ability to carry through this choice. The numbers and 
zeal of the people show their sentiments. 

3T« Atque is here explanatory. The beneficium consisted in the 
praetorship which had been conferred on him. 

40. Polliceor ac defero. Defero = ultro offero, confero, ul 
numerosior cadat oratio, adjectum verbo polliceor. 

41. Huic loco temploque. There were numerous temples 
around the forum. We are, however, to understand templo of the 
rostra, as a nearer explanation of loco. Cf. in Valin. in rostris, in 
ido, inquam, augurato templo ac loco ; Liv. 8, 14 : rostraque id tern- 
plum appellatum, because consecrated by auguries. — President. See 
note on p. 39, line 7. 

42. Ad rem publicam adeunt. Compare ad magistratus rem- 
que publicam accedere. Verr. 1, 12, 33. These phrases are used of 
those who are candidates for public offices, or who are entering upon 
public life clothed with civic honors. 

43. Cujusquam. Pompey or his friends. — Neque quo. H.497. 
We should expect " sed quod hoc rei publicae utilissimum esse confido" 
to follow, but the construction changes at § 71. In a similar way the 
construction is broken off, ad Q.frat. 2, 2 ; and pro Quinct. 3, 11. 

gg 2. Honoribus. The consulship particularly, since this was the 
only remaining object of Cicero's ambition. 

3. Ut hominem praestare oportet. So far as a man can en- 
gage to do. 

4. Honorem. Madvig and Klotz, honores. 

5. Eadem ilia nostra laboriosissima ratione vitas, sc. vos do 
fendendi. 

T. MiM. See H. 388, II. 

8. Tantumque abest, ut ut. And so far from seeming to 

have aimed at some grateful return, I even, &c. Tantum abesse, 
followed by two clauses with ut, is almost without exception used im- 
personally ; the first sentence with ut forming its subject, aud the sec- 
ond sontence with ut depending upon the tantum. 

10. Simultates. See Arnold's Nepos, p. 177. 

1 1 . Noil necessarias. For I might have avoided them. — Non 
inutiles. An instance of the figures litotes and asyndeton. Their 
advantage to the state Manutius finds, in the ascertaining of the will 
of the citizens, so as to be able to distinguish the good from the bad; 
Benecke, because he incurred them in undertaking a cause which 
would be of the highest utility to the people ; M'Kay, because public 
good often accrues from the disputes of political opponents by reason 
of the watch which they keep on each other's actions. 



ORATION FOR THE MANILIAN LAW. 263 

1 2. Hoc lionore. The praetorship. nr> 

13. Vestram voluntatem. Your inclination to confer this com- 
mand on Pompey. 

15. Commodis et rationibus. The latter as a synonym 3f the 
former is more comprehensive : omnes enim res dicit, quae ad psum 
pertinent. 



THE ORATION FOR M. MARCELLUS. 



INTRODUCTION. 

M. Claudius Marcellus had been a friend of Cicero's from his earliest 
,uuth ; their views on political affairs had generally coincided, and they con- 
tinued to act in concert until the breaking out of the civil war. His merits 
as an orator are said to have been of a high order, and inferior to few except 
Cicero himself. He is first mentioned as curule aedile with P. Clodius, a. u. c 
698. In February of that year he defended Milo, at Cicero's request, against 
the charge of violence brought against him by Clodius. In 700, he was one of 
the six advocates who defended the cause of M. Scaurus ; and after the death 
of Clodius, 702, took a prominent part in the defence of Milo. In the year 703 
he was consul with Ser. Sulpicius Rums, and during the period of his magis- 
tracy he showed himself a zealous partisan of Pompey, and sought to secure 
his favor by urging the senate to extreme measures against Caesar. 

But all the party zeal and animosity of Marcellus did not blind him to the ob- 
vious imprudence of forcing on a war for which they were unprepared. Though 
he joined Pompey and his partisans in Epirus, it is clear that he did not engage 
with any heartiness in the cause, of which, according to Cicero, he foresaw 
the failure from the beginning ; and after the battle of Pharsalia he aban- 
doned all thoughts of prolonging the contest, and withdrew to Mytilene, whero 
he gave himself up to the pursuits of rhetoric and philosophy. Here Caesar 
was content to leave him unmolested in a kind of honorable exile ; and Mar- 
cellus himself was unwilling to sue to the conqueror for forgiveness, though 
Cicero wrote to him repeatedly from Rome, urging him in the strongest man- 
ner to do so, and assuring him of the clemency of Caesar. But though Mar- 
cellus himself would take no steps to procure his recall, his friends at Rome 
were not backward in their exertions for that purpose ; and at length, in a full 
assembly of the senate, C. Marcellus, the cousin of the exile, threw himself at 
Caesar's feet to implore the pardon of his kinsman, and his example was fol- 
lowed by the whole body of the assembly. Caesar yielded to this demonstra- 
tion of opinion, and Marcellus was declared to be forgiven, and restored to all 
his former honors. Cicero wrote to announce to him this favorable result, in 
a letter now lost ; but the answer of Marcellus is preserved, and is marked by 
a singular coldness, which would lead us to the conclusion that his indiffer- 
ence in this matter was real and not assumed. He, however, set out on his 
return; but having touched at the Peiraeeus, where he had an interview with 
his former colleague, Sulpicius, then proconsul in Greece, he was assassinated 
immediately afterwards by one of his own attendants, P. Magius Chilo. There 
seems no doubt that the deed was prompted by private resentment, though 
suspected at the time to have been committed at the instigation of Ccesar. 
Sulpicius paid him all due funeral honors^and caused him to be buried in the 
Academy, where a monument was erected to him by the Athenians, at the 
public expense.— Dict. Git. and Rom. Biog. and Myth. 



OKATION FOR M. MARCELLUS. 265 

The oration for Marcellus was spoken in the senate, a. u. c. 708 ; and waa 
me first which Cicero delivered after the downfall of the republic. As subse- 
quently written out and published, it was always admired as a finished dis- 
course. "Cicero," says Middleton, "touched by the generosity of Cassar, 
and greatly pleased with the act itself, on the account of his friend, returned 
thanks to him in a speech, which, though made upon the spot, yet for ele- 
gance of diction, vivacity of sentiment, and politeness of compliment, is supe- 
rior to any thing extant of the kind in all antiquity." It has been regarded as 
the model of Pliny's Panegyric of Trajan ; and passages from it are quoted 
and explained by Nonius Marcellus, Lactantius, and Priscian, as well as in 
the fragments of Commentaries on Cicero's Orations, which have come down 
to us under the name of Asconius Pedianus. 

Notwithstanding this, it is maintained by F. A. Wolf, that Cicero delivered 
no oration for Marcellus, still less that he wrote one out; and, consequently, 
that the present oration is a declamatory exercise of a later period, perhaps of 
the age of Tiberius, shortly before Asconius. This view was assailed by 
Worm, Kalau, and Weiske. but defended by Spalding, until at a later date 
Jacob re-examined the whole question, and came to the conclusion that, in 
accordance with the testimony of the ancients, Cicero delivered and wrote 
out a speech for Marcellus, and that this speech can be, in a great measure, 
recognised in the oration which has come down to us, but that it has received 
later additions and interpolations. This view was received with much favor 
by Passow and Hand. Independently of Jacob, Hug also, and after him Sa- 
rds, who gave prominence to the testimony of Cicero himself, endeavored 
\o set aside the doubts respecting the genuineness of the present oration, 
which Schutz, and after him Orelli, who also directed attention to earEer 
doubts of a Spaniard, John Andres, again condemned as spurious, though 
such a sentence, even allowing single interpolations, as also numerous varia- 
tions of MSS. from each other, on the whole, can hardly be justified or rest on 
a sure and satisfactory basis, in opposition to the external evidence of the au- 
thorities already noticed, or to the finished style and composition of this ora- 
tion. Some old scholia on this oration, which, although not written by Asco- 
nius in their present form, are yet not later than the 4th century, have been 
discovered by Angelo Mai. Among later assertors and defenders of the au- 
thenticity of the oration for Marcellus, may be mentioned Steinmetz, Dru- 
mann, R. Klotz, and Si'ipfle. 

For the authorities upon this question, we refer to Duulop's Roman Litera- 
ture, vol. 2 ; and Bahr's Geschichte d. Rom. Literatur. 3e Ausg. 2r Band, 
p. 284, fgg. 



ANALYSIS. 

In the introduction Cicero declares his purpose of again appearing as an 
orator in public ; and justifies his determination, partly by the uncommon 
and extraordinary goodness of Cassar, partly by his joy upon the pardon of 
Marcellus, ($ 1-4.) 

The orator magnifies the clemency of Cassar, by comparing it with hia 
great achievements and victories, which latter must doubtless give place 
to the former ; for— 

23 



260 NOTES. 

(a) The victor must share the glory of his victory with fortune and with his 
army, but not so the glory of his humanity and clemency, (^ 4-7.) 

(b) Victory over powerful nations is achieved by bravery and prudence, 
while acts of gentleness and compassion raise a hero to a level with deity, 
(* 8.) 

(c) Military exploits excite emotions of dread, but the qualities of a good 
heart gladden all hearts, even in mere fiction, or when they are found be- 
fore our time, and do not, as the deeds of Caesar, fall under our own ob- 
servation, ($ 9-11.) Nay more, this clemency and goodness of heart in a 
victor excites the highest conceivable joy and gratitude, and by it even the 
dead are honored in their surviving relatives, ($ 11.) 

(d) Time destroys and annihilates the works of our hands and of our power, 
but deeds of righteousness and mercy continue to shine more and more 
brightly, ft 11, 12.) 

(e) Caesar has vanquished victory, by showing the highest gentleness and fa- 
vor to the vanquished, which could not have been expected from the 
partisans of Pompey, (<t 12-18.) Conclusion of the first part of the oration. 
((> 19, 20.) 

3. The orator answers the twofold opinion of Cassar, that snares are laid for 
his .ife, and that he has lived long enough for nature and for fame. To this 
Cicero replies, 

That— (a) Such a suspicion is incredible, for none of his friends will be- 
tray him, and his enemies by his kindness have been made his truest and 
surest friends and followers, ($ 21.) (b) He wishes and hopes, however, 
that Caesar will not drop this solicitude, but retain it for the good of the 
state, which is so closely connected with his safety. (§ 22-24.) 
2) Caesar may have lived long enough for nature, but not for his country. 
This point is touched with much frankness and discretion, and was by some 
of the earlier commentators regarded as the finest and most striking part 
of the oration, ((> 26-32.) Then follows an entreaty to Cassar to take care to 
preserve his life, and a promise, in his own and the senate's name, of the 
most faithful protection. 

4. In conclusion, he gives repeated thanks for the preservation anr" pardon 
of Marcellus, (§ 32.) 

Pago 

QfJ Ch. I. — 1. Diuturui silentii, governed by finem ... attulit. So 
de Off. 2, 22, 76. Krebs, Guide, 351, incorrectly says finem facere 
takes the genitive only, not the dative. It has its object sometimes in 
the dative as well as iu the genitive. Pro Cluent. 67, 191. Cf. 4, 11, 
Monumentis tuis allatura finem sit <ztas. — His temporibus. See note 
on page 15, line 31. The reference is to the period of the civil wars, 
and the calamities which they had brought upon the state. Cicero, 
after Caesar's victory, displeased with the new order of things, had 
avoided all participation in public affairs ; but now the pardon of Mar- 
cellus had made so favorable an impression on him, that he hoped to 
see a return, at least in part, to the former republican relations and ad- 
ministration, which he takes this occasion, particularly in ch. 8, § 23 
to urge upon Caesar. — Eram .... usus, in lively discourse for the per- 
fect, as though this silence had been long past Wolf condemns it ua 
almost a solecism. Ellendt. ad Brut. 2, 7, (ed. i,) compares several 
similar passages, where the pluperfect is connected with the present. 



ORATION FOR M. MARCELLUS. 267 

2. K on timore aliguo, sc. deterritus. For Caesar's magnanimity gi^ 
left no room to fear that he would act the tyrant. — Dolore, at the 
thought of Marcellus's exile. 

3. Verecundia. From a sense of propriety. Le sentiment des 
convenances. Lemaire. Cf. ad Fam. 4, 13: In ipsius (Caesaris) 
consuetudinem, quam adkuc meus pudor mihi clausit, insinuabo. 
Dolor and verecundia are more fully explained in the sentence below, 
commencing Dolebam enim, &c. Cicero, ad Fam. 4, 4, 4, speaks ol 
this day and his speech as follows : Statucram, non mehercule iner- 
tia, sed desiderio pristina dignitatis, in perpetuum tacere. Fregit 
hoc meum consilium et CcBsaris magnitudo animi et scnatus offici- 
um. Itaque pluribus verbis egi Casari gratias, &e. — Idemquc, sc. 
dies, initium, sc. attulit, .... dicendi. Observe the chiastic arrange- 
ment of this period. 

5. Tantam enim mansuetudinem, &c. It would be highly un- 
becoming, especially in me, who regard my own former influence and 
authority as secured by the restoration of Marcellus, to pass over 
without notice such exalted traits of character. 

T. Modum = moderationem animi in omnibus rebus. So p. Sest. 
(j 79. — Denique. Z. 727. — Sapient iam. This almost divine wisdom 
of Caesar is exhibited in his control of anger, suppression of revenge, 
and magnanimous forgiveness of injuries. 

8. Tacitus praeterire .... possum. H. 443. 

lO. Vocem et auctoritatem. Loquendi (et scribendi) liberta- 
tem et auctoritatem, qua senator et consularis utebar. 

13. In eadem causa = in partibus Pompeir. The text of this 
oration is given from the edition of Klotz, M. T. Cicero's siimmtliche 
Reden, Leipzig, 1835. In this passage the reading, which differs 
somewhat from the common text, is that of the excellent Erfurt and 
other MSS. The change of tense in esset and fuissem is because, at 
the time of which the orator speaks, Marcellus was not, like Cicero, 
reconciled to Caesar, but still belonged to the opposite party. So also 
Schultz and Supfie : Steinmetz reads : qui in eadem causa, in qua 
ego, fuisset, &c. — In qua. The omission of the preposition before the 
relative, when it stands before the same case of the demonstrative, is 
usual principally in those relative clauses, in which the verb of the de- 
monstrative clause is to be supplied. 

16. Vetere is the more common form of the ablative of vetus 
Ah veteri. — Illo cemulo atque imitatore. Marcellus was distinguished 
as an orator. Brut. 71, 248-251. Imitator is not one who simply 
copies after another, but one who is devoted to the same pursuits. Cf. 
ad Fam. 15, 9, 1. 

20. Signum aliquod sustulisti. Ductum est e re militari et a 
Bigno, quod in castris in praetorio attollitur atque proponitur 

21. In multis, senatoribus. 



208 NOTES. 

Page 

arr 22. Sed paulo ante omnibus. Supply intelleclum est. See 
H. 388, II. I« this construction the passive expresses an intransi- 
tive or reflexive activity, and the dative denotes the originator of this 
activity at the same time as the person who participates in it, or foi 
whom it takes place, while ab with the ablative simply expresses th« 
originator. 

23. Commeinoratis .... offensionibus. Cf. ad Fam. 4, 4, 3, 
rom which letter we learn that Caesar, before he pardoned Marcellus 
ind restored him to his former dignity, complained in the senate of his 
bitter enmity. Marcellus had, when consul, proposed the immediate 
abrogation of Caesar's authority as proconsul in Gaul, and had caused 
a citizen of Comum to be scourged, in order to show his contempt for 
the privileges lately bestowed by Caesar upon that colony. Steinmetz: 
senatui populoque Romano concessisti. 

24:. Dignitatem. For distinguished men like Marcellus give dig. 
nity to the state by their high character. 

25. Suspicionibus. That Marcellus might in future still be his 
enemy. 

26. Hie quidem. A fine transition to praise of Marcellus, whose 
character and life are approved both by friends and foes. Orelli and 
Schultz : ante acta cetatis. 

28. Ex quo. Refer these words forward to the clause quum in 
accepto sit tanta gloria, as containing the reason. 

29. Laus gloria. The orator rises from laus to gloria. Cf. 

pro Balb. 5 : laus refers to Caesar, gloria to Marcellus. If it was glo- 
rious for Marcellus to receive this favor from the senate, who inter- 
ceded in his behalf, and from you who restored him, how much more 
glorious is it for you to have conferred it. 

30. Est vero fortunatus ille. His strength of mind and vir- 
tues sustained him, and made him happy, even in exile. Cf. Brut. 
71, 150. Senec. Cons, ad Helvid.9, med. — Cujus = quum ejus. Z 
564. Marcellus did not really feel so great joy at his recall, as his 
friends, to whose wishes ho yielded. Ad Fam. 4, 7, 8 ; 9, 10, 11. 

r!Q 1. Ad ilium. So Orelii, Schultz, and Siipfle. Others ad ip- 
sum. 

2. Q,uod, sc. ex ejus salute laetitiam ad omnes pervenisse. Orelli, 
Schultz, and Steinmetz: quod ei quidem. 

Ch II. — 6. ^ullius, sc. hominis. Why not neminis? P. C. 
p. 326* ; H. 457. On the two genitives in different relations, see H. 
519. On the order, Hark. 592. — Flumcn ingenii. So rich a flow 
of language, such a stream of eloquence. Cf. p. lege Man., § 36, 
and Acadd. 2, 33, 119 : jlumen oraiionis aureum fundens Aristotc- 
les. Schultz with Orelli reads: Nullius tantum est flumcn ingenii, 
nulla dicendi . . . tanta vis. But many MSS. give nulli, which may 
be supposed to have arisen from the omission of the mark of abbre 



ORATION FOR M. MARCELLUS. 209 

Pa ? c 
viation in nullV for nullius. The authority of MSS. is therefore in nn 

favor of nullius. 

7. Non dicam sed. Z. 724. 

9. Pace dicam tua. P. C. 428. So p. Mil. 38, 103. The ex- 
ession is a formula of courtesy, used to avoid giving offence when 

^e deviate from another's opinion, with implied censure. 

10. Earn. H. 417 1. — Hodierno die. By the pardon of Mar- 
cellus. 

11. Ante oculos ponere, sc. mihi- This applies to Cicero, the 
next clause to others, i. e. ut et alii ex ipsius crebris sermonibus idem 
sibi ante oculos ponere consuescant. — Idque, sc. quod mihi srepe ante 
oculos posui, or for atque id, preparatory to the following clause. 

12. Usurpare. Compare p. Mil. 7, 18, eadem nunc crebro usur- 
palur. — Omnes, &cc. See Plut. Cces. 15. 

14r, Coiitentionum. Caesar had contended with the most war- 
like nations, the Gauls, Germans, Belgians, Helvetians, Britons, with 
the Romans, and indeed with their entire power. In Gallia all had 
united against him, and in the memorable siego of Alesia, with an 
army of only 60,000 men, he had before him in the fortress 80,000 
infantry and 10,000 cavalry under Verciugetorix, while 300,000 had 
surrounded him. Bell. Gall. 7, 68, ff. Plut. Cces. 27. Schmitz, 
Rome, chaps. 33, 34, 35. 

15. Numero prceliorum. Plin. H. N. 7, 25. Ccesar signis col- 
latis quinquagies dimicavit : solus M. Marcellum transgressus, qui 
undequadragies dimicaverat. Plutarch (Cces. 15) says he had storm- 
ed more than 800 cities, subdued 300 nations, and from time to time 
fought with 3,000,000. 

16. Celeritate, in reference to his victory in Pontus. Flor. 4, 
2, 63, ante victus hostis, quam visus. It was concerning this victory 
over Pharnaces, that Caesar sent to Rome the celebrated laconic re- 
port, Veni, vidi, vici; which was also inscribed on a tablet at his tri- 
umph. Suet. Cces. 35 and 37. — Dissimilitudine bellorum. Nam alia 
bella civilia, alia externa sunt : alia mari et classe, alia terra geruntur. 
Quaedam inferuntur, quasdam depelluntur. 

18. Non dicam, nam id mirum non esset. See note on line 7. — 
Cursibus. Rapid marches, forced marches. 

19. Iiiistratae, i. o. obitae, peragratae. Lustrare autem plus est, 
quam peragrare, nam qui peragrat, pertransit : qui lustrat, ambit, quo 
plus temporis requiritur. Compare with this passage, p. L. Man. 10, 
Qui scepius, &c. — Quce quidem ego, &c. This is said in conclusion 
of what has gone before, Nullius Jlumen, &c, and is more forcible 
than if the third person had been used, quae nisi quis . . . fateatur. 

20. Mens, the faculty itself, and cogitatio, the exercise of the 
faculty of thinking. 

21. Aniens sini. An extravagant and almost servilely flattering 



270 NOTES. 

£n passage, which is only to be excused by the consideration, that Cicert 
might have felt it necessary to put himself above all suspicion in Caj- 
sar's eyes. Similar passages exist in the orations for Ligarius, and foi 
Deiotarus, especially § 36. The oration for Marcellus was the first 
delivered after his pardon. — Sed tamen, &c. A general mode of ex- 
pression, with reference to § 4 extr. nullam in his laudem, &c In 
$ 7, the orator expresses himself more fully on this point. 

22. Nam .... quidam. He speaks with caution, and does not 
say alii or plerique in opposition to himself, but only quidam, (pauci,) 
to show that they might have been mistaken in their judgment. Com- 
pare Nepos, Thrasyb. 1, 4. Sed ilia, &c. 

24:. Propriae .... imperatorum. Krebs, Guide, 167 ; Z. 411. 

2T. Fortuna sibi vindicat. So Nepos, Thrasyb. 1. 1. plurima 
vero fortuna vindicat. Compare Caes. B. G. 5, 30 : Multum quum 
in omnibus rebus, turn in re militari potest fortuna. 

28. Hujus glorias, from pardoning Marcellus. Laus soon fol- 
lows as a synonym of gloria. The former is properly the praise, and 
esteem, which the meritorious and noble man enjoys ; the latter, re- 
nown, fruit of esteem. Laus denotes more the individual and mo- 
mentary ; gloria enhances the idea, and denotes the general and 
lasting. Gloria . ... est consentiens laus bonorum, incorrupta vox 
bene judicantium de excellente virtute. Tusc. 3, 2. 

30. duantumcunque est. This expression often restricts and 
limits ; quod certe maximum is therefore added to prevent ambiguity. 

3 2. Pxasfectus, sc. alarum, qui equestribus turmis praest, in oppo- 
sition to centurio, a commander of a company of infantry. So, in the 
next line, cohors, of the infantry ; turma, of the cavalry 7 . This pas- 
sage is an instance of rhetorical amplification. 

34. Se non oflert. Orelli, Schultz, and Steinmetz place se be- 
fore societatem. — Cedit. So Schultz and Steinmetz Orelli, conce- 
dit. — Tuam se esse. Orelli, Schultz, and Steinmetz, with Ernesti, 
omit se, understanding gloriam. Tuam = tui arbitrii, or in tua po- 
testate positam. 

Ch. III. — 3 7. Barbaras. The Gauls, Germans, Britons. 

38. Iiummerabiles. The Gauls, and especially the Alexan 
driaus. — Locis infinitas. Britain, Africa, Spain, and Pontus. 

39. Et before naturatn is omitted by Orelli, Schultz, and Stein- 
metz. 

40. Vinci. Schultz reads vinci vi possent. Orelli suggests vi/.ci 
it possent. 

42. Animum vincere, quia animus invictus habetur. De Fin. 
3, 22, recte invictus (habebitur animus), cujus etiam si corpus con~ 
stringatur, animo tamen vincula injici nulla possint. Compare 
Horace, Ep. 1,2: Animum regc, qui nisi parct, imperai. — Victo- 
rian temperare. H. 385, 3. What is the proper construction of tern- 



ORATION FOR M. MARCELLUS. 27] 

. Pa = e 
pcro in the sense in which it is hero used? The accusative hero is ac 

surprising. 

4<1. Amplificare ejus pristinam dignitatem. Compare ad 

Fam. G, 6, 10. From this it has been inferred that Caesar in some 

way distinguished Marcellus, as a consular man. But he died before 

his return. See ad Att. 13, 10, 3. But the delicate way in which 

Marcellus's pardon was granted, so that it seemed to come from the 

senate, may be all that is intended. 

1. Ctui facit. Klotz and Siipfie, from the Erf . Oxf and other 69 
MSS., give facit for the common text faciat, which Steinmetz and 
Schultz retain. 

2. Simillimum. deo. Wolf was displeased with this expression 
as too strong. Klotz defends it by reference to the common opinion of 
the .ancients respecting their gods. In popular belief and tradition the 
distanco between a mortal and immortal being was not so great, but 
that an apotheosis was easily adopted. The language of the enlight- 
ened also generally conformed to the belief of the mass. The senate 
had erected a statue to Caesar in the capitol, with the inscription, 
Semideus est. See p. Deiot. § 33. Lactantius, 1, 9, cites this pas- 
sage, reading non mo do ego eum. Priscian also quotes it. 

3. Illa3 quidem. Cf. § 11; P. C. p. 134. Whore quidem has a 
concessive force = " it is true," " certainly," and introduces a word 
preparatory to sed, the pronoun, otherwise omitted, is usually inserted. 
See Z. 278 and 801. — Non solis nostris. H. 443. Steinmetz and 
Schultz: non solum. Gernhard, ad Cat. M. 23, 83, incorrectly denies 
that the adj. non solus can stand for the adv. non solum, when sed or 
sed etiam follows. See Klotz, Lai. p. 137, fg. 

5. Nee ulla unquam. . Krebs' Guide, 527. EL 457. — Sed ta- 
men ejusmodi res .... obstrepi .... videntur. The construction here 
should be noticed as a departure from the regular form. Obstrepere 
being neuter should retain its dative in the passive voice, and be con- 
strued impersonally, as Liv. 3, 49 : Decemviro obstrcpitur. So too 
the infinitive of the passive is impersonal, and requires tho quasi aux- 
iliaries soleo, possum, vidcor, &c, to be impersonal, although videor 
in Latin, contrary to the English idiom, is almost exclusively porsonal 
in construction. See P. C. 285 and 297 ; H. 385. and Krebs' Guide, 
171 and 413. The language is highly figurative, and concinnity of 
expression is obtained by this construction. Jacob compares, de Opt. 
gen. 4, 11 : nam si arriderentur. Compare for a similar conception 
Ilorat Od. 2, 1, 17.— Nescio quomodo. H. 525, 4. 

lO. Q,use natura insolens. Cf. ad Fam. 4, 4, 2 : Victoria, qua 
civilibus bellis semper est insolens; and 4, 9, 3: Victoria, qua, eti- 
am si ad mcliores venit, tamen eos ipsos ferociores impotentiorcsque 
reddit. 

12. Sed etiam in fictis. Compare Lai. 7 24. Eleganter ges- 



272 KOTES. 

Pq tis pro viris, ut antitheta essent similiora, gercre quidem res et fiugere 
accurate opponuntur. — Quo s nunquam vidimus, diligamus. Cf.L&l 
8, 28. 

13. Te vero, &c. The orator here passes in a lively and ani- 
mated manuerj to that which is before his eyes, and by which thercv 
fore his feelings are more deeply and strongly moved. 

14. Sensusque et os cernimus. So also Orelli, Sehultz, and 
Steinmetz. Whose amotions, as depicted on the countenance, we 
behold, expressive of the desire to preserve what of the state has es- 
caped the fortune of war. For et os, which Ernesti, Wolf, and Spal' 
ing defend, some adopt the conjecture of Faernus. and read sensusque 
eos, which Jacob also advocates. Eos, i. e. tales, smoothes the con 
nection with the following ut. 

IT. Parietes .... gestiuut. The language becomes more and 
more bold, as the orator rises to the completion of his climax. Cf. 
Cluent. 6, 15. — Medius fidius = Mehercule ! 

18. Ut mihi videtur. So Orelli, Sehultz, and Steinmetz. We 
should expect ut mihi videntur, as from Cod. Col. some editions read. 
See references in note on line 5 above, especially Krebs, Guide, 
413. 

19. Ilia auctoritas. The abstract for the concrete = vir ille 
maxirnae auctoritatis. Others understand it of the former authority 
and dignity of the senate. Jacob explains it as ilii senatores adhuc 
exulantes, regarding the pardon of Marcellus as an earnest of the 
pardon of others. 

Ch. IV. — 21. Equidcm quum .... viderem. A transition from 
M. Marcellus to his kinsmen and family, whom the tears of C. Mar- 
cellus bring to Cicero's mind. — Incomparabili pieiate. On the affec- 
tion of C. Marcellus for his cousin Marcus, see ad Fam. 4, 7, and 9 
C. Marcellus was consul a. u. c. 704. He was at first a zealous and 
uncompromising advocate of the party hostile to Caesar. He, however, 
remained in Italy, and obtained the forgiveness of the conqueror. He 
was the husband of Caesar's niece Octavia, and at a later period, as 
such, enjoyed a place of high consideration. He is often confounded 
with a brother of M. Marcellus, whose name was the same, and who 
was consul a. u. c. 705. He appears to have perished in the civil 
wars. For incomparabili Orelli, Sehultz, and Steinmetz give comme- 
morabili, which variation Klotz omits to notice. 

22. Viderem, of time, to denote what is casual or accidental, 
therefore not videbam. P. C. 489 ; H. 518. 

23. Obfudit. Obf under e denotes to overspread as with a flood ; 
to throw as it were a cloud over any thing ; and conveys the idea 
of something grave and sorrowful. The word here seems sug* 
gested by the preceding, lacrimas. Sicut C. Marcelli vultus lacri* 
mis, ita pectus Cicercnis dolore siuTusuin est. 



ORATION FOR M. MARCELLUS. 273 

Pag:* 

21a Etiam mortuis = licet sint mortui. H. 576. — M. Mar cello go 
tonservaio. By the restoration of Marcellus. H. 431. 

25. Ad paucos redactam. Cf. ad Fam. 4, 11, extr. 

27. Gratulationibus. Days of rejoicing, festival days. — Ante- 
ponis So Klotz and Supfle, from Erf. and 3 Oxf. MSS., for the 
common antepones. The present suits the confidence of the presump- 
tion. In the following passage, down to afferet laudibus, Klotz de- 
fends from MSS. his variations from the common text, which differs 
in several particulars. The chief difference is in ut nulla tropceis, where 
the usual reading is ut tropceis, omitting nulla. But Osiander thinks 
the new reading harmonizes as little with the following, as the old did 
with the preceding sentence. He therefore prefers, with Halm ^Zeit- 
schrift fur Alterthumswissenschaft, 1838, p. 167,) the conjecture ut si 
ulla, and below, florescat, instead of either Jlorescet or fiorescit. Fr. 
Schneider (Jahrbiicher f. Philol. u. Paedag. 52r. Band, 1848, p. 285) 
rejects nulla, which Klotz received from Erf. and 8 Oxf. MSS., and 
takes nihil to vetustas as a parenthesis. He gives the connection in 
the thought as follows : " This act of thy magnanimity is so great, 
that time brings an end to thy trophies : but thy justice and clemency 
daily increase in fame ;" and remarks, that it is not surprising in Ci- 
cero, that a new sentence independent of ut should commence with at. 

30. Et dux et comes. Compare p. Balb. 4, 9 : quum eiiam ipst 
casus eventusque rerum non duces, scd comites ejus (Pompeii) con- 
siliorum fuerint. 

33. Conficiat et consumat. The former may refer to the com- 
mencement, the latter to the end of the destruction. 

34. Q,uotidie. The distinction between quotidie and in dies, 
which would lead us here, because of the comparative magis, to ex- 
pect the latter, is not always observed. P. C. 69, t. 

35. Quantum .... tantum. Z. 704. 

38. Vereor ut, &c. Cicero here purposely speaks not quite 
plainly. He did not wish to give full utterance to his thoughts re- 
specting the sentiments of the partisans of Pompey, as he had him- 
self been an oppor.ent of Caesar, and therefore passes rapidly on 
Compare ad Fam. 4, 9, 2 ; Alt. 7, 3, 4. In the next line Orelli gives 
ego ipse. 

40. Victoriani vicisse videris, quum .... remisisti. See 
P. C. 488, (c). Quum is used with two indicative verbs in the same 
tense, to express identity of action as well as identity of time (when 
the best translation is by the preposition in :) as, Praiclare facis quum 
puerum diligis, you act a most noble part in thus loving the child. 

4-1. Ipsius rictoriae. Victory in itself considered, without regard 
to the victors who had gained it. 

42. Omnes. Orelli and Steinmetz read jure omnes ; Schultz, 
I jure] omnes. 



274 NOTES. 

Page 

gQ 44:. Devicta est. The strengthened devicta is well chosen with 

reference to victi and invictus. 
•70 Ch. V. — 1. Atque hoc . . . .judicium .... quam late pateal 
atteudite. This turn of thought could be only agreeable to the sen- 
ate, and not offensive to Caesar, who sought to lay others under obliga- 
tions to himself. The favor shown to Marcellus seemed to give as- 
suranee to other Pompeians, that they might expect like clemency 
On the anticipation, by which the subject of the dependent clause id 
made the object of the leading clause, see note on p. 56, line 15 
With what verbs is this the case in Cicero ? 

3* Fato nescio quo. Here again, as § 12, from unwillingness 

to contemplate the origin of the civil war, Cicero hurries on, merely 
in passing calling it an unhappy and mournful destiny that forced tho 
followers of Pompey to arms. On nescio quo, see H. 525, 4. 

4. Erroris Iiumani. By euphemism, to soften tho expression. 
So in Lig., and in his letters, where Cicero touches upon this subject. 
— A scelere .... liberati sumus. Cicero regularly joins the simple 
ablative with liberare where the notion is not personal. Z. 468. 

6, Item. Some read iterum ; his first restoration being when he 
was recalled from exile. 

T. Nullo deprecaute. H. 457, 2 ; 431 ? 3. 

8. Sibi ipsos. Orelli, Schullz, and Steinmetz read sibi ipsis. In 
the next line after videtis, Steinmetz places a colon, and quotes the 
schol. Ambros. in support of it: Quum eos, inquit, C. C&sar, qui 
contra se pro Pompeio anna ceperant, in senatum inlroduxit, hostes 
non fuisse judicavit 

1 2. Q,uo quidem in bello. H. 453. 

14. Orationem civium pacem flagitantium. Under this more 
comprehensive form Cicero doubtless includes himself especially, but 
he did not wish distinctly to say meam pacem flagitantis. So ho be- 
gins the next sentence with, Neque enim ego, &e. Compare ad Fam. 
<J, 6, 3 ; 16, 12. 

15. Ilia, Pompeii, whom he avoids mentioning by name, as often 
in the Ligarius. So below, hominem for eum, or in a merely general 
way, without regard to his relation to the state, therefore not virum, 
referring to the implied genitive in ilia .... arma. 

16. Mea consilia pacis. See ad Alt. 7, 14, and 7, 5. 

18. Privato consilio. From considerations of personal obliga- 
tion, not to serve the interests of the state. See ad Fam. 6, 6, 6 ; 
nd Att. 8, 3, 2. Consilio I judge to be a misprint in the edition of 
Klctz, as I find officio in all others, except Supfle's, who copies from 
Klotz. Klotz himself notices no variation from Orelli, who also, with- 
out variation, gives officio. 

20. Prudeiis et sciens. Prudens denotes one who has ready 
practical views and circumspection ; scions, one who possesses the re- 



ORATION FOR M. MARCELLl'S. 275 

quisite information. See Donat. ad Tcrent., Eun. 4, 1 : Prudens estjiyn 
qui intelligentia sua aliquid sentit ; sciens, qui alicujus jndicio rem cog- 
noscit. 

21. Q,uod quidem meum consilium. And this purpose of 
mine, sc. to advise peace. 

22. In hoc ordine. In the senate. 

23. Integra re. Before the outbreak of the war. 

24. Cum capitis mei periculo. For the Pompeians threatened 
ell who counselled peace. Plutarch, Cic. 39, gives an account of an- 
other danger which Cicero incurred, from declining the command 
after the battle of Pharsalia. Pompey the son, and others, with drawn 
swords, assailed him, calling him traitor, and would have taken his 
life, had not Cato interfered and saved him. — Ex quo indicate transi- 
tion, and = igitur, ergo. Orelli, Schultz, and Steinmetz : jam nemo, 
and below, rerum existimator .... Ccesaris voluntas de hello . . . 
mirum fortasse. 

27. Statim, after the battle of Pharsalia, while he was in Egypt. 
See Lig. § 7. Wolf. But Jacob interprets: statim ut deprecabantur, 
immediately upon their application, without hesitation. On the omis- 
sion of the adversative conjunction between the two clauses, see Z. 
781. 

Ch. VI. — 31. Hujus quidem rei, Marcellum a hello abhorruisse. 
Cicero, having attributed Caesar's prompt pardon of himself to his 
advocacy of peace, now advances a like claim on the part of Mar- 
ctllus, to whose desire for peace he himself bears witness, on tho 
ground of his intimacy with Marcellus, and his knowledge of his 
/iews. 

34. Certorum liominum. Cato, Lentulus, Scipio, &c. Veil. 
2, 49. Plut. Cass. 31. Certos autem homines vocamus, quos nomi- 
nare aut otiosum, ut hie, aut superfiuum. 

35. Victorias ferocitatem. Crudelitatem victorum, ut exsilia 
caedes, proscriptiones. 

31. Non enim jam causae, &c Compare p. Lig 6, 19. 

38. Vidimus, &c. Weiske notices the beauty of this §, both in 
respect to the figurative expressions and the construction. The first 
clause is chiastic. 

39. Gladium vagiua vacuum, &c. Victory had given to Cae- 
sar power to avenge himself, but, far from imitating Marius and Sulla, 
ho wished to be formidable to his adversaries only on the field of bat- 
tle. None of his enemies, with the exception of Afranius, Faustus 
Sulla, and the younger L. Caesar, perished but in battle. Suet. C&s. 
75. But in tho camp of Pompey there was only the breath of hatred 
and revenge. Several days before the battle a list of proscribed had 
been drawn up, in which were included even those who had remained 
in Italy, or who had shown indifference to the cause. Pompey him- 



276 N0TE3. 

•rnself meditated rengeance. Cicero says of him, ad Alt. 9, 10, Sulla 
turit animus ejus, et proscripturit diu. 

42. Excitaret, in reference to perculit = excitaturus esset. 

43. Alterius vero partis, sc. Pompeianae. Construe Nihil vi:rt 
amplius dicam, quain nimis irac. fut. fuisse victoriam alterius p. 
id quod, &c. For the sake of emphasis and contrast, Alt. p. arc 
placed first. 

»ri 2. Armatis, here refers of course to the followers of Cassar, and 
= adversariis. — Otiosis, the neutral. 

5. Expetiverunt. The indicative is the language of confidence 
and certainty. 

7. Vel satiati aliquando. As it were a correction of vel pla- 
catijam. 

9. Bono, sc. dementia? et sapiential. 

10. IVatura = indoles animi, ingenium. Bene naturam moribua 
conjungit, quia virtutes non solum insita vi naturae, sed etiam moribua 
et exercitio comparantur. 

13. Felicitati tuae gratulabere. This Caesar himself admits. 
B. G. 3, 15 ; B. C. 3, 14 ; and Hirt. in B. Alex. 75. Con gratulabere 
is found in some editions, but Cicero appears not to have used the 
compound form of this verb. See Garaton. ad Plane. 27, 66. 

IT. Vel sola. In accordance with the principles of the Stoics ; 
p. Deiot. § 37. 

19. A virtute .... a fortuna. Virtus andforluna are person- 
ified. H, 414, 6. 

20. Commodata. Loaned. Ut eadem, quae dedit, auferre tan- 
quam sua possit, nam commodata redduntur, donata retinentur. — 
Noli .... defatigari. H. 535, 1, 3). Compare p. Lig. § 37. 

22. Aliqua. Orelli aud Schultz place aliqua after praxilaie. 

23. Specie quadam rei publico?. Under color of the com- 
mon good, or public weal. 

24. Timuerunt. As hostile to the welfare of the state. 

25. Senserunt. By their own preservation after your victory 
Orelli, Schultz, and Steinmetz after quod give plerique, which Erf. 
and other MSS. omit. 

Ch. VII.— 2T. Nunc venio. Orelli, nunc vero v.; Schultz, nunc 
[vcro]. With this chapter commences the second part of this oration. 
The first part treated of the pardon of Marcellus ; and the second and 
leading part, containing the orator's opinion and judgment upon a mat- 
ter brought forward in the senate, treats of the snares to which Caesar 
already believed himself exposed, of which indeed Cicero makes no 
mention elsewhere, not even ad Fam. 4, 4, although in that letter the 
restoration and pardon of Marcellus are communicated to Sulpicius. — 
Atrocissimam suspicionem. Atrox from ater, as ferox from ferus, 
telox from velum, with the final syllable ox (pculus) related to <5i/ 



ORATION FOR M. MARCELLUS. 277 

jroper/y expresses what is of a dark, lowering, sinister aspect or look, rr-t 
As a legal expression in connection with vis y it means direct personal 
violence. So atrocitas, atrox res, atrox injuria, indicate a grave 
wrong or crime, &c, which evinces the hostile animus of the wrong- 
doer, and marks the criminality of the act, as one to he more severely 
punished. In this sense Caesar's suspicion that his life was aimed at is 
called atrocissima. The atrocitas is estimated from the circumstan- 
ces ; e. g. Quinctil. 6, 1, 15-18 : atrocitas crescit ex his quid factum 
sit, a quo, in quern, quo animo, quo tempore, quo loco, quo modo ; qua* 
omnia infinitos tractus habent. 

30. Falsam esse. Orelli and Schultz, esse falsa?n, nunquam 
tamen verbis extenuabo. So also Steinmetz, except ext. verbis. 

31. Tuaenim cautio nostra cautio est, Cautio is repeated for 
the sake of emphasis and antithesis. 

3 2. In alterutro. Vel nimium cavendo, vel parum. 

34:. Tarn demens, sc. qui tibi insidiaretur, the omission of which 
clause evinces the orator's strong feeling of its impossibility. 

35. Ex hoc liumero, qui. This is common, where we should 
expect, ex horum numero, qui. See p. Arch. § 31. Z. 366, in fin 
Orelli, Schultz, and Steinmetz, ex eo num. 

41. De inimicis. H. 398, 4. 

4-2. Superfuerunt. Steinmetz, fuerunt. 

4-. Ex unius tua. Hark. 397, 3. Orelli, suam ? et ex unius tua,ny 
vitam pendere omnium; Schultz, suam, et ex unius tui viiam, &c. 

5. Dumtaxat. = merely, simply. 

8. Consistere. Z. 452, in fin. 

lO. Sceleris .... insidiarumque consensio = scelestarum in- 
sidiarum consensio. What is this figure called ? H. 704, II. 2. It serves 
to give distinctness to the two notions, which if connected as adjective 
and substantive would present but one conception. The first substan- 
tive for the most part stands to the second in the relation of the genus 
to the species. 

Ch. VIII. — 13. Prostrata atque perculsa. Dashed to the 
ground, and shattered. Or., Sch., and St., perculsa atque prostrata. 

14:. Constitueuda judicia. Nempe inter arma siluerant leges. 
Seo Suet. Cas. 41.— Fides. Credit. 

1 5. Propaganda suboles. The civil wars had greatly reduced 
the population ; Appian, B. C. 2, 102, says, to one-half the number 
before the wars. Encouragements to marriage were therefore held 
out and privileges conferred upon the parents of several children. Cf. 
Suet. C(bs. 42, and Oct. 34. 

16. Delapsa defluxerunt. The figure is derived from run- 
ning water, which is restrained by a dam, whence vincienda suits it 
well. Jus and lex are metaphorically called vinculo. Orelli and 
Schultz, dilapsa jam fluxerunt ; Steinmetz, dil.jam diffluxerunt. 



278 NOTES, 

Pago 

rjcy 1 T. Non fuit recusaiidum .... quill = fieri enim aliter non po« 
tuit, . . . quin. Orelli, Schultz, and Steinmetz, tanloquc. 

18. Quassata. As the ship of state is a common figure, so quas' 
sata is figuratively applied as if speaking of a wreck. 

19. Ornamenta dignitatis, ia reference to external splendor; 
prcesidia stabilitatis, in reference to the security and permanence ol 
tho state, especially in time of war ; and both expressions refer to the 
moneys drawn from the treasury, and resources for the purpose of car- 
rying on war. 

20. Uterque dux. Krebs, Guide, M5 (1) ; H. 191, 3. 

21. Q,uae .... fieri prokibuisset. H. 499, 1, 2. 

22. Sananda. Orelli, curanda ; Orelli and Schultz, nunc Libi; 
and Orelli, Schultz, and Steinmetz, mederi nemo. 

24. Praeclarissimam et sapientissimam vocem. This remark 
is so called by the orator, as evincing a noble resignation, and a con- 
tempt of death, becoming a philosopher. Cf. Suet. Ccbs. 45 and 86. 

25. Satis diu, &c. Orelli and Schultz in the form of the oratio 
obliqua : satis te diu vel natures vixisse, vel glories. 

26. Fortasse. Caesar was now over 54 years old, therefore tho 
language is qualified. Or., Sch., and St., natures fortasse. 

28. Doctorum hominum, especially the Stoics. Orelli, Schultz, 
and Steinmetz, omittc, quaso, istam. 

29. Esse sapiens = philosophari, but with distinct allusion to the 
stoical wise man, as an ideal character. Orelli, Schultz ; and Stein- 
metz, sapiens esse. 

30. Tibi te satis. Orelli, Schultz, and Steinmetz, satis te tibi; 
and below, qua cog., nondum jeceris. 

32. Tibi .... soli natus esses. Compare de Off. 1, 7, 22. 

33. Res tuas gestae. See note on p. 36, line 31. 

34. Tantum abes a perfectione . . . . ut. Tantum abesse ia 
construed personally, only when it is followed by an object with ab. 
For its more common construction, see note on p. 66, line 8 ; and H. 
496, 3. 

3G. JEquitate animi. Composure and tranquillity of mind, such 
as is undisturbed by either prosperity or adversity. Orelli and Schultz, 
tuai vita; and below, Or., Sch., and St., quidem tuce. 

38. Ctuamvis sis sapiens. Sapiens enim gloriam, quae jirtutia 
fructus est, non qurerit, ipsa virtute contentus. 

39. Parumne gloriam magnam, i. e. parumne gloriam, qua? 

est magna, alicujus ponderis. We need not, therefore, read with 
Weisk9 magnam gloriam, on the ground that parum, to avoid ambi 
guity, must not be too remote from the word to which it belongs. For 
parum gl. m., i. e. non satis gloria magna, is " not enough fame," to bo 
considered great • par. magna gl. is " a not great enough fame," i. e 
an insignificant, insufficient fame. Tho common reading, therefore, aa 



ORATION FOR M. MARCELLUS. 279 

Pag« 

lass restricting the magn., is to bo preferred, as the words satis . . ijq 
parum, which follow, clearly show. 

40. Irnnio vero. Z. 277. 

41. Q,uidquid est enim. Orelli, Schultz, and Steinmetz, q. cnim 
est . . . amp. sit, id certe parum est turn. 

2. Admirationis .... gloria?. So below, § 28, mirari and lau-'J'^ 
dare aro opposed to each other. 

3. In suos cives. Sermo est v. c. de uno pluribusve civibus sor- 
eatis. Orelli. Schultz and Steinmetz omit cives. Orelli and Schultz 
read pcrvagata multorum et magnorum. Compare Phil. 1, 12, 29. 

Ch. IX. — 5. Pars. This word here, as actus immediately after- 
wards, seems borrowed from the drama, although tho plural of pars \s 
more common in this sense. Compare ad Q.fratr. 1, 16,46. 

6. Constituas. The common reading here is constituas eaque tu 
inprimis composita cum summa, &c. Componere is used especially 
of the peaceful settlement of disputes, civil disturbances ; constituerc, 
chiefly of institutions in the state, of ordinances, which then first be- 
come possible. 

7. Tranquillitate et otio. Thus far flcesar had been involved it 
perpetual wars. 

8. Si voles. H. 470, 2. 

9. Dicito. What imperative is this? H. 209, 534. 

10. Q,uid eiiim est hoc ipsum diu, &c. Compare de Senect. 
19, 69. Orelli, Schultz, and Steinmetz, Quid est enim. 

1 2. Ctuia postea nulla est futura. This is in accordance with 
the principles of the Epicurean philosophy, to which Caesar was at- 
tached. Or., Sch., and St., futura est; and, below, semperque. 

15. Dicenda. Schultz and Steinmetz, ducenda. 

16. Corpore et spiritu. Spiritu is added purposely, to denote 
merely the physical life. Animo et corpore is the more obmmon ex- 
pression. — Continetur. H. 414. Sch., ilia, ilia, inquam, vita, &c. 

19. Ostcntes. Facias ea, quibus memoriam tui aeternam roddas. 

23. Munera, i. e. spectacula omnis generis, ludos gladiatorios, Cir- 
censes, naumachiam. Public festivals, considered as presents or dona- 
tions to the people, are often so called. The old reading here was 
monumenta innumera, which Steinmetz retains. But innumerus is 
not a Ciceronian word, and munera adds a new and appropriate notion. 
Caesar too had just before exhibited such games and shows with great 
splendor. Cf. Phil. 2, 45, 116. 

24. Tuos. The emphatic position of tuos should be noticed. 

25. Vagabitur = innotescet quam plurimis, sed sine constante 
laude, but wise civic regulations will placo posterity, who will enjoy 
them, under constant obligations to you, and they, with a feeling of 
thankfulness, will ever magnify your fame. After scdem, Orelli, 
Schultz, and Steinmetz give quidem. 



280 NOTES. 

Page 

79 29. Requircnt, is here a softer term for reprehcndent. 

33. Haud scio an. P. C. 116. 

31-. Sine cupiditate, i. e. sine studio partium, unbiased by purl J 
zeal. Below, Or., Sch., and St., etiam si tunc. 

36. duidam. The Epicureans. 

Cn. X. — 39. Distracts, contrarian. It is explained by consiliin 
ct studiis . . . dissidebamus, which immediately follow. For consilia 
are the consequence of sentential, studia of voluntates. There is no 
need also of applying the figure zeugma here, for armis and castris aro 
like the preceding substantives, abl. causa, and = propter arma ot 
castra, qua? secuti eramus. This chapter appears to begin abruptly, 
and without easy transition from what has gone before, unless we con- 
sider it to be a more circumstantial repetition of what has preceded, in 
order to lead Caesar to the present state of his circumstances, and the 
dispositions of the pardoned Pompeians, and to introduce the conclusion 
with an expression of thanks. 

41. Obscuritas quaedam, utra causa esset melior, justior. Orelii, 
Schultz, and Steinmetz read autem for enim before obscuritas. 

42. Clarissimos duces. Pompey and Caesar. 

43. Optimum, utrum tecum an cum Pompeio essent. — Expedi 
ret, utile esset ; deceret, conveniret, pro gestis honoribus, for in Pom 
pey's camp were the higher in rank. Cf. p. Deiot. § 11. 

44. Iiiceret, fas esset, sc. deserere partes amici et transire ad Ceo 
sarem. 

74 1. Misero fatalique bello. The evils and horrors of civil wai 
were willingly charged to a sad fatality. Compare p. Lig. §17 — 
Vicit is, qui non .... inflammaret. P. C. 483 (2) . 

4. Arma ab aliis posita, ab aliis erepta sunt. Ab aliis, by 
some voluntarily, e. g. Cicero and others, after the battle of Pharsalia: 
ab aliis, from others, who had renewed the war in Africa. The ad- 
dition of the preposition in the latter clause marks more prominently 
the violence necessary, and gives concinnity to the sentence. Notice 
also the different relation in which the preposition stands to posita and 
to erepta. In the first clause it introduces the active subject ; in the 
second, the suffering person from whom the weapons were wrested. 

G. Iiiberatus tamen. H. 576. Below, Orelii, Schultz, and 

Steinmetz read sit melior and armis et extincta. 

1 2. Nisi te salvo manente. Z. 638. 

15. Haec, hanc urbem. See note on p. 15, line 20. In the next 
line, Orelii, Schultz, and Steinmetz read ut vita, ut saluti tua. 

18. Excubias et custodias. Properly night and body guards: 
for the former stands generally of the watch, .which is kept at night ; 
the latter of the watch, which defends the peace, welfare, and safety 
of another. It is not necessary with some to refer this to a body-guard 
of soldiers, for Cajsar rejected with disdain a standing body-guard. It 



ORATION FOR M. MARCELLUS. 281 

P;> ff e 
r alher refers to the readiness of the senators to defend Caesar at therrj 

risk of their own life. 

19. Oppositus = oppositiones, an anal- \tyontvov in Cicero. So 
pnsitus, appositus, and other compounds, occur for the form in io. 

Ch. XI. — 21. Ut. Klotz has admitted this conjunction from 
MSS., by which the sentence is more compactly connected and round- 
ed. So also Steinmetz, Siipfle, and Schultz. — Unde, sc. gratiarum 
actionc 

22. Gratlas agimus .... liabenius. See note on p. 12, line 11 
Lambinu3 reads majorem, sc. gratiam, in accordance with the more 
common construction of habere. 

23. Majores, to preserve the construction uniform and parallel 
with the preceding maximas .... agimus. Compare ab aliis posita, 
ab aliis erepta, § 31. Notice also that the comparative enhances the 
superlative, for the superlative does not always mean the highest, but 
only a high degree of a given quality. Cf. de Off. 3, 121 : Tibi per- 
suade, esse te quidem mihi c arissimum, sed multo fore 
cariorem, &c ; in Cat. 3, 5, 13. — Idem sentiunt. Entertain the 
same sentiments of gratitude. 

24. ILacrimis. Compare p. Sert. 11 : Jiens universus or do dici- 
tur orasse, and p. Lig. § 13. 

25. Stantibus. Senators who did not wish to make a speech on 
the question, assented while retaining their seats. Ad Fam. 5, 2, 9 : 
sedens Us assensi. The text in this passage is very corrupt. Orelli 
gives : sed, quia non est stantibus omnibus necesse dicere, a me eerie 
did volunt, cui necesse est quodammodo, quod volunt ; et quod fieri 
decet, et quod, M. Marcello a te huic ordini, populoque Romano et rei 
publico, reddito, fieri id intelligo. This he explains as follows : But 
because it is not necessary for all to rise and speak, they desire me to 
do so, upon whom their wish imposes the obligation ; both because it 
is proper in itself to give thanks now to you, and because it is M. Mar- 
cellus, my friend, that has been restored by you, for whose restoration 
I now thank you. With slight variations the common text agrees with 
the above from Orelli, except that et is given before quod volunt, and 
fieri omitted before decet; and prcecipue a me fieri debere, or pr&ci- 
pue id a me fieri debere, or prcecipuc id a me fieri, are found before 
intelligo. But of prcecipue a me and debere there is no trace in 
MSS. Steinmetz from MSS. gives the reading of Klotz, except that 
after quodammodo he retains in brackets et quod volunt and et quod 
before M. Marcello. He also indicates a lacuna before fieri id intel- 
ligo. They wish me to speak, who am under a kind of necessity of 
so doing, and who feel the propriety of it, since Marcellus has been 
restored, &c. 

28. Nou de. Orelli, Schultz, and Steinmetz, non ut de; and in 
the next line, sed ut de, Sec. 






282 NOTES. 

Page 

HA 29. Q,uod autem, &c. The construction is, Quum autem pra- 
sliterim tamdiu, quamdiu dubitatum est de salute illius, id, solU 

citudine, cura, labore, quod est summas benevolentia, (qua ne 

mini) certe debeo prastare hoc tempore (sc. id, quod summae benevo- 
lentiae est), liberatus magnis curis, molestiis, doloribus. But since 
I have, so long as his safety was uncertain, shown him by my solici- 
tude, anxiety, and efforts, the highest marks of affection (which all 
know I have felt towards him, so as hardly to fall behind his most ex- 
cellent and loving cousin, besides him so as to yield to no one), theso 
same marks of affection I ought certainly at the present time, when I 
am relieved from care, trouble, and pain, to testify. Compare ad Fain 
4, 7, 6, and 9, 4. 

32. Fratri, sc. patrueli. 

35. Itaque, &c. This is a second evidence of affection, that ho 
thanks Caesar, as if the greatest benefit had been conferred not upon 
Marcellus, but himself. 

36. Sic, huic rei convenienter, with such sentiments of gratitude. 

3 7. Tamen, with reference to the correlative concessive, with pre- 
ceding participle. Z. 635. The sentence may be resolved into ut, 
licet omnibus rebus non solum conservatus, sed etiam ornatus sim, ta- 
men. 

38. Unum, adds emphasis, ut alios taceam. 

39. Maximus .... cumulus accesserit. Maximum cumulum 
accessisse profitear. In Latin two clauses are not unfrequently con- 
nected immediately with each other, the logical connection of which 
is only mediate. Cf. Tusc. 4, § 47: Ila . . . . definit, ut pcrturbctiv 
titj for ut dicat perturb ationem esse. 



THE ORATION FOR Q. LIGARIUS. 



INTRODUCTION. 

Lmaiuus was the name of three brothers, who lived in the time of the civil 
fvars between Cesar and Pompey. They were of Sabine origin. 

Q. Ligarius is first mentioned in a. u. c. 704 as legate, in Africa, of C. Con- 
sidius Longus, who left him in command of the province, while he went to 
Rome to become a candidate for the consulship. 

On the breaking out of the civil war in the folio whig year, L. Atius Varus, 
who had commanded the Pompeian troops at Auximum, and had been obliged 
to fly before Caesar, arrived in Africa, of which province he had been formerly 
propraetor. Into his hands Ligarius resigned the government, although L. 
xElius Tubero had been appointed to the province by the senate ; and when 
Tubero made his appearance off Utica shortly afterwards, he was not permit- 
ted even to land. Ligarius fought under Varus against Curio in the course of 
the same year (a. u. c. 705), and against Caesar himself in 708. After the bat- 
tle of Thapsus, in which the Pompeian army was defeated, Ligarius was ta- 
ken prisoner at Adrumetum. His life was spared, but he was banished by 
Caesar. His friends at Rome exerted themselves to procure his pardon, but 
were unable to succeed at first, notwithstanding the intercession of his brothers, 
of his uncle, T. Brocchus, and of Cicero himself, who had an audience with 
the dictator on the 23d of September, a. u. c. 708, for the purpose. Meantime, 
a public accusation was brought against Ligarius by Q. iElius Tubero, the 
son of L. Tubero, whom Ligarius had united with Varus in preventing from 
landing in Africa. He was accused on account of his conduct in Africa, and 
his connection with the enemies of the dictator. The case was pleaded be- 
fore Caesar himself in the forum. Cicero defended Ligarius in the following 
speech, in which he maintains that Ligarius had as much claim to the mercy 
of Caesar as Tubero and Cicero himself. Ligarius was pardoned by Caesar, who 
was on the point of setting out for the Spanish war, and who probably was not 
sorry to have this public opportunity of exhibiting his usuar*mercy. Tho 
speech which Cicero delivered in his defence has been much admired. Liga- 
rius, however, felt no gratitude for the favor that had been shown him, and 
eagerly joined the conspirators, who assassinated Caesar in a. u. c. 710. 

Appian speaks of two brothers of the name of Ligarius, who perished in the 
proscription of the triumvirs in a. u. c. 711 (B. C. iv. 22) ; and in the following 
chapter, he mentions a third Ligarius, who met with the same fate. Now, as 
Cicero expressly mentions three brothers of this name, Q. Ligarius must have 
been one of those who were put to death on this occasion. Diet. G. and R 
Biog. and Myth., Ligarius. 

The oration of Q. Tubero against Ligarius in this trial, was still extant in 
the time of Quinctilian (cf. 10, 1, 23). But after his failure in this cause, he 
abandoned the profession of oratory, and devoted himself to the study of the 
civil law. 



284 



ANALYSIS. 

1. The introduction consists of a continued and well-sustained iiony. Cicerc 
ridicules Tubero, for bringing an accusation against Ligarius before Cu?sar 
on account of a matter that is known to everybody ; represents himself a^ 
stripped of all means of defence, by the charge of so unheard of a crime, 
as the having been in Africa ; and proceeds to treat the whole accusation 
as trifling and contemptible. He accordingly goes on, in subtle and covert 
irony, to urge that the disclosure of this crime compels him to resort to 
Caesar's humanity as his on y refuge ; by which, he adds, so many already 
have been preserved to their country, whom Caesar has pardoned, not for 
any crime, but only for an error, and among them Tubero also, who, how- 
ever, as well as his father, has more to answer for to Caesar, than Ligarius 
who is charged by them with a crime, from which they are not able to 
clear themselves. ($ 1, 2.) 

2. The narration shows, that Ligarius was in Africa, but without any fault 
of his own, and not as Csesar's enemy ; for, 

(a) He went as legate into the province of Africa before the outbreak of war 
was suspected ; 

(6) He was constrained, when Considius withdrew, by the urgent wish ol 
ihe inhabitants, against his will to assume the government of the province ; 

(c) He refused the command offered to him, but was unable, becoming in- 
volved in the war, to escape from the province, (t) 3-5.) 

3. The argument itself has two parts : the first invalidates the charge of the 
accuser ; the second commends Ligarius to Cassar's mercy. 

(1) The orator introduces his proof of the weakness of Tubero 's accusation 
by a panegyric on Caesar, for having spared him who had been a Pompeian 
(§ 6-8), and then shows, 

(«) How unwise and inconsiderate the accusation is, since the accuser had 
actually fought against Caesar, while the accused had only been in Africa 
(* 9. 10) ; 

(b) How cruel and inhuman, since it aims at the death of Ligarius (§ 11, 12), 
or at least hinders his pardon ($ 13, 14), a cruelty which Cicero purposely 
depicts in the strongest colors ($ IS, 16) ; 

(c) How unreasonable and unjust, since Tubero has called the error of Liga- 
rius treason, whereby he reflects upon the whole party of Pompey, and even 
condemns his own and his father's course ($ 17-19) ; in respect to (1) his 
own journey to Africa, which was entered upon by command of the senate 

t> 20-23), (2) his zeal to defend this province (§ 24), and (3) his firmness and 
consistency, in supporting the party of the senate, even after his affront 
(t) 25-28) ; 
id) How absurd and foolish it is, to desire that Caesar, who has pardoned 
public offences, should avenge private grievances. ($ 29.) 

(2) He directs his discourse to secure pardon for the accused, and, 

(a) In connection with praise of Caesar, he makes frank confession of his own 
mistake and fault (§ 30, 31) ; 

(b) lie draws a touching picture of the sorrow and distress of the brothers 
and kinsmen of Ligarius, who are present, and have beec. constant friends 
of Caesar ($ 32-34) ; 

(c) He briefly sets forth the merits of one of the brothers, T. Ligarius, for set 
vice done to Caesar, who now is reminded that he has it in his own power 
to show him a grateful recollection of the favor ($ 35, 36) ; 



ORATION FOR Q. LIGARIUS. 285 

Id) He in a few words alludes to the glory which Caesar has already obtained 
by the preservation and pardon of Marcellus ($ 37) ; and finally, 

(c) Describes the praise, which the attributes of mercy and compassion wm. 
(* 38.) 

1. In conclusion, the orator leaves the entire cause to Caesar's own rcfiec 
tions. and only reminds him that, by preserving Ligarius, he will at the 
same time preserve the happiness and welfare of many more. 

Ch. I. — Novum crimen. Ironically, as if he had said, " A mon- 75 
etrous charge this, Caesar, that Ligarius was in Africa! (as if you had 
not pardoned even your Pharsalian foes before now ;) and what is 
worse still, Pansa, no mean authority, has had the hardihood, trusting, 
no doubt, to his intimacy with you, (as nothing less could warrant such 
a communication,) to confess this fact ! I am, therefore, completely 
at a loss ; for (as no one could defend) I was prepared to deny the 
charge, which being so new (i. e. notorious), you, of course, could, 
have no means of learning, either of yourself or from other sources." 
M'Kay. Cf. Quinctil. 4, 1, 38 and 70 ; 9, 2, 50 ; 11, 1, 78. 

2. Inauditum. Benecke, Soldan, Madvig, and others read non 
auditum, as found in Quinctil. 11,3, 108 ; and some MSS. Benecke 
thinks that the separation of the negative particle gives it prominenco 
and sharpens the irony. — Propinquus metis. So ch. 3, § 8 : adole- 
acentis propinqui. The elder Tubero appears to have married into the 
"gens Tullia." Cf. ch. 7, 21 ; and ad Att. 13, 20. He here refers 
to this relationship obviously to show that his predilection should be in 
favor of tho accuser, and, therefore, that his confidence must be great 
in the innocence of Ligarius. — Q. Mlius Tubero, having failed in his 
charge against Ligarius, devoted himself exclusively to the study of 
jurisprudence. He was a writer on public and private law, and is 
often mentioned in the Digest. 

3. In Africa fuisse. Cicero carefully extenuates the act of Li- 
garius, and makes no allusion to his having taken up arms against 
Caesar, which doubtless formed the gravest part of Tubero's charge. — 
C. Pansa. C. Vibins Pansa was consul with Hirtius, a. u. c. 711. He 
died at Bononia (Bologna), from a wound received in the first battle 
with Antony, near Mutina (Mtidena). When tribune of the people, 
a. u. c. 703, he, with his colleague Caelius, opposed the decree of the 
senate to appoint a successor to Caesar in the command of the province 
of Gaul. The intimacy and affection which existed between him and 
Caesar may be learned from ad Fam. 6, 12. That the words pr<z- 
stanti vir ingenio are spoken without irony, appears also from the 
name epistle. 

4. Fretus .... ausus est. The force which these words add to 
the irony of the passage should be noticed. Audeo and non dubito, 
when not used merely as auxiliaries for form's sake, but with full and 
emphatic meaning, are put before their infinitive. 



286 NOTES. 

Page 

jtk 5. Confiteri. This is not to be understood of testimony given by 
a witness whom the accuser has brought forward, which would be ox- 
pressed by dicere in eum or profiteri, rather than by confiteri, but 01 
a simple acknowledgment or admission, although it may be a forced 
or unwilling one. Matthiae adds, as the complement of confiteri, " so 
quoque cum Ligario in Africa fuisse ;" Soldan more correctly under - 
stands idque or novum istud crimen. — Vertam. P. C. 109 ; H. 525. 

6. Q,uum .... scires potuisses. P. C. 439 ; H. 518. 

Observe the change of tense. See P. C. 125, 130, 131. 

8. Abnterer = take advantage of. Cf. p. Mil. 2, 6. — Par at us 
. . . ut ... . abuterer. Prepared to take advantage of. P. C. 58, 

compared with § 12 ; H. 489. — Investigatum. A metaphor taken 
from hunting. 

9. Ut opinor. Z. 777. Klotz : investigatum est id, &c. 

10. Q,uum fecerit. H. 517. — Ut .... non esset. P. C. 

62 and 77 [C. xiv.] ; Harkness, 490. — Integrum. Derived from in, 
i. e. non and tango. It expresses what is unchanged from its original 
condition, so that the whole control and shaping is free. There was 
no more room for denial. The orator was restricted to one course of 
proceeding. 

12. Plurimi. Adversarii, Pompeiani, quorum magnus numerus 
fuit. 

13. Q,uum impctravissent. P. C. 343, 344, 353, 358. 

The pluperfect subjunctive stands of a past action in reference to an 
action also past. H. 480. — Culpa, voluntary ; errati, involuntary. 

14. Hafoes igitur, &c. Cf. Quinctil. 4, 2, 67. 

15. Hoc confiteutem. So Orelli, Madvig, Supfie, Klotz, and 
Soldan. The common reading is ita conf., after which we might have 
expected, ut se in ea parte dicat fuisse. But ita and sic, id, hoc, 
Mud are often used where they seem superfluous, e. g. with verbs of 
hearing, learning, affirming, doubting, &c. They are then general- 
ly followed by the infinitive (if the verb would otherwise be so con- 
structed), or by ut and the subj. 

16. In ea parte, sc. the party of Pompey. — Qua te, qua virum 
On the omission of the preposition with the relative, when it stands 
before the same case of the demonstrative, and the relative and de- 
monstrative clauses have a common predicate, see Z. 778 and 774 
On the case of te and virum, Z. 603 (c). After te the common text 
has Tubero. 

IT- Prius quarn. P. C. 502. 

18. Coiifiteamini necesse est. P. C. 504; H. 556. 

19. Reprehendatis. P. C. 498 and 501 ; H. 523. 

20. €t« enim Ligarius. Enim is very often used, in passing to 
a more detailed statement, or explanation of a subject which has been 
generally mentioned before. This has led copyists to substitute othoi 



ORATION FOR Q. LIGARIUS. 287 

Page 
particles, as in this passage, igitur, which some retain against thenr* 
better authority of MSS. For the position of enim, see P. C. p. 256, 
98. — Quum esset. H. 53 8. He distinguishes three periods, ail with- 
out charge against Ligarius, of which the first is, his lieutenancy 
After esset in some editions adhuc is given, which, in Cicero, almost 
always refers to the present of the speaker or writer. See ch. 2 init. : 
Adhuc Ligarius, &c, i. e. ex iis, quae ad hoc usque tempus demon- 
stravi. Z. 292. In our passage the best MSS. omit adhuc. 

21. C. Considio. On the breaking out of the civil war, ho es- 
poused Pompey's party, and returned to Africa, where he took part in 
the war. He was murdered by the Gaetulians, a. u. c. 707. 

22. Et civibus. Civibus Romanis, qui in Africa negotiabantur 
— Et sociis. The provincials. — Decedens. This is the verbum pro- 
prium of one who is returning from the government of a province. It 
is, as here, construed with the ablative alone, or with de and e. The 
latter construction is used of leaving the country, the two former ot 
leaving the administration of the province. Where there is no notion 
of place, Cicero usually repeats the preposition, as de bonis decedere, 
de se.ntentia d., de officio d. 

23. Si quemquam. H. 457. — Si prceficisset. Hark. 

510. If the governor of a province left before the arrival of his 
successor, it was customary to commit the administration, in the mean 
time, to a quaestor, as next in rank, rarely to a legato, to avoid giv- 
ing offence. Ad Fam. 2, 15 and 18 ; ad Att. 6, 6. Here the pro- 
vincials, however, insisted on having Ligarius as vice-governor. 

24. Itaque Ligarius, &c. The second period ; partly peace, 
partly war. In both Ligarius was " sine crimine notus." For the 
third, see 2, 5. 

25. Accepit invitus. H. 443. 

26. In pace. In pace, in bello, &c, express not simply the no- 
tion of when, but during. De Off. 3, 25: Agamemnon quum devo- 
visset Diana, quod in suo regno pulcherrimum natum esset illo 
anno, immolavit Iphigeniam, qua nihil erat in eo quidem anno 
natum pulchrius. Here the ablative without in simply answers to 
the question when, and the difference between illo anno and in eo 
anno is apparent. 

2T. Bellum, sc. between Pompey and Cassar. — Exarsit expresses 
the suddenness of its outbreak. 

29. Cupiditate inconsiderata. From thoughtless party zeal, 
because they favored the cause of Pompey.— Caco quodam thnorc. 
From a blind (mistaken) fear, of Caesar. For though friends of Pom- 
pey, thoy had nothing to fear on that account from Caesar, if they 
took no sides against him. On quodam, see H. 456, 1. 

30. l*rimo salutis, &c. They looked out for a leader; first to 
protect them, afterwards to favor their inclinations, sc. for Pompey. 



288 NOTES. 

Page 

17 a !• Q,uum . . . passus est. SeeH. 518.— Doynum spectans. This 
is said to gain Caesar's favor, who regarded those that remained at 
home, as friends. In his view neutrality was innocent ; in Pompey's 
criminal. 

3. P. Atius Varus. This zealous partisan of Pompey, soon 
after the outbreak of the civil war, had as a private citizen (vir 
preetorius), like many others of Pompey's party, fled before Ceesar into 
Africa. On the submission of Africa to Ceesar, he fled to Spain, 
where the sons of Pompey had collected a formidable army against 
Caesar. Here he lost his life in the battle of Munda, 709, in which 
the Pompeians in Spain were completely conquered. See Cass. B. C. 
1, 13 and 31 ; 2, 23, seqq. — Prator Africam obtinuerat. A few 
years before, after his praetorship, he had been governor of Africa. 
PrcBtor was a common name of all governors of provinces. — Uiicam. 
After the destruction of Carthage this was the chief city of the prov- 
ince. It was situated on the sea, 27 miles from Carthage, and cele- 
brated for the death there of Cato Uticensis. 

4. Non mediocri cupiditate. H. 414, 3. Cupiditate = partium 
studio, quod Pompeio favebant. Pro eo mox est studium. 

5. Si illud imperium esse potuit. Imperium enim magistra- 
te lege Curiata, privati senatus consulto accipiebant. 

6. Ad privatum clamore. The Erfurt MS., with several oth- 
ers, reads a privato clamore, and this reading Klotz, Schultz, and Sol- 
dan adopt. Benecke, without adopting it, inclines to regard it as the 
true reading. He remarks also on the not unfrequent use with pas- 
sives, of the preposition ab in connection with nouns which denote 
things, where either the source is indicated or the thing personified. 

T. Q,ui cuperet. P. C. 481 ; H. 500. 

9. Conquievit, i. e. nihil agens restitit, nihil publico suscipiens re- 
mansit. Since Varus had seized the government, Ligarius withdrew 
from public business, but was soon afterwards compelled to take an 
active part in the war. Others understand it of the ropose which Li- 
garius enjoyed from the cares of the administration, which had been 
the more burdensome, because of the disturbances of the more violent 
partisans of Pompey. 

Cn. II — lO. Adhuc, &c. Compare Quinctil. 4, 2, 51 : Si... in 
longum exierit ordo rerum, erit non inutilis in extrema parte com- 
monitio, quod Cicero etiam in brevi narratione facit: Adhuc 
Casar; and 108: argumentabimur (in narratione) nunquam; ar- 
gumentum ponemus aliquando, quod facit pro Ligario Cicero, quum 
dicit, sic eum provincia pr&fuisse, ut Mi pacem esse expediret. 

1 1. Domo s i. e. patria, sc. Roma. Cf. Corn. Nep. Epam. 7, 2 ; 8, 1. 

12. Suspicionem belli. Compare Quinctil. 4, 2, 51, and 110. 

13. Pacatissima. Not with reference to other provinces, but to 
express the deep quiet and repose of this province. 



ORATION FOR Q. LIGARIUS. 289 

Pajrs 
14. Expediret. P. C. G2 ; H.489. The subject of expediret isrjfZ 

•pacem esse, i. q. pacis continuatio. 

16. Noil turpem. There was no dishonorable or sinister purpose 
hi his going, and his remaining wasa necessity even honorable, for it 
was by command of Considius, and in accordance with the wishes of 
the inhabitants of the province. 

IT. Etiani gives prominence to the notion of konestam, and is by 
the best MSS. more correctly placed just before it. 

18. Efflagitatus. Importuned, prevailed upon by urgent en- 
treaty The preposition adds intensity, and carries the idea of suc- 
cessful urging 

20. Q,uo. Benecke, Madvig, Klotz, and Soldan read quod from 
the best authorities. The accusative of duration of time is found with 
manere and similar verbs. 

21. Necessitatis crimen, a necessitate profectum. Because, 
surprised by the outbreaking of the war, and surrounded by excited 
partisans, he was compelled against his will to remain. — An Me. P. C. 
120 ; H. 346, IL 

22. Si potuisset maluisset. P. C. 437 (d) ; H. 510.— 

UticcE quam Roma. Potius is commonly read after UticcE, and it is 
not an uncommon pleonasm with malle, but is not here found in the 
best MSS. 

23. Cum .... cum. For the repetition of the preposition, see 
note on p. 18, line 5. 

24. auum fuisset. P. C. 489 ; Z. 577, 578. 

26. Hie aequo animo. Potuitne hie aequo animo esse in bello 
sine fratribus, qui in pacatissima Iegatione sua fratrum desiderio con- 
ficiebatur ? 

29. Defendant. P. C. 109 ; H. 525. 

30. Prodo meam. This is the reading of almost all the MSS., 
and received by Benecke, Madvig, Klotz, Soldan, and others. It 
needs but to be stated, to be adopted. " Soe, I pray, with what in- 
tegrity I defend his cause ; I betray or sacrifice my own." — Omnium 
laude. Omnium is defended by Benecke, Klotz, and Soldan against 
tho common reading omni, and they and Madvig also retain the quum 
of the MSS. before M. Cicero. 

32. Defendit, followed by the ace. c infin. is equivalent to in de- 
fendendo dicit, or defensionis loco dicit, contendit.—Jn ea voluntate. 
Cicero speaks with circumspection, using voluntate and not factione. 
Ligarius had, to be sure, stood on Pompey's side, but by compulsion, 
not of free choice. 

34. Ctuid tibi de alio audienti de se ipso occurrat. For it 
may occur to you, while I am speaking in defence of Ligarius, that I 
too was one of those who opposed your cause. 

35. Occurrat. P. C. 109 ; H. 525. 



290 NOTES. 

Page 

"7g Ch. III. — 36. Reforrnidem, repeated with emphasis, in reference 
to extimescit, which is used of a suddenly rising fear, and reformidat 
which expresses an anxious, lasting fear. P. C. 109 ; H. 525. 

3T. Oboriatur. The compound expresses the suddenness of ita 
rising. " See how, as I speak before you, the light of your noble gen- 
erosity and wisdom bursts upon me, how the recollection of your noble- 
ness and wisdom is vividly renewed in me." 

38. Voce coiitendam. " I will raise my voice, I will exert my- 
self to the utmost to make the Roman people hear this." 

39. Exaudiat. P. C. 58 ; H. 489. See note on p. 43, line 11 
This oration was spoken before a public tribunal in the forum. — Sus- 
cepto hello, &c. Compare Quinctil. on this passage, 9, 2, 28 ; and 
11,3, 166. — Gesto . . . ex parte magna. Pompey having been driven 
from Italy, for in Italy Cicero took no part against Caesar. See ad 
Fam. 6, 6, 6. Cicero embarked for Greece the 11th June, 705 (ad 
Fam. 14, 7, 2), to join Pompey, who had already embarked the 17th 
March, notwithstanding Caesar and his friends sought to retain him, 
and even Cato disapproved the step, and he himself augured no good 
from the cause of Pompey. See ad Att. 10, 8. 

4:0. Judicio ac voluutate. From reflection and choice. Hark. 
414. Cf. de Off. 1, 15, beneficia .... qua judicio, considerate con- 
stanterque delata sunt; and 1, 9, voluntate fieri. 

41. Apud quern igitur hoc dico ? See Quinctil. 9, 2, 14. 

42. Nempe expresses the speaker's conviction of a thing, with the 
expectation that the hearer will assent. It therefore often stands in 
questions which one answers himself, as § 9. It is also used to express 
displeasure, or with an ironical reference. — Quum hoc sciret. P. C 
489 ; H. 518. 

43. Antequam vidit, post Pharsalicam pugnam. 

44. Ex JEgypto. Cssar had gone to Egypt after his victory 
near Pharsalia, and became involved there in the Alexandrine war. 
Cicero meanwhile took no further part in the war, and had returned 
to Italy, where he endeavored through Caesar's friends to obtain bis 
pardon. He finally received from Caesar the wished-for letter, proba- 
bly through Philotimus. See ad Att. 11, 23 ; ad Fam. 14, 23 ; 24.— 
Ut essem idem, qui fuissem, i. e. ut dignitatem earn retinerem, quam 
ante bellum civile habuissem. P. C. 58 ; Harkness, 489 : also P. C 
467, and Z. 547. 

77 1. In toto irnperio. With tot us and similar notions of totality, 
" the preposition is very generally omitted, though sometimes added, es- 
pecially if the notion of within js to be made prominent. See H. 422. 
Arnold's Nepos. Me, at the beginning of this line, is commonly given 
between esse alterum. 

3. A quo .... concessos .... tenui. By whose permission, &q 
—Hoc ipso. The very Pansa who is here present. H. 450. 



ORATION FOR Q. LIG ARIL'S. 201 

P&gt 
3. Couccssos fasces laureatos. Klotz : cone, laureatos fasces.rjr 

After an important victory the general was commonly honored by his 
soldiers with the title of Imperator, and tho lictors wreathed their fas- 
ces with laurel. Ad Fam. 2, 10 ; ad Att. 5, 20. So too, the letter in 
which the general announced his victory to the senate was twined 
with the same. In Pison. 17, 39 ; Liv. 5, 28, 13 ; 45, 1, 6. Ac- 
cording to Appian, at least 10,000 of the enemy must have fallen in 
the battle gained to entitle to this honor. It was in the year 703, 
while Cicero was proconsul of Cilicia, that he gained this victory and 
received this honor. Ad Att. 5, 20 ; ad Fam. 2, 10 ; 15, 4. In the 
following year he left the province, and tarried some time at Athens. 
Having reached Brundisium near the ond of November, in the begin- 
ning of January, 705, he moved on to Rome, without however enter- 
ing it, since the outbreak of the civil war swept him with it, and defer- 
red his hope of a triumph. He did not, however, abandon the hope of 
being allowed a triumph, and consequently did not enter Rome again 
till October, 707, and till his entry, when the laws would require him 
to lay down tho imperium, he appears to have retained the insignia of 
command. See ad Fam. 14, 20 ; ad Att. 11, 24. 

5. Reddere is the reading of the best MSS. instead of the common 
dare, which however Madvig retains. As what was lost and again 
restored, is spoken of, it seems also best adapted to the context. That 
dedisset should follow is not surprising, since it was not necessary to 
express a second time the more exact idea of reddere. 

G. Vide, quasso, &c. This passage is variously given in tho 
MSS. Benecke and Madvig read as in the text, except de Ligarii 
non audeam confiteri. After non dubitem many MSS. and Edd 
give dicere. Some retain it in brackets. Klotz and Soldan read 
and defend non dubitem dicere, de Ligarii audeam confiteri. With 
regard to omitting the non before audeam, which the common read- 
ing gives, Benecke thinks there might be some doubt, since the irony 
which suits the passage, and so well corresponds to the ironical com- 
mencement of the speech, would be by the omission lost. Siipflo on 
the other hand regards the expression as gaining in force and irony, 
by the omission of non. The sense of the text is thus given by Orelli : 
Quum tarn libere ac sine ullo metu do meo facto coram Caesare Ioquar, 
facile intelliges me de Ligarii facto, re minoris momenti, aequo libere 
dicere ausurum esse. 

T. Dubitem. P. C. 484 ; Hark. 500.— De Ligarii. Would the 
insertion of eo in accordance with the English idiom be allowable in 

Latin No. — Audeam. Vide ut audeam. P. C. 109 ; 

H. 525. 

8. Q,uum de se, &c. The reflexive shows that this sentence is 
referred to the mind of Tubero. Emesti, not inaptly, resolves it by 
quum de se eadem me dicentem audiret. 



292 NOTES. 



77 



9. Dicerem. P. C. 467 ; Z. 547. 

10. Propter propiuquam cognationein. See note on p 75 
line 2. Observe the change of construction, by which the two fol- 
lowing clauses, as substantives, here take the relation of accusatives 
governed by propter. This change is not uncommon, though it of- 
fends against concinnity of expression. It is a sacrifice of one of tho 
proprieties of language, to a higher law, sometimes of necessity, since 
not every root has the same fulness of development into the various 
parts of speech, with the same form of construction. 

. 13. Q,uis putat. So Benecke, Klotz, Soldan, and Madvig. The 
independent question is better suited to the context than the depend- 
ent putet, which the common reading gives. Also with the Cod 
Erf. and others, Ligarium, which commonly stands after in Africa, 
and which Klotz retains, is omitted by Benecke and others. On this 
passage compare Quinctil 5, 13, 30. 

14r. Prohibitum sea Lrigario. Rather by Atius Varus. Caes. 
B. C. 1, 3. 

16. Est congressus armatus. This neither Cicero nor Ligarius 
had done, for the latter had remained in Africa only from compulsion, 
while Tubero had taken an active part in bearing arms. — Quid enim, 
Tubero, &c. See remarks of Quinctil. 9, 2, 38, on this powerful and 
strong apostrophe ; and cf. Plut. Cic. 39. — Tuus Me destrictus. This 
order, which throws the force on destrictus, is given by the MSS. 
and best suits the passage. 

IT. Agebat = spectabat, propositum habebat, as in the phrase, id 
eg ere vt. 

18. Q,ui sensus erat armorum tuorum ? Armis sensum tribuit 
amplificandi gratia, poetico more. 

20. Comrnoveri videtur adolescens. P. C. 297 ; Harkness, 
549, 4, 1. 

21. Ad me revertar. H. 272, III. 

Cu. IV. — 22. Q,uid .... aliud egimus .... nisi ut. See 

Harkness, 558, III. Fortissime defendentis est, judice Quinctil. 
5, 13, 5. 

23. Hie. Caesar.— Possemus. P. C. 58; H. 4S9.— Quorum . . 
r.ormn. This is a common inversion. The emphasis lies wholly on 
impunitas. 

24. I.<aus est. Laudi est is more common. The dative ex- 
presses the tendency or aim, the nominative denotes more the realiza- 
tion. 

25. Acuet. Klotz and Soldan, acuit. 

26. Etiani tuam, sed multo magis. Etiam is thus used in tho 
first member, and sed or quidem or eerie in the second, to show that 
two things occur ; but the latter often and certainly. 

2T. Q,uum . . . turn etiam. Z. !23.--Doctrina excelhns ion 



ORATION FOR Q. LIGARIUS. 293 

what Cicero says of him, ad Q. Frat. 1, 1, from which we should in-n"i 
fer that doctrina is not to be limited to scientia juris, but is used of 
culture and learning generally. 

28. Genus hoc causae quod esset. Cf. Deiot. 11, 30: Quis 
tuum patrem .... qui esset ; aud note on p. 70, line 1. — Quod .... 
non viderit. P. C. 461, 518, 519. 

29. Agi may be taken absolutely, or causam can be supplied. 
31* Ut ego dico. Klotz, dicam. 

32. Haec admirabilia. This passage is much interpolated in 
the MSS. For this reading, which Benecke, Klotz, Madvig, and 
Soldan also give, we are indebted to the Cod. Col. Tho common 
text is unsound in various respects. It may be noticed that Cicero 
usually omits the substantive verb in such short clauses. See Z. 776. 

33. Ista accusatio. See note on p. 9, line 16. Klotz, ist. ac. tua. 

34. Condemuetur necetur. P. C. 58 ; H. 489. 

35. Extern! isti mores, &c. This passage is also variously 
given. Tho common text is, extcrni isti sunt mores ; . . . incitari 
solet odium aut levium, &c. Klotz, Benecke, Siipfle, Soldan, and 
others reject sunt and read incitari solent odio, &c. The sense 
then is as follows : Extend i-sti mores, hoc est, non Iiomani, qui graves 
sunt, sed exterorum populorum, ut aut levium Graecorum aut imma- 
nium barbarorum, solent odio aliquo suscepto ac penitus insito ad san- 
guinem petendum incitari. Benecko makes the following gonitive? 
depend on odio; Siipfle more correctly considers them as a supple- 
mentary explanatory appendix, limiting or determining externi isti 
mores. He would also prefer, if MSS. allowed it, to omit solent, as 
Wuuder and Madvig do, by which the passage gains in energy. 

3T. Ne sit. Supply id agis, with this and the following subjunc- 
tives which denote the purpose. P. C. 58 ; H. 489. 

39. Consobrino suo. According to the old grammarians and 
lawyers consobrinus stands for consororinus, and denotes properly 
children of two sisters. But the word is used in a wider sense of tho 
children of both brothers and sisters. Since now avunculus denotes 
the. mother's brother, and therefore the mother of Ligarius was tho 
sister of Brocchus, his son was properly the amilinus of Ligarius. 
Klotz also reads, avunc. suo. 

4:1. Italia proliibetur, exsulat. Z. 783. 

4:2. Ilunc. Ligarius, who is conceived of as present. — Privare 
is more rhetorical than privari, and presents Tubero in a more cruel 
light. So the monosyllable vis closes the sentence with abruptness 
and force. Therefore Manutius : mira vis in numero : solet enim Ci- 
cero, quae sunt acerbiora, breviter concludere, ut illud quoquo proxi- 
mum, Italia proliibetur, exsulat. 

43. Dictatorem L. Cornelius Sulla. Cf. Plut. Sull. 31 ; and 
Veil. Pat. 2, 28, 3. 



294 NOTES. 

page 

n-Q 1, Jubebat occidi. See Harkness, 551, II. 1, 2; 558.— Pra- 
miis. He offered a reward of two talents for the head of any proscri- 
bed person. 

2. Ctuae tamen crudelitas, non Sull© sed eorum, quos ipse pra> 
miis invitaverat. — Aliquot annis post. Seventeen years afterwards ; 
for Sulla was chosen dictator in the year of Rome 672, and in the 
year 690 Caesar, as president of the qucestio de sicariis, extended tho 
prosecutions to those who, during Sulla's proscriptions, had murdered 
Roman citizens for money. See Suet. Cces. 11 ; Dion Cass. 37, 10. 
Benecke considers from qua tamen to vindicata est an interpolation. 

Ch. V. — 5. Novi enim te, &c. The anaphora or repetition of 
novi, may be noticed, which contributes to the animation and energy 
of the discourse. In the second member the order is inverted, making 
the arrangement of the period chiastic. 

6. Studia generis ac familiar vestrae virtutis, &c. This is 
again an instance of several genitives limiting the same noun in differ- 
ent relations. Generis and families are genitives of the subject, tbe 
others of the object. Hark. 396, H. — Generis, i. e. gentis, the iElian, 
of which the Tuberos were a familia, among the Lamiae, Paeti, &c 
On the virtue and learning of the iElians, to which Cicero frequently 
alludes, see de Orat. 1, 45, 198 ; Brut. 20, in., and 56, 205. Of the 
family of the Tuberos, the most prominent was the grandfather of the 
accuser, Q. iElius Tubero Stoicus, vir eruditus . . . et honestus homo 
et nobilis. p. Muren. 36, 75. 

7. Plurimarum artium atque optiniarum. By this the Ro- 
mans understood the studia liberalia, the study of philosophy, history, 
eloquence, and poetry. Benecke brackets these words, because they 
are not found in Cod. Col., and he regards them as a gloss on the 
preceding humanitatis, doctrines. Klotz and Soldan, with Ernesti, 
remove the comma and connect them with doctrines. The common 
text has studia denique .... nota sunt mihi omnia. Klotz and Sol- 
dan also retain omnia, placing a colon before nota, and making nota 
mihi sunt omnia a general conclusion. 

9. Res enim eo spectat, i. e. earn vim habet. He accuses them 
of unintentional cruelty ; because Ligarius being already in exile, any 
punishment must be worse than that, i. e. must be death. 

10. TJt non videamini. H.494. — In qua . . . sit. P. C. 407 

12. Sicuti est. This is a formula of frequent occurrence, used 
to confirm the truth of what has been previously expressed condition- 
ally. 

13. Ignoscatur. Benecke and Klotz read ignoscat, sc. Caesar. 
What is the construction of ignoscatur ? — Hoc vero multo acerbius. 
This denial of pardon is harder than death itself. The love of coun- 
try was strong in the Romans, and henco the misery of perpetual 
exile. 



ORATION FOR Q. LIGARIDS. 295 

Pa°« 

14. [Domi] petimus. Since this cause was argued in the forum, 7 y 
it seems necessary to erase domi, or read petiimus. Madvig omits 
domi. Matthise defends the common text as spoken generally, re- 
marking that in what follows Cicero speaks of what was actually 
done. Soldan with Klotz retains domi petimus, and considers with 
Manutius the present as used for the perfect for the purpose of vivid- 
ness of description. Benecke would read, Quod nos petimus .... op- 
pugnabis? .... repente irruisses .... misereatur .... Quanto hoc 
durius, id te in foro oppugnare et in tali, &c. — Precious, lacrimis. 
Omittenda est copula et, propterea quod a minore, ut dicunt, ad majus 
hoc loco ascendit oratio. Soldan. Madvig, however, retains et. On 
the different kinds of the asyndeton, see Hand, Turs. ii. p. 472 ; and 
Lehrbuch des lat. Stils. pp. 301, 302. 

16. Ne impetremus, pugnabis. H. 491. Benecke ; Klotz, and 
Soldan read oppugnabis. 

18. Si . . . irrupisses . . . coepisses : . . . . nonne . . . exuisses. 
P. C. 435 (d), (2), 437 {d) ; H. 510.— Quum . . .faccremus. H. 518. 
— Quod etfecimus. See ad Fam. 6, 14. 

19. Repente. The old reading is derepcnte, but this form belongs 
to earlier latinity, and is not elsewhere used by Cicero, nor here sus- 
tained by the best MSS. — Irrupisses. Benecke would prefer irruisses, 
which Madvig and Soldan, from Cod Erf. as shown by Freund, adopt. 
Irrumpere involves the notion of violence and force, which here is 
not so suitable as the notion of rapidity and haste, which is contained 
rather in irruisses. 

20. Cave iguoscas. P. C. 539 ; H. 535, 1. 

21. Misereat. H. 410. Benecke, Madvig, and Soldan, mise- 
reatur. H. 410, 6, 1). 

23. Te in tali miseria .... tollere. The change from the 
passive to the active construction has given offence here. Some have 
therefore preferred te . . . oppugnare and tollere; others either tolli 
or multorum te pcrfugium . . . tollere. Such instances of enallage 
are however elsewhere found. Orelli alone, so far as appears, and 
without reason, changes the common reading et in tali into te in 
tali. 

21. Perfugium inisericordiae. The refuge of mercy, i. e. tho 
refuge which the wretched find in Cajsar's clemency. Compare note 
on p. 26, line 1G. In Manil. § 39 the construction is different. 

25. Si non esset redundaret. P. C. 435. 

26. Per te obtines. Possess naturally. Cf. ad Fam. G, G, 

8 : in Casare .... mitis clemensque natura ; and Sail. Cat. 54 ; 
Suet. Cas. 71. For quantam, Benecke, Klotz, Soldan, and Madvig 
read quam. 

27. Intelligo, quid loquar. An aposiopesis which means moro 
than it says. Tacuit enim Mud, quod nihilo minus accipimus, non 



2'JG NOTES. 

Page 

rjodeesse homines, qui ad crudelitatem eum impellant. Cf. Quinctii 8, 
3, 83 and 85.— Loquar. P. C. 109 ; H. 525. 

28. Q,uam multi . . . esseat. Essent in the consequent clause 
of a conditional proposition. P. C. 430. Benecke questions the gen- 
uineness of this passage down to miser icordem. — De victorious. P. C. 
165, h ; Z. 430, in fin. Why would not the genitive be suitable here ? 

29. Ctui vellent. H. 448, 5 ; also H. 500.— De victis. See 

preceding note. — Quum .... reperiantur. H. 518. 

SO. Ctuum a te ignosci nemini vellent. From the wish that 
you should pardon no one. Why not neminem ? Krebs, Guide, 
§ 171 ; H. 385. 

31. Ipse iguovisti. Of your own accord. 

33. Probare. Persuade, induce to believe. 

31. Saluti civi .... esse. Z. 611, cites this passage with the 
common reading civis calamitosi consultum esse. The best MSS. 
give it as in the text, and so the latest editions. Saluti esse alicui is 
used of an advocate who defends the cause of his client. De Orat. 
2, 49, 200 ; Pro Arch. p. 1, 1. 

35. Hominis lion esset. P. C. 190, 191 ; H. 403. 

3 7. Si alicujus. P. C. 391, 392 ; Z. 708. 

38. Aliud aliud. P. C. 38 ; H. 459. 

39. Errare nolle, nolle misereri. Where two 

members of a sentence are antithetical, Cicero often inverts the order 
of the words. So Plane. 30, 72 : nee considerate minus, nee minus 
amice. Klotz, Soldan, and Madvig in this line also read aliud est. — 
Tunc diceres. Hark. 486, 4. Benecke and Madvig: Turn diceres. 

4:3. Abjiciet, as something worthless and contemptible. The 
common text gives utetur. 

44. Extorquebit, wrest by violence, as being implanted by na- 
ture. See note on line 26 above. 
79 Ch. VI. — 1. Ac is a particle of transition = further, besides. — Adi~ 
tus, sc. ad causam. — Postulatio, properly, is the request or demand 
made upon the prastor by a complainant, for the form of action and 
accusation which will lie against the party to bo prosecuted. It is 
the first step in preparing a formal accusation. The next step was 
the delatio nominis. Cf. ad Fam. 8, 6, 1. 

3. Admiratus sis. H. 498, 3. 

4. Novi sceleris, (for which the common text gives jacinoris,) 
alludes to the commencement of the oration: Novum crimen, &cc, 
and scelus is purposely repeated here so often, to annoy Tubero. 

5. Tu, with emphasis. H. 446. For vocas Klotz gives vocasti. — 

6. Alii errorem, Sec. An ascending series : errorem, in the Pom- 
peians, who acted conscientiously ; timorem, in those who were really 
afraid of Caesar's tyranny ; spem, sc. of arriving at honors and com- 
mand; cupiditatem, the feeling of Dartv men who looked no foithel 



ORATION FOR Q. LIGARIUS. 297 

than their party; odium, groundless hatred of Caesar; pertinaciam , r* n 
downright obstinacy in the cause they had espoused ; tcmeritatem, an 
inconsiderate eagerness for war. All these had somo truth, the charge 
of wickedness none. 

8. Pertinaciam, propter Aiexandrinum bellum. Ad Fam. 15, 
15 : Utcrquc nostrum spe pads et odio civilis sanguinis abesse a 
belli necessarii pcrtinacia voluit. 

9. Ac mini quideni. Cicero laid the blame, where it could well 
be borne, on fate. See Mar cell. 5. 

1 0. Fatalis quaedam calamitas. In eandem sententiam Caesar 
m or. ad senatum apud Dion. Cass. 43, 17: 'E/cAaGfyem piv irdvTwv 
rStv cv/xPe^TiKdruv, us Kal avdyici) tiv\ haijioviq. yeyovdrwv. 

12. Ut nemo debeat. P. C. 62 and 81 ; Harkness, 491. 

— Divina necessitate. A periphrasis for fato. 

13. Iiiceat esse miseros. H. 515. P. C. 152; H. 547. The 
sense is : Liceat per te, Tubero, in exsilio ac miseria Ligarium vivere, 
eed quum isto modo agis, non licet : aliquid enim ultra exsilii miseriam 
quseris. 

15. Fuerint. Admit they were, &c. The subj. is concessive 
H. 515. 

IT. Parricidii. Significatur crimen laesae majeslatis rei publicao. 
Cf. in Catil. 1, 7, 17 ; de Off. 3, 21, 83 : parricidium palria. — Liceat 

Cn. Pompeio carere. Which is the more frequent construction 

of licet ? H. 547, II. 

19. Q,uid aliud .... nisi. H. 503. — Contumeliam, sc. in recall- 
ing him from Gaul before his command was expired, requiring him to 
stand in person for the consulship, and instead of voting him a triumph, 
insisting on his giving an account of his administration. Ca>s. B. C. 
I, 9. Cf. ad Alt. 9, 11 ; and Caes. B. G. 8, 53. 

20. Q,uid egit nisi ut . . . . tueretur. Hark. 492, 1. 

Ille after tuus is omitted by Benecke, Klotz, Soldan, and Madvig. — 
Suum jus, sc. that of the army ; but of the army as composed of citi- 
sens whose rights were involved in the treatment of Caesar. For many 
of them had voted for admitting Caesar's claim to stand for the consul- 
ship in his absence, but the law was neglected, and therefore their 
rights. 

21. Ctuum pacem esse cupiebas. Caesar's anxiety for peace is 
fully testified by Cicero, ad Fam. 16, 11 ; 6, 6; ad Att. 9, 8. Cf. 

Csos. B.C. 1,9 and 3, 90. Quum cupiebas. P. C. 488 (c) ; 

H. 518, 3. 

22. An ut . . . . conveniret. The ut is omitted in some MSS., 
but in disjunctive clauses it is more commonly repeated. Convenire ia 
construed either personally or impersonally. In the former case, the 
thing agreed upon is in the nominative, and the persons are expressed 
ty the dative, and the ablative with cum, or by tho accusative with 



298 NOTES. 

fainter, e. g. qua mihi tecum convenit, and qua, inter rcgem Pausuni 
amque convenerant. The persons are often unexpressed, when they 
can bo easily supplied ; e. g. conditiones non convenerunt, and fre- 
quently res, pax convenit. When convenire is construed impersonally 
the persons are expressed as in the personal construction, but the thing 
is put in the ablative with de, or introduced by a following clause, 
with ut or the relative. Here too the persons may be unexpressed, 
e. g. quibuscum sibi de pace conveniret ; mihi cum Deiotaro conve- 
nit, ut Me . . . esset, and quum de facto convenit. Finally, convenire 
de re can also be used of persons who are agreed upon a thing, but 
then cum is not allowable. Convenio cum aliquo therefore is not 
Latin, but convenimus is correct, e. g. quum de prada non conveni- 
rent. Justin. 15, 4, 23. 

26. Q,uum . . . voluisses. Quum is substituted, from MSS., 
by recent editors, for the common reading si, which however Klotz re- 
tains. Quum is to be taken as causal, H 518. " since you would 
have wished," &c, and the conditional clause, si me et mulios Pom- 
peianos ut sceleratos servasses, is to be supplied in the mind. 

2T. Secessionem. A mild word for defection or revolt; taken 
from the early secessions of the Romans to Mons Sacer, Janiculum, 
tSoc, by adopting which he frees Caesar from the charge of exciting a 
civil war. 

29. Dissidium. This word Orelli here retains. The best MSS 
give discidium. Madvig (ad Fin. p. 812, fg) rejects dissidium alto- 
gether, and denies that it is a Latin word. His reasons are, that its 
form is contrary to the usual formation ; that, wherever it is found, 
the oldest and best MSS. give discidium; and that partly the thought 
and connection, partly the grammatical relation of the words, require 
discidium in the sense of separatio, discessio. He states the result at 
the conclusion of his investigation, as follows : Satis confirmatum 
esse opinor, nullum esse Latinum vocabulum dissidium, id autem, 
quod est, discidium, ita late patere, ut non solum ad eorum separatio- 
nem, qui in diversa loca distrahantur, pertineat, sed ad omnes, quorum 
conjunctio, etiam animorum vinclo astricta, prorsus tollatur ct in ini- 
micitias convertatur. See Seyffert's Lcelius, p. 152, fg. — Utrisque 
cupientibus. Alitor loquitur, quum oratorem agit, aliter cum amico. 
Cf. ad Att. 8, 11 : Dominatio, quasita ab utroque est : non id actum, 
beata et honesta civiias ut esset : 10, 4 : Utrique semper patricc sa- 
Ivs et dignitas posterior sua dominatione et domesticis commodis 
fuit. On utcrque, see H. 187, 188. 

30. Partini consiliis. Some through upright, views. — Partim 
studiis. Others again through party feelings. 

31. Paene par. Par closes its clause with emphasis, and is re- 
peated at the beginning of the next clause with equal emphasis. "This 
trgurc is called a net di ptosis. 



ORATION FOR Q. LIGARIUS. 299 



Pa<re 



3 2. Non par fortasse. Maxime quia inter Pompeianos permulti rrn 
fue/ant homines inconsulti ac teraerarii. Cf. ad Att.9, 11; 11, 6; 
11, 9 Pompeianos autem, ut vult Manutius, h. 1. Csesarianis ante 
ponere non poterat orator. Orelli. — Causa turn dubia. He did not 
think so when writing to Atticus, 7, 3 : causam solum ilia causa non 
kabct ; ceteris rebus abundat. 

33. Posset. If. 501. 

35. Q,uis non probet. H. 486. The gods decided which 

cause was the better ; but it is only the experience of your clemency 
Uiat will gain to your victory a hearty approval. 

3G. In qua occiderit. E. 501. Cf. Deiot. 12, 34; and Veil. 
Put. 2, 52, 6 

Ch. VII. — 3T. Commuiiem caueam. Of all the Pompeiuns. — 
V T eniamvs. It is not unusual to pass from the singular to the plural. 
And on the other hand the transition from the plural to the singular is 
not unfrequent. 

38. Nostram. The cause of Ligarius. Having tliuo far refuted 
the general charges against the Pompeians, he now shows in particu- 
lar the superiority of Ligarius's cause, because Tubero went to the 
province when its fidelity to the republic was doubtful ; and sent by a 
senate the organ of a party. Not so Ligarius. — Utruyn is the neuter 
of the adjective taken as the subject of facilius esse, and serving to 
introduce generally the question which follows. Ligarium and vos, 
therefore, which the MSS. give, are the true reading instead of Liga- 
rio and vobis. In this passage Orelli gives the punctuation proposed 
by Madvig, who also {Opusc. i. p. 159) advocates veniam. The com- 
mon punctuation places a period after ad nostram, and this is tho 
punctuation of Benecke, Klotz, Soldan, and even Madvig in his edi- 
tion of the Orations. 

40. Poteramusne, sc. in Africam non venire. Could we avoid 
going into Africa. — Si me consulis. The expression is borrowed from 
tho lawyers, qui proprie consuli dicuniur. Cf. in Cat. 1, 5, 13. 
Cicero wishes always, as far as possible, to appear to be on the side of 
law and order, aud therefore here, as also below, ch. 8, 23, he says, 
he always regarded it as his duty to recognise the will of the senate, 
thereby justifying his position in regard to Caesar. 

41. Nullo modo, sc. poteratis non venire. — Senatus idem lega- 
verat. Idem qui Tuberonem in Africam miserat. Cf. p. Leg. Man. 
19, 57. 

42. Eo tempore paruit, quum .... necesse erat. H. 518, 3 
This was before the civil war commenced, when the senate still di- 
rected the administration of affairs. 

43. Tunc paruistis. Tunc = lum-ce stands emphatically lor 
eodem ipso tempore, "just then," and is received by Benecke, Klotz, 
Soldan, and Madvig. 



800 NOTES. 

Pa<re 

>7Q 44. Ctuiuoluit. For any who did not choose to obey the senate 
found a refuge with Caesar. Ernesti wished qui nollet ; but the sen- 
tence is merely explanatory of nemo, and therefore the indicative is 
correct. 

Qf\ 1. Generi, nornini, &c. As one of the iElians and a Tubcro, 
whose character and principles alike prompted you to obedience, you 
could not have done otherwise. 

2. Q,uibus rebus gloriemini, sc. for having yielded obedience to 
the senate, the highest power in the state. The subj. by P. C. 467. 

3. Tuberoilis, i. e. Lucius Tubero the father. The senate ev- 
ery year determined which should be consular and which praetorian 
provinces. The praetorian provinces, which were six in number aftei 
the reduction of the Spains, and sometimes the consular, which were 
only two, were distributed by lots, which were shaken in an urn, and 
drawn by a boy. Benecke and Soldan : Tuberoni. 

5. Statuerat excusare, sc. morbum, i. e. morbum pro causa af- 
ferre, cur nollet. This is the usual explanation, but it is perhaps better 
to take it absolutely, that he meant to decline ; whether for this or that 
reason is left undecided. 

6. Oixmes uecessitudines, i. e. omnis generis. So p. Sest. 17, 
39 : quo cum mild omnes erant amicitias necessitudines. 

T. Militioe contubernales. Military chums. The centuries 
were divided into contubernia, consisting of ten soldiers, who quartered 
under one tent. Veget. dc re mil, 2, 13. It was customary for young 
Romans of family to attach themselves to the commanding general 
for the purpose of learning the art of war under his eye, and this was 
called alicui contubernalem esse, or in alicujus conlubernio esse. Ci- 
cero and Tubero were tent-mates in the Marsic war, under the con- 
sul Cn. Pompeius Strabo, a. u. c. 665. — Post affincs. See note on p. 
75, line 2. 

8. Magnum vinculum. Quinctil. 1, 2, 20, arguing for a public 
education, says: Mitto amicitias, qua ad senectutem usque firmissi- 
m<s durant, religiosa quadam necessitudine imbutcB. Neque enim 
est sanciius sacris iisdem quam studiis initiari. Cf. ad Fam. 13, 29. 

1 O. Voluisse. Wished and might ; for the argument goes to 
show that he was free to act as he pleased. — Quidam agebat. There 
was one so active or urgent. Agere is often used as here absolutelv, 
without an object. The direction of this activity is more nearly de- 
fined by the following clause : ita . . . opponebat. By quidam some 
suppose reference is had to Pompey, others, to Cato. Sed de his mor- 
tuis tecte loqui vix quidquam attinebat. Ego interpretor de ?.I. Mar- 
cello, quern significat tantummodo ne Caesaris in eura odium refricet 
Sic ex optimorum Codd. testimonio ejus nomen silctur etiam in § 37 
Orelli. 

13. Vel poti-.is. H. 587 II, 2. 



ORATION FOR Q. LIGARIUS. 301 

14. Paruit. Nam ccdcre voluntatis est, parcre observantiae. — on 
Quorum erut una causa. Who agreed with him in political senti- 
ments. 

15. Jam occupatam, sc. by Varus. Cees. B. C. 1, 31. 

1G. Nam, si crimen est ullum voluisse, &c. This passage is 
variously read and explained. Some give : nam, si crimen est prohi- 
bere ilium voluisse. But most reject prohibere, which is found in only 
a few MSS. of an inferior class. Steinmetz, Klotz, and Soldan there- 
fore with the most and best MSS. read : si crimen est ilium voluisse, 
and this seems to be the preferable text The meaning of the passage 
as given in our text is thus stated by Wernsdorf: Si velle (crimen 
committere) crimen est, vos non minus magnum crimen commisistis, 
qui Africam .... obtinere voluistis, quam alius quis (v. g. Ligarius), 
qui earn obtinere maluit. Madvig points si crimen tet ullum, volu- 
isse : Benecke, si crimen est, ullum voluisse. In the other reading, 
ilium is to be referred to Ligarius, who has just been named, and ali- 
quem to Varus, not to Ligarius, as is commonly done. What is said 
therefore in the protasis, of the general wish of Ligarius to commit 
some crime, is fitly applied to the opposite wishes of the two opposing 
parties as it were to get possession of Africa, which are compared in 
the apodosis. If Ligarius's simple wish to do something is considered 
a crime in itself, then no one else, who, like Varus, chose to get pos- 
session of Africa, rather than you, committed a greater crime than 
you, who wished, though with less vehemence, to get that province. 
For the question is not of tho strength of the desire. If the w r ish of 
that one (Ligarius) is in itself a crime, then the circumstanco, that 
you wished to hold Africa, that stronghold of all the provinces, by 
nature fitted to carry on war against this city, is just as great a crime, 
as if some one wished for himself still more strongly the samo posses- 
sion. 

18. Arcem, &c. As possessing the greatest resources. — Natam 
ad bellum .... gerendum. As shown in the Punic wars. 

20. Atque is taineu aliquis. And yet that " aliquis" was not 
Ligarius. Cf. p. Deiot. 13, 35 : id autem aliquid est. 

21. Imperium se habere dicebat. It was a usurped command. 
Cf. §3: Ille (Varus) imperium arripuit, si Mud imperium esse po- 
tuit. 

22. Q,uoquo modo se illud habet. However that may be. H. 
4*75, 3. Al. illud se liabet. The common text gives sese. 

24. Tradituri fuistis. P. C. 447, in fin.; H.481. Benecke, 
Klotz, and Soldan : fuissetis. H. 475. The argument assumes a 
disjunctive form : You must, if admitted into the province, have held 
it either for Caesar or Pompey. If you say for Caesar, even Caesar 
will not approve of such treachery ; and indeed the supposition is 
monstrous. You must then have held it for Pompey ; and that thia 



302 KOTES 

Page 

g0 was your design your subsequent conduct proves For as soon as you 
found yourself excluded, you withdrew to Pompey. Falsely boast 
then, if you will, that had you been allowed to land, you would have 
delivered Africa to Csesar ; for it only sets your treachery in a stronge* 
light. 

Cn. VIII.— 28. Eum. L. Tubero, the father. 
29. Apud ipsum te = apud eum ipsum, cujus .... interfuit, id 
est apud te. Ipse precedes as being the leading notion, and the per- 
sonal pronoun follows as explanatory. 

31. Esset etiam probata. Quia non honestum fuisset, injussu 
senatus earn Csesari tradere. Vel secundum proverbium : Proditio- 
nem amo, proditorem odi. 

32. Noil tarn. Klotz and Soldan from MSS. read non tarn prop- 
ter id, ne, &c. 

34. Veuiebatis. You attempted to enter. H. 469, II, 1. 

35. Uiiam ex omnibus. Unus is joined with the partitive 
genitive only when it means the one in reference to alter or alteri 
(alius), &c. Otherwise in prose we find, for the most part, unus ex 
or de. — Huic victoria. Pharsalicse. Huic Victoria = victoriae quae 
nunc nobis grata est : or victoriae, quam Csesar, qui hie ad est, conse- 
cutus est. 

36. Rex potentissimus. Juba, son of Hiempsal, and king of 
Numidia according to some ; of Mauritania, or both, according to oth- 
ers. The hostility of Africa was owing to its early connection with 
Pompey, who found in Juba one of his most zealous adherents. 

3 7. Conventus firmi atque magni. Powerful and important 
districts or countries. Others, omitting the comma after voluntas, 
construe as genitives singular. But Cicero is enumerating the diffi- 
culties with which Csesar had to contend in Africa. These are the 
unfriendliness of Juba, the hostility of the province, and the conventus 
firmi atque magni, which some understand of the Roman citizens 
there congregated for business. 

38. Q,uid facturi fuistis. E. 4S1, III. 

39. Dubitem. P. C. 424 ; H.486. Benecke, Klotz, and Soldan 
read non dubitem, without the interrogation. — Quum vidcam, &c. 
Video enim vos Africa prohibitos in Graeciam ad Pompeium ivisso. 

40. Et prohibit!. Z. 717. — Summa cum injuria. H. 414. He 
was not even allowed to land his sick son. 

42. Nempe. Z. 278. — Cujus auctoritatem secuti. Lateuterhoc 
Bignificat: Auctoritas amplissimi viri, non causa vos ad belli societatem 
adduxit. 

43. Q,uod si ... . veuiebatis .... venissetis. Observe the in- 
dicative in the conditional clause, and the subjunctive in the conse- 
quent clause- The indicative represents the action as real or as so 
conceived, here with reference to veniebatis above, line 34 \ tho sub- 



ORATION FOR Q. LIGARIUS. 303 

Fagt 

unctive of tho pluperfect in the consequence stales what should liavo 

taken place, but did not. 

1. Ctuse est ergo. Klotz and Soldan : qua est hcec ergo. ^] 

2. Accusetis. So from MSS. for accusalis. Tho subjunclivo 
states it as a simple thought or reflection, not as an actual fact. — A 
quo queramini. P. C. 484. 

3. Proliibitos. Benecke, Klotz, Soldan, and Madvig : prohibi- 
ios esse vos, &c. 

4. Vol. = even. — Si vultis. Benecke, Klotz, Soldan, and Mad- 
vig : si velitis ; and, except Madvig : gloriari per me licet. Also in 
the next line, Benecke, Klotz, and Soldan read, iradituros, etiam si 
a Varo et a. q. a. prohibiti essetis ; &c. 

6. A Varo et a quibusdam. See note on p. 18, line 5. — Prohi- 
biti estis, sc. provinciam Csesari tradere. 

T. Confitebor. Soldan reads confiteor. 

8. Privaverit. P. C. 481. 

Ch. IX. — 9. Constantiam. Continued irony to line 31. 

lO. Cluamvis . . . . probarem. H. 516. Benecke, Klotz, and 
Soldan read probarim. 

13. Constantiam dico? This is a formula of frequent occur- 
rence in corrections. Cf. p. Mil. 28, 76. 

14. Nescio, an. See P. C. HQ.—Quotus quisque. No 

single English word corresponds to quotus. Such a form as what-th, 
like fif-th, six-th, would best suit it. It asks the questions in reference 
to ordinal numerals, as: Occupying what place in the series? An- 
swer: First, second, third, &c. See Z. 710. Others: quotus enim 
quisque istud, &c. 

15. Fecisset, ut . . . rediret. H. 492. — A quibus . . . . ad eos 
ipsos. Klotz and Soldan give a quibus partibus . ... ad cos ipsos, 
making it an instance of the constructio ad synesim. 

IT. Ejus viri. Madvig: ejus viri est. 

19. Possit. H. 445, 6. 

20. Ut . . . fuissent. H. 516, II.— Honos. Does Cicero use honor 1 
No. 

21. Nobilitas. For the iElia gens was most noble, deriving its 
origin from the kings of the Laestrygones. See Horat. Carm. 3, 17; 
Juven. 4, 154 ; 6, 385. It had also formed alliances with the Scipios. 
The Atia gens was rather obscure, until ennobled by Augustus Ceesar, 
the son of Atia, the daughter of M. Atius Balbus. 

22. Justo. Regular, i. e. appointed by the senate, not as Varus's, 
(Jamore multitudinis impcrita. 

26. Secutus esset. Benecke reads secutus crat, referring to Z. 
547, Note. So also Klotz, Soldan, and Madvig. — In Macedoniam, 
&c. The adversative conjunctions in Latin are omitted, when an af- 
armative clause is opposed to a preceding negative one. When the 



304 NOTES. 

Page 

g| predicate is common to botn clauses, as it usually is, it must be repeat 
ed in the second clause. 

27. Cum injuria. Benecke and Soldan reject the preposition 
H. 414. Without the preposition, the cause or ground of the action is 
given ; with the preposition, a new circumstance is added. To ex- 
press therefore that the wrong consists in the rejection, the preposition 
should be omitted. Cum injuria implies that to the rejection another 
wrong is added. Cf. cum crudelitate rejectus, § 26 ; and prohibiti 
summa cum injuria, § 24. 

28. €tuum ista res, &c. Quum Pompeius ista injuria vobis illata 
vestrisque querelis commotus non esset, ut signum daret alienatae a 
Ligario voluntatis. 

29. Credo. See note, p. 23, line 5. 

SO. In praesidiis eratis. You, as the senators, magistrates, and 
men of rank, who followed Pompey into Greece for whatever reason, 
were in the camp, without however making part of his fighting army. 
— Animi. Referring to both the Tuberes. 

31. An, ut fit, &c. The general purport of this passage appears 
to be to press the zeal which Tubero showed for victory, and, supply 
ing the ellipsis, the sense may be thus given : Or, was not that, which 
is usually the case in civil wars, with you still more the case than with 
the rest ? viz. that you ardently desired to conquer. The * * * indi- 
cate a lacuna. Exciderunt, qua? proprie de Tuberonum studio dicta 
erant. Madvig. 

33. Pacis equidem semper auctor fui. Cf. Deiot. 10, 29; 
Att. 7, 14 ; 9, 11 ; Marc. 5, 14 ; Phil. 2, 10, 24 ; ad Fain. 6, 6.—Sed 
turn sero, sc. after his return from Cilicia. Ad Fam. 4, 1. 

34. Pacem cogitare. Matthias distinguishes between paeon and 
de pace cogitare. The accusative denotes the thing which one wishes 
to effect ; the preposition with the ablative only the subject of the re- 
flection. 

36. Ctui .... venisses. H. 519. Benecke, Klotz, Soldan, and 
Madvig : veneras. — Esset pcreundum, nisi vicisses. H. 475. 

31. Se res habet, and res se habet, are both found in Cicero. 
Zumpt, Verr. 5, 34, 89, thinks the latter the regular order ; Madvig, 
de Fin. p. 57, thinks the former is more frequent. 

38. Hanc salutem, a Caesare victore acceptam. — Illi victoria, 
de cujus crudelitate timebamus. 

Ch. X. — 4rO. Beneficii sui. Erga vos quorum constantiam (in 
Pompeiana causa) non ignorabat. Auget Caesaris clementiam, et 
6imul Tuberones carpit, quum eos non posnitere constantiae sua; 
dicit. 

4:1. Vcstras injurias. Z. 424. — Rei publico. Ejus quae nunc 
est, et Cffisaris consilio ac sapientia gubernatur. 

43. Q,ui . . . putetis. In supposing. II. 519. 



ORATION FOE, Q. LIGARIUS. 805 

Pag* 

1. Itaque uuin, &c. He throws himself and his suit on the nur- on 

cy of Caesar ; and begs to disabuse him if he imagined he was plead- " 
ing the cause of Ligarius. It was altogether an appeal to his human- 
ity, &c. 

2. Ad unam summam .... vel humanitatis, &c. All that he 
has said he wishes to reduce to a single head or point, and that is Cae- 
sar's humanity. The genitive (genitivus epexegeticus) may be re- 
ferred to Z. 425. 

4:, Causas, &c. Caesar was also a distinguished orator, and ac- 
cording to Quinctil. 10, 1, 114, the only man fit to be a rival of Cicero : 
since (in his pithy expression) eodem animo dixit, quo bellavit. Soo 
Cic. Brut. 72-75. 

5. Durn te in foro, &c. a. u. c. G77, at the age of twenty-three, 
Caesar accused Cn. Dolabella of extortion in his province of Macedonia, 
and continued his pleading till nearly forty. This is what he calls 
ratio honor um, the course of your honors. He was praetor, a. u. c. 
692, at the age of thirty-eight. 

G. Ignoscite, judices. Haec esset deprecatio ; quam locum ha- 
bere in senatu et apud populum et apud principem et ubicunque juris 
dementia est, disputat, Quinctil. 7, 4, 18. — Erravit, judicio. — Lapsus 
est, facto. — Non putavit, i. e. non reputavit secum. The same as te- 
mere fecit below. 

7. Si unquam posihac, sc. tale quid commiserit. Aposiopesis. 
H. 704, 1, 8. 

i>. Die te . . . . judicem esse. He bids Caesar to imagine himself 
a judge of Ligarius, and to put to him, as counsel, the usual questions. 
In such a case, he professes that he would have nothing to say in de- 
fence, but by the figure antiphrasis (i. e. quum qucedam negamus nos 
dicere, et tamen dicimus), he concisely sums up, without the appear- 
ance of having designed it, the substance of what he has previously 
urged in defence. 

11. Colligo. The technical term for collecting proofs for a trial. 
— Valerent. The conditional member is frequently left to be supplied 
from the context. 

13. Non acerbus, t totus. Tho t indicates that the text is 
doubtful. Madvig reads, jam est- totus; Klotz and Soldan, non acer- 
bus fuit, tametsi totus. During the war even he was not a bitter en- 
emy, on the contrary rather, he was wholly yours in heart and affec- 
tion. Tametsi is thus used to correct a former expression. Hand, 
Turs. ii. pp. 604-606. 

14. Ad parentem. Benecke, Klotz, Soldan, and Madvig read 
apud. 

16. Ignoseas. Soldan and Madvig read ignoscatur. 
18. An sperandi. Quinctil. 5, 10, 93, calls this comparatio ex 
difficiliorc ; for it was obviously more difficult for Cicero, who was al- 



306 NOTES. 

Page 

Co ready indebted to Caesar for his own, to urge the pardon of another, 

than for that other to hope for a pardon. Bnt this being done, Ceesai 

would hardly forfeit the glory of his clemency, gained in pardoning the 

one, by refusing the same pardon to the other. 

21. Tui necessarii. We might expect tuorum necessariorum, 
but the construction is conformed to the relative qui, instead of to tho 
antecedent eorum. 

Ch. XI. — 24:. Gratiosiorcs. Of more influence w T ith you. — VuU 
tus. What case? Accusative. Soldan with Steinmetz here contends 
for pieces, as below. Vultus dixit pro preces quia, qui precantur, sol- 
licitudinem, demissionem animi, mcerorem vultu prae se ferre solent. 

25. Sed quam illius. Klotz reads sed qua illius causa, pro 
quo, &c. 

26. Xtaque, &c. Accordingly, you do not, to be sure, deny your 
own friends any favor, as the preceding remark (neque te spectare, 
quam tuus esset necessarius) might lead a person to suppose. So far 
from that, you are above measure liberal to them ; still I see (sed vi- 
deo tamen) that the causes. Sec. 

2T. Beatiores. Beatus qui multa bona possidet. Cicero does 
not mean that they were happier than Caesar, but as we say, '•' better 
off," " wealthier." Caesar was so generous that he left himself in a 
worse situation than the recipients of his bounty. This accords with 
the account of Sallust, Cat. 54 nihil denegare quod dono dignum 
esset. 

28. Fruantur. Benecke, Klotz, Soldan, and Madvig: fruuntur 

31. In Q,. Ligario conservando. Si Ligarium conservaveris. 
And this introduces the case of Ligarius. He here reasons syllogisti- 
cally. Thus the major (Vidi enim, Sec.) is shortly: Just grounds 
(causas) for interference in the suppliants usually avail with Caesar. 
The friends of Ligarius have the justest grounds (minor). Therefore, 
&c. In establishing the minor he is able to enumerate all the friends 
of Ligarius who are interested in his fate. And this he proceeds to da 

32. Tuquideni.. sed. See P. C. 383. See note on p. 22, 
line 2. 

33. Hoc. Causas rogantium. 

34r. Sabinos. Ligarius was of Sabine origin, and it was usual foi 
the whole people of a district to appear at Rome in defence of a patron 
or countryman. So the Campanians appeared in favor of Cicero, on 
his return from banishment. — Tibi probatissimos. They had afforded 
Caesar an asylum during the proscription of Sulla, and he may have 
tried and proved their valor in his legions. 

36. Nosti optime homines. Benecke, Klotz, Soldan, and Mad- 
vig from MSS. read optimos. 

3 7. T. Brocchi .... lacrimas squalor em que, Brocchus waa 
Hi© uncle of Ligarius. Squalor, the garb of mourning, is often joined 



ORATION FOR Q. LIGARIUS. 307 

Page 

with sordcs, and describes the neglected appearance of those who \vereQ9 
in affliction and distress. 

41. Q,uodvis. Benecke, Klotz, Soldan, and Madvig: Na?n 
quodvis. 

4:3. Si fraterne, si pie, si cum dolore. Notice the anaphora, 
by which, in the first member of this sentence, the conjunction, and in 
the second member, the predicate is repeated. It is often the case, in 
animated discourse, that a word which is common to the connected 
members of a sentence is iepeated, by which the place of the copula- 
tive conjunction is taken, and a kind of asyndeton is formed. Besides, 
in this sentence the chiastic arrangement of fraterne, pie, cum dolore, 
and lacrimcB, pietas, germanitas, should be noticed. 

3. Essent. P. C. 460 (b) ; H. 529, ff. 83 

4. Hunc splendorem. This is the proper epithet of the equestri' 
an order, as, majesty of the people, and authority of the senate. Be- 
necke and Madvig retain the reading, omnem hanc Brocchorum do- 
mum. 

5. Ti. Corfidium. By a lapsus memoriae Corfidius was hero 
mentioned, though previously dead. Cicero requests Atticus (13, 44) 
to bo careful to have the name erased from all the copies ; which, 
however, was not effected. 

<}, Veste mutata. Sordidate. No less than twenty thousand 
knights changed their garb in the case of Cicero. 

7. Tecum fuerunt. This did not require them to be actually in 
Coesar's camp. It was enough that they did not join Pompey. Bo- 
necke, Klotz, Soldan, and Madvig: viros, qui tecum fuerunt. 

8. Requirebamus. Missed, felt annoyed at tho absence of. 
Therefore their deserts towards you are enhanced by their being tho 
objects of the hatred and threats of the Pompeians. 

9. Minabautur. Benecke and Klotz : minabamur. By non- 
nulli we may suppose Pompey, Lentulus, Scipio, and Fannius are in- 
tended, not Cicero who strongly censures those who threatened the 
neutral. Therefore Minabantur is preferable. — Tuis suos. To those, 
who by their neutrality are proved to be your friends, preserve their 
own. 

10. Hoc. Your considering all these your friends who did not 
appear against you. 

Ch. XII. — 13. Tecum .... fuisse, i. e. domi remansisse. 

15. Fuisset futurus. The common text is fulurus fuerit, and 
so Madvig. Soldan : fuerit futurus. If conditional sentences, which 
are expressed by the subjunctive of the imperfect or pluperfect, are 
made to depend upon a tense of the present, in the leading sentence, 
they are not subjected to the consecutio temporum, but remain un- 
changed. In tho periphrastic conjugation, however, the subjunctivo 
of the perfect takes the place of the subj. of tho pluperfect, after a 






308 NOTES. 

Page 

Co tense of the present in the leading sentence, although the conditional 
member stands in the subj. of an historical tense. This arises from 
the use of the indicative of the perfect for the pluperfect subjunctive. 
Compare H. 475, and H. 481, III. Both fuisset and fuerit appear 
to be correct, though the latter is more frequent, while the Erf and 
other MSS. here defend fuisset. 

16. Consensum couspirantem et pasne coitflatam. Concor- 
dant, and, as it were, moulded into one. 

IT. Noverit. H. 501. Why the perfect tense ? H. 297. 

20. Tempestate abreptus. Tres Notus abrepias in saxa la- 
tentia torquet. Virg. Mn. 1, 108. 

22. Sed ierit. But take it in the worst point of view, admit that 
he did go to the war, &c. 

23. Discesserit. Benecke, Klotz, Soldan, Madvig, and others 
read dissenserit. 

25. Qualis T. Ldgarius fuerit. He paid Caesar, 

a. u. c. 698, a sum of money, voted to him out of the public treasury, 
to support his army in Gaul. This payment Cicero strenuously sup- 
ported. De Prov. cons. 11, 28 ; p. Balb. 27, 61. Turn is rejocted by 
Benecke, Klotz, Soldan, and Madvig. 

26. Quaestor urbauus. Hi aerarium curabant, ejusque pecunias 
expensas et acceptas in publicas tabulas referebant. Ascon. Quaes- 
tores enim urban i tantee fuerunt auctoritatis, ut imperatores redeuntea 
ab expeditione non prius triumphum adipiscerentur, quam apud ipsos 
jurarent vere scriptum fuisse ad senatum de hostium occisorum et civ- 
ium amissorum numero. Neque vero hac in re modo T. Ligarius C33- 
sari absenti gratum facere potuit, sed etiam in pecunia eroganda, quum 
quotiescunque earn solvere senatus debebat, quaestores essent adeundi. 

2T. Spero te . . . . recordari. The infinitive of the present or 
perfect follows spero if the time actually falls in the present or tho 
past. P. C. 15 ; Z. 605.— Oblivisci. H. 403, II. 

30. De aliis quibusdam quaestoribus. Wunder and Klotz 
understand these words of quaestors who had shown themselves un- 
friendly to Caesar, in contrast with tho friendliness of T. Ligarius 
But Benecke and Soldan give this sense to tho passage: "even if you 
recall to mind the services of certain other quaestors, perhaps greater 
than those of Ligarius, you will still bear in mind something of the 
service which Ligarius rendered." Klotz also retains cogitantem 
after qucestorio officio. 

31. Nihil egit. Had no object in view, was quite disinterested. 
3 2. Euni tui studiosum. Kioto and Soldan omit tui. Benecko 

and Madvig read tui cum studiosum. On eum for se, see Z. 550. 

35. Dederis . . . condonaveris. H. 473. 

3T. Necessariis. After this word the common text gives suis. 
Benecke, Klotz, and Soldan, tuis. — Condonaveris. H. 473. 



ORATION FOR Q. LIGARIUS. 300 

P.-ige 

38. De nomine nobilissirno* M. Marcellus. See the preceding do 
oration. Observe that nuper in curia and nunc .... in for o with ref- 
erence ta each other are anaphorical, but with reference to the prep- 
ositional expressions, chiastic. Klotz gives M. Mar cello after claris- 
simo. See, however, note on p. 80, line 10 

40. Concesslsti. Granted to the prayers of. Above, condonare 
has a similar sense, viz. to pardon for their sake, at their request, and 
to gain their favor. 

2. Homines enim. This sentiment is elsewhere met with. Cf. p, j 
p. Mar cell § 8 ; De Rep. 1, 7. 

5. Quani ut possis .... quam ut velis. Poterat etiam dicert 
quam quod potes, quam quod vis. Sed significare maluit, ut possot et 
vellet, fortuna Caesaris et natura effectum esse. 

6. Forsitan*= perhaps : generally goes with the subjunctive, 



THE ORATION FOR KING DEIOTARUS. 



INTRODUCTION. 

Deiotarus was a noble tetrarch of Gallograecia or Galatia, who in the sev- 
eral wars in which the Romans had been engaged in Asia, Pontus, Cappado- 
cia, Cilicia, and Syria, had often afforded powerful aid to their generals, and 
proved himself a zealous and faithful ally. Through Pompey, after the close 
of the Mithridatic war, he was, for his services, honored by the senate with 
the title of king, and had Gadilonitis and Armenia Minor added to his domin- 
ions. He succeeded, indeed, doubtless by Roman favor, in encroaching on 
the rights of the other tetrarchs of Galatia, and obtaining nearly the whole of 
it for himself. 

In the civil war, Deiotarus attached himself to the cause of Pompey, his 
benefactor, in the same ship with whom he effected his escape after the battle 
of Pharsalia. After the defeat of Pompey, he sought in every way to regain 
the favor of Caesar, relying upon the friendly relations which had previously 
existed between them. Accordingly, while Caesar was employed in Egypt, 
Deiotarus offered to Cn. Domitius Calvinus, Caesar's legate in Asia, his ser- 
vices and money, and in his turn, a. u. c. 707, applied to Domitius for aid 
against Pharnaces, the son of Mithridates, who had taken possession of liia 
kingdom of Armenia Minor, and of Cappadocia, the kingdom of Ariobar- 
zanes, and was plundering them. In the campaign which followed, Phar- 
naces defeated the combined Roman and Galatian forces near Nicopolis, and 
almost entirely destroyed the army of Deiotarus. When Caesar, in the same 
year, came into Asia from Egypt, Deiotarus, divested of his royal robes, wait- 
ed on him in the garb of a suppliant, and in consideration of his former ser- 
vices, his age, dignity, and the prayers of his friends, received a pardon, and 
was permitted to resume the ensigns of regal dignity. About certain clauns, 
however, which the neighboring tetrarchs made on Gallograecia, Caesar de- 
cided nothing; but taking with him all Deiotarus's cavalry, and a legion 
trained in the Roman discipline, he proceeded against Pharnaces, whose 
speedy defeat is recorded in the memorable words, " Veni, vidi, vici." 

Caesar, after this victory, proceeding to Asia, by the route of Gallograecia 
and Bithynia, became the guest of Deiotarus. He took from him, however, 
the tetrarchy of the Trocmi and gave it to Mithridates of Pergamus, whom he 
had made king of the Bosporus. The kingdom of Armenia Minor also, which 
Pharnaces had wrested from Deiotarus, Caesar did not restore to Deiotarus, but 
bestowed it on Ariobarzanes, king of Cappadocia. Thus Deiotarus was left 
with almost nothing more than his original tetrarchy. We learn from Cicero 
{ad Att. 14, 1), that in the autumn of the same year, the cause of Deiotarus 
was unsuccessfully pleaded by Brutus before Caesar at Nicaea in Bithynia ; 
but that Brutus interceded for Deiotarus in tins matter is highly improbable, 
and in what other relation he defended Deiotarus is equally uncertain. When 
Caesar returned from Spain, a. u. c. 709, Castor the grandson of Deiotarus, by 
b daughter who was married to Saocondarius, accused his grandfather of a 



ORATION FOR KING DEIOTARUS. 311 

design to murder Csesar, when he was his guest in Gdlognecia, and also of 
an intention of sending troops to the aid of Caecilius Bassus. Deiotarus sent 
an embassy to Rome to look after his interests, and with them his slave Phi- 
dippus, who was at the same time his physician. But he, while in Rome, 
was corrupted by Castor, and appeared against his master. This embassy 
waited on Cicero, who readily undertook the cause of his old friend, and in 
November of this year, before Caesar in his own house, defended him in the 
following speech. Of Cicero's success we are not informed ; but from Phil. 
2, 37, 94, it would appear that while Caesar lived, Deiotarus's circumstances 
did not improve. After the murder of Caesar, Hieras appears to have obtained 
from Antony, through Fulvia, the restitution of his master's dominions for 
10,000,000 sesterces. Deiotarus, however, had seized by force on the territory 
in question, as soon as he heard of Caesar's death, and took revenge upon his 
son-in-law and daughter. He subsequently joined the party of Brutus and 
Cassius, and having attained an advanced age, was succeeded by Deiotarus 
II., his only surviving son, all the rest of his children having been put to death 
by him, according to Plutarch, in order that his kingdom, in the hands of hiu 
successor, might not be shorn of its power. 



ANALYSIS. 

I In the introduction the orator speaks of his embarrassment and confusion, 
which he generally feels in important cases, and which is increased still 
more by the circumstance, (1) that he has to defend a king, and a king who 
has done great service to the Roman people. Besides, (2) he is agitated by 
the cruelty and unworthiness of the two accusers (t) 1-3) , and even (3) the 
unusual constitution of the court, since the offended Caesar is at the same 
time judge ; as likewise (4) the place in which he must speak, a room in 
Caesar's palace, instead of the public forum, add to his embarrassment 
tt 4-7.) 

II. Before replying to the charge and refuting it, he speaks of the hope of the 
accusers, on which they relied, in the belief that Caesar had not sincerely 
pardoned Deiotarus, an opinion which is alike inconsistent with the noble 
sentiments of Caesar and with his previous expressions respecting the king. 
(^ 7, 8.) By this he prepares the way for the mention of what Deiotarus 
had done (1) for Pompey, (2) for Caesar, and (3) how Caesar had received 
his endeavors. ($ 9-15.) 

III. The simple statement is a refutation of the charge : for (1) so inconsid- 
erate an act is at variance with the well-known prudence and character of 
the king (§ 15. 16) ; (2) the whole accusation is a clumsy invention, and 
every thing which has been brought forward to prove it, is utterly improba- 
ble and absurd ($ 17-22) ; (3) the king had no wish to levy an army against 
Caesar, as the accusers maintained ($ 23, 24) ; (4) Deiotarus did not cherish 
hostile feelings against Caesar (^ 24-27); but (5) it was Castor rather, who 
was so disposed ($ 28, 29), who, ungrateful and treacherous (t) 30-32), had 
impudently fabricated a story, that Blesamius had by letter communicatee 
to the king, his master, something prejudicial to Caesar. (t> 33, 34.) 

IV. The conclusion mentions the gratitude of the king, and his contentment 
with Caesar's treatment (J) 35-39) ; and seeks to enlist the sympathy and fa- 
vor o^ Caesar in behalf of the two kings, the father and son. 



312 NOTES. 

Page 

ox Cn. I. — 1. Q,uum .... turn. Not only .... but also ; the second 
being the more important notion. The first is often a general term, 
the second a more special determination of it ; the first the more com- 
mon, the second the more rare, &c. When quum stands in a com- 
plete clause, it takes either the subjunctive or the indicative. When 
it takes the indicative, both the statements are made as direct asser- 
tions. When it takes the subjunctive, a general proposition is assumed 
as true, and a particular instance, or further development of it is as- 
serted in the sentence with turn. In English we should either use 
" though," or no conjunction. " Though I am usually more agitated, 
when I begin to speak, &c, yet, &c. ;" or, " I, when I begin to speak, 
am wont to be more agitated, &c, but, &c." — Causis gravioribus. 
Cicero explains the use of the adjective here, when he says below, di- 
co pro capite. Caput signifies both natural and civil life — the sum 
of civil rights and privileges. 

2. Commoveri. Compare Divin. in Ctccil. 13 in; p. Cluent. 
18, 51. The cause of the agitation Cicero himself gives in the per- 
son of L. Crassus, De Orat. 1, 26. — Vidcatur. So also Frotscher. 
Benecke, Klotz, Soldan, and Madvig give videtur. 

3. JEtas me a. Cicero was now in his 62d year, and his experi- 
ence at the bar had been long and ample to give him confidence. 

4:. Fides, Deiotarus was his friend, his hospes, as we learn in 
§ 39, and Cicero was bound by a sense of duty to defend him. 

6. Primum. Cicero adduces four causes to account for his fears. 
1. His client being a king ; 2. The cruelty of one accuser (the grand- 
son), and meanness of the other (a slave) ; 3. The fact of the virtual 
plaintiff, Caesar, being also judge ; 4. The place where tho trial was 
held, sc. the house of Caesar. 

7. Regis, emphatic, instead of ejus, illius, for the kingly dignity 
was sacred and inviolable. See p. I. Man. § 24. 

8. Dumtaxat = dum taxat, " whilst one estimates it ;" " being 
accurately estimated;" hence (1) " not more than," "only;" (2) "not 
less than," " at least." Z. 274. — Periculo. Because in Caesar's peril, 
the whole state was in danger. — Reum capitis esse. P. C. 188. 

lO. Cluem ornare. Cf. ad Fam. 15, 4; Phil. 11, 13.— Soleba- 
mus. So Benecke, Klotz, Soldan, and Frotscher, who considers the 
plural more complimentary to Deiotarus. The meaning is : omnes 
nos Romani cum senatu in eo ornando celebrandoque consentiebamus ; 
and those generals particularly whom Deiotarus had aided in their 
wars, Sulla, Murena, Lucullus, Pompey, and others are had in mind. 
Orelli compares de Rep. 1, 6, 10 : Quasi vero major cuiquam neces- 
sitas accidere possit, quam accidit nobis! in qua quid facere 
potuissem, nisi turn consul fu iss e ?« ? Madvig, however, re- 
tains and defends solebam. 

12. Atrocissimum crimen. Of having attempted Ctr^rs life 



ORATION FOR KING DEIOTARUS. 313 

Pao;a 

See note on p. 71, line 27. — Accedit, ut. When the sentence is con- ox 
ditional, accedit is always followed by ut. Without a condition we 
sometimes find accedit vt, but more commonly accedit quod. With 
quod an added circumstance is presupposed as real ; with ut it is con- 
ceived as just developing itself = proeterea fit, ut. 

13. Alterius crudelitate. Because his grandson Castor was 
the accusei of his grandfather. — Alterius indignitaie. Because his 
slave Phidippus had appeared against his master. 

14-. Crudelis Castor. So also Benecke, Klotz, Steinmetz, and 
Soldan Madvig and Schneider defend Crudelem Castor em, on the 
ground that ne dicam requires the same case of the substantive or ad- 
jective before as after it. Cf. p. Mil. § 33 : vivo Milone, ne dicam 
consule. Hunc accusativum o sequentibus ortum esse arbitror: atque 
omnino initio orationis exclamatio minus apposita videtur. Orelli. 

15. Nepos. The son of his daughter, who had married Saocon- 
flurius. — Adduxerit. The subjunctive expresses not merely some ad- 
ditional characteristic, but the conception and feeling of the speaker. 
H. 526. — Adolescenti&que sucb terrorem = terrorem a sua adolescentia 
s. a se adolescente, profectum. For young men at Rome found it a 
ready way of gaining commendation, to accuse the magistrates, to 
whom, therefore, they were in some sort a terror. .De Off. 2. 14. 
Benecke omits ei after intulcrit, referring to Z. 765. 

IT. Debebat. On the indicative, see P. C. 126. 

18. Servum. Phidippum medicum. In Rome physicians bo- 
longed to the servile condition. 

19. A legatorum pedibus. In company with whom he had 
come to defend his master. . Servants are said to bo a d or circum pe- 
des domini, i. e. pedissequi. Verr. 1, 36, 92: habebat circum pedes 
homines formosos et litteratos. 

20. Fugitivi. This is said contemptuously of Phidippus, since 
when sent with the other ambassadors to defend Deiotarus, he had 
abandoned his cause. His object, in speaking so contemptuously of 
his servile condition, is to make the accusation of Deiotarus appear 
still more unworthy, and to lower and weaken in the minds of tho 
Romans the regard in which Phidippus stood in his own country. On 
tho repetition of dominum, compare ad Att. 5, 2, 1 : quum Hortensius 
veniret et infirmus et tarn longe et Hortensius ; p. Sest. § 54 : ge- 
tter, et Piso gener. 

22* Os, quo impudentiam pra se ferebat. — Quum verba audi eb am. 
These words are omitted by Benecke and Soldan as a gloss on quum 
os videbam. But Madvig very justly remarks, quam apte utriusque 
census offensio commemoretur quamque numerose -membra orationis 
cadant, nemo non videt. 

23. De fortunis communibus. For who can bo safe, if slaves 
are permitted to turn informers ? 

27 



314 NOTES. 

Pag-e 

$5 % 5 » De servo in dominuin. The regular construction should bo 
noticed, de servis quarere in dominum, i. e. e servis quaestione s. tor- 
mentis extorquere, quod contra dom. valere possit. Not even is tho 
involuntary (tormentis) evidence of a slave allowed against his mas. 
ter, much less the voluntary accusation (accuset solutus). 
OO 2. Exortus est servus. Intimating the impudence of Pbidippus 
— here starts up a slave. 

3. Accuset. Compare note on p. 44, line 22. Ernesti altered it 
to accusaret. But exortus est brings the action down to the present 
time, and is but a rhetorical amplification of the simple est. Z. 512. 
Note. 

Ch. II. — 4-. Illud, Referring to what follows. This circumstance, 
sc. your being judge in your case. The third cause of his fear. Atat- 
thitc remarks that quod dicere .... grave est ought to follow, instead 
of which Cicero commences with the causal particle nam. 

5. Q,uum = now that, since. 

8. Arguare, H. 236. The second person of an indefinite subject 
is common. 

10. JEquioreni = more favorable, kind. 

11. Hi on enim. H. 602, in. 

12. Q,uid . . . . judicare. Namely, that you are a friend of jus ~ 
tice and humanity. By this praise of Caesar he hinted what Caesar 
ought to be ; particularly that it was foreign to his clemency to con- 
demn in his own cause. Caesar's anxiety to be thought mild and for- 
giving is noticed by Suetonius, c. 75. 

13. Loci . . . . insolentia. The fourth cause. Cicero's usual 
theatre was the forum ; here, the house of Caesar, where there was no 
surrounding band (conventum) by which the orator is inspired to emu- 
lation. Compare p. Mil. 1, and the story of the declaimer Porcius 
Latro given in Quinctil. 10, 5, and Senec. Controv. 4 : Prcsf. Decla- 
matoria virtutis Latronem Porcium unicum exemplum quum pro 
reo in Hispania Rusiico Porcio propinquo suo diceret, usque eo esse 
confusum, ut a soloecismo inciperet, nee ante potuisse confirmari 
tectum ac parictes desiderantem, quam impetravit, ut judicium ex 
foro in basilicam transferretur. Usque eo ingenia scholasticis cx~ 
crcitationibus delicate nuiriuntur, ut clamorem, silentium, risum, 
caelum denique pati nesciant. 

14r. In disceptatione versata est. Came on trial. 

16. In qua oratoram studia niti solent. H. 419, II. 

IT. Acquiesco. Not so strong as gaudeo, delector, but = tuos 
oculos, indices benevolentise tuae, quum intueor, timere desino. 

19. Q,uas. These things ; referring to what has been mentioned 
in the preceding clauses. — Obtinendai veritatis. Vcritatem obtinere 
?s= to make good, establish, or by defending set forth the truth so that 
all shall see it. Cicero had what was most important in establishing 



ORATION FOR KING DEIOTARUS. 315 

Paga 

the truth ; though it was of little weight in rousing the eloquence and Og 
ardor of the speaker. 

21. Hanc, &c. Benecke, Klotz, and Soldau : Hanc enim cau- 
sa m, G Caisar, si, &c. 

21. Cujus omiiem aetatem in populi Romani bellis con- 
sumptam. The first expedition of the Romans in Asia, occurring in 
the time of Deiotarus, was that of Sulla, a. u. c. 662, to restore Ario- 
barzanes to his kingdom of Cappadocia. He had assisted the Romans 
in the firs*. Mithridatic war, in the time of Sulla, a. u. c. 667. It was 
now 709. Soldan rejects ei before regi. 

26. Curiam. Because it was contiguous to the forum where the 
cause should be pleaded in the open air. 

21. Deorum . . . populi Romani .... senatus. These answer 
to caelum . . . .forum .... curiam, and, as usual, are in the reverse 
order. See p. Lig. 11, 33: Si fraierne, &c, with the note on the 
passage. Observe also the repetition of the et with each of the sub- 
stantives, in reference to caelum, forum and curiam. 

30*. Maximae causae, i. e. longe gravissimae, quanta, inquit, § 5, 
nulla unquam in disceptatione vcrsata est. — Debilitatur loco. Cf. 
Tac. Dial. 39. 

31. Q,ui pi'O niultis saepe dixisti. Compare p. Lig. 10, 30. 
Pro multis saepe = pro multis pro alio alio tempore. 

32. Ad te ipsum referre. Referre ad aliquam rem is properly 
to refer to something as a standard or measure. You, Caesar, should 
judge my present feelings by your own ; you should put yourself in 
my place, and give me the indulgence which you would then require 
—Quo facilius. H. 497. 

34:. Antequam .... dico. H. 523. He wishes to removo any 
latent hatred which Caesar might cherish against Deiotarus, as a Pom- 
peian, before he proceeds to the charge itself. 

35. Accusatorum. Castor and Phidippus. — Quum = etsi. H. 
518. — Nee ingenio. It is contrary to Cicero's usual practice to lower 
the character of his opponents ; but here he does so to show thoir 
audacity in impeaching a king, and that they must rely for success 
on Ccesar's well-known prejudices against Deiotarus. 

37. Non sine aliqua spe. "Z. 709. Comp. p. Mil. 1, 2. 

Cn. III. — 39. Affectum, &c. Caesar had deprived him of the te- 
•.rarchy of the Trocmi, and also of Armenia Minor, which he owed 
to Pompey. De Div. 2, 37. Benecke, Klotz, and Soldan read af- 
fectum; but Orelli and Madvig prefer affectum, as better suited to 
the softened expressions incommodis et detrimentis. Instead of the 
mild language here chosen, compare the harsh words used by Cic 
Phil. 2, 37, 9-4: Quis enim cuiquam inimicior, quam Deiotaro C<B' 
sar ? &c. — Propter offensionem animi tui. Owing to your diepleas' 
uro. 



316 NOTES. 

Pago 

of? 40. [Teque .... ccgnoverant.] These words are bracketed by 
Orelli, after Madvig, on account of tbe perversity of the sentiment. 
Esse before cognoverant is omitted in the common text, as is often 
the case after the verba sentiendi ; but when a lasting state is to be 
denoted, it should be expressed. 

41. Apud ipsum te = apud ipsum, de cujus periculo dicerent, id 
ost, apud te. See note on p. 80, line 29. 

42. Fore putabant, ut . . . . insiderct. H. 546. — Exulcerato. 
figuratively from festering wounds. Therefore insideret, of a deeply- 
seated and fixed grudge. As Caesar would be called upon to negativo 
this supposition, so it is a tacit exhortation to justice. 

44. Per clementiam. Benecke, Klotz, and Madvig omit the 
preposition here. 
87 3 » Hospes hospiti. H. 596. The allusion is to the time when, 
in returning from his march against Pharnaces, after the Alexandrian 
war, Caesar partook of the hospitality of Deiotarus. 

4. Noil tam in bellis, &c. Matthias here supposes a blending of 
two constructions, one of which would give non tam in bellis, quam 
in promissis firmain ; the other, non in bellis, quam in promissis fir~ 
miorem. Benecke rejects this explanation, and holds that tam does 
not. correspond to the following quam, which refers rather to the com- 
parative firmiorem, but is closely connected with the non, nearly in 
the sense of non admodum. Schneider (Jahrb. 52r. B. 1848, p. 280) 
prefers the view of Benecke, and compares Liv. 28, 39, 12 : Quod 
nobis non tam fructu j ucundius est quam ultione, where 
tam as in our passage is found in all MSS. On the twofold applica- 
tion of manus, compare ad Fam. 7, 5, 3 : totum denique hominem 
tibi ita trado de manu, ut aiunt, in m a n u m tuam istam et 
victoria et fide pr distant em. 

6. Dii penates. The tutelary gods of his family. 

T. Deiotari regis. On the order of the words, see H. 598. Which 
is the usual order? — ArcB focique. See note on p. 46, line 24. 

8. Facile [exorari]. Not only easily induced to forgive, but tc 
forgive heartily (semet, once for all; cf. § 39). Klotz, Benecke, Siipfle, 
and Soldan read facile orari from the best MSS., and explain it: Ca»- 
sar on the one hand does not close his ears to entreaty, and on the 
otner allows himself, once for all, to be prevailed upon. 

9. Placavit . . . seuserit. After qui non or quin, when a neg- 
ative or equivalent interrogative precedes, it is the usage of Cicero to 
place the subjunctive in the same tense which has gone before, be- 
cause the action follows immediately, and is included in the same time 
as the preceding. Compare note on p. 55, line 22. 

10. Q,uamquam, &c. " Though why dwell on this? For by 
whom have your expostulations with Deiotarus been unheard ? Every 
one knows the drift of them. You never accused him a? an enemy,*' 



ORATION FOR KINO DEIOTARUS. 317 

ice. Queri cum aliqvo = exprobrare alicui acceptam injuriam. H.oni 
434. For the complaints of Coesar against Deiotarus, see Anct. B. 
Alex. G7, seqq. 

12. Hostera. Tho distinction that hosiis means an enemy of the 
Btate, and inimicus a private enemy, is not always observed. See de 
Fin. 5, § 29 ; Vcrr. 2, § 58 ; Scst. § 129 ; and compare note on p. 54, 
line 27. 

14. Daturum fuisse. Benecke, Klotz, and Soldan give daturum 
esse, which is the reading of only the Erfurt MS., but supported by 
tho note of the Schol. Gronov. on this passage, who gives the following 
letter from Caesar to Deiotarus : Turpe est. Et ego amicus tuus fui. 
Qua causa est, ut ad Pompeium transires ? Sed ignosco tibi, si se- 
cutus cs nomen senatus. Mitte ezercitum Pompeio, mitte filium, tu 
tantum excusatione utcre, quia senex es. 

15. Ipse, sc. autem. H. 602,111. Benecke, Soldan, and Madvig: si, 
quum auxilia Pompeio vel etiam Jilium misisset, &c. Soldan* ipse 
tamen; and Benecke : ipse tamen excusatione cetatis ; Klotz reads si 
quum aux. Pompeio vcl si etiam fd. misisset, ipse tamen, &c, which 
Frotscher also approves. 

1G. Maximis .... rebus = hcslili odio. For the circumstance 
that Deiotarus had not from his own impulso and from hatred marched 
against Caesar, but had followed tho general course of things, amount- 
ed to an acquittal in reference to tho most important point of the charge. 

IT. Amicitias neglectae vel violatae culpam. Nam accusajjat 
eura ut amicum officio parum functum. The fault was very trifling, 
and had no enmity in it. 

18. In eum .... animadvertisti. See note on p. 17, line 32. 
Observe also that eum, the object of liberavisti, is to bo supplied from 
in eum. Cf. de Orat. 1, 15, 69 : ad eum delata et tradita without 
ci ; ad Fam. 13, 4, 6: ut te horter el suadeam without tibi. Comp. 
H. 451. — Sed omni. When sed alone, without etiam, follows non 
modo or non solum, the first clause is included: i. e. as the particular 
in the general, the weaker in the stronger, the less numerous in the 
more numerous. Therefore with cuncti and otnnes regularly tho sim- 
ple sed is found. 

19. Regem. Gallogrccciue s. Galalarum. 

Ch. IV. — 20. Progressus, sc. ad aliquid moliendum. Additum 
est concinnitatis causa, ne, quum in sqq. errore communi additum ha- 
beret lapsus, odio tui suo participio fraudaretur. The complement of 
progressus is omitted to avoid any invidious allusion. Klotz gives pro- 
gressus est .... lapsus est. — Errore communi. Cf. Phil. 11, 13, 34. 

21. Honorificeiitissimis. H. 164. 

22. Appellavisset. The subjunctive expresses the thought only 
as tho speaker's conception or idea. H. 519. But in this passage the 
common text (omitting quum after quique) puts a period after versati, 



318 NOTES. 

qij and commences the 4th chapter with Quum audiret. Madvig do- 
fends the common text and punctuation as required by the moods and 
tenses (appellavissef - . . . duxisset) which are brought together, and 
confirmed by the connection. " Cicero primum (§ 10) universe Deio- 
tarum dicit, qui senatus auctoritatem maximi facere consuevisset, per- 
turbatum esse iisdem rebus, quibus eos, qui minus perturbari debuerint, 
deinde (§ 11) has res et hanc perturbationem singulatim describit" 
Klotz, from MSS. which give quique eum ilium, &c., or quique cum 
ilium, &c, formed the period as given in the text, and was followed 
by Orelli and Sizpfle. Madvig and Soldan: quique cum ordincm 
versati. IV. 11. Quum audiret, &c. 

24-. Est perturbatus = in errorem abductus est, a softened ex- 
pression like lapsus est above. The causes of this error are given in 
the following chapter. This is the first excuse for Deiotarus's joining 
Pompey. — Longinquus. For if those who were born and living in the 
heart of the republic, yet mistook the true state party, a fortiori might 
Deiotarus, a foreigner, living at a distance. Nati refers to alienigena, 
and versati to longinquus. 

2T. Consulibus. These were C. Claudius Marcellus and L. Cor- 
nelius Lentulus, a. u. c. 705. Cf. Ctes. B.C. 1,5; and Cic. ad Fam. 
16, 11, 3. The measure here referred to caused the friends of Caesar 
to take refuge at Ravenna, where he then was. — Nobis imperatoribus. 
Cicero had just returned from Cilicia, and in expectation of a triumph 
was now at the city. See ad Fam. 16, 11 ; and note on p. 77, line 3. 
Instead of nobis, the reading in most of the MSS. as well as the best, 
is novis, which Schultz also gives in his text, and Benecke thinks may 
be defended from Caes. B. C. 1, 5, and 6. 

30. Esse inclusam. Esse is omitted in the common text. 
Compare note on p. 86, line 40. 

33. Consules ex Italia profugisse. Cf. Phil. 2, 22, 54.— Sic 
enim ei nvneiabatur. Not all, for Cicero, Sulpicius, and others re- 
mained. 

34:. Esse effusam. Manutius adds ad bellum contra te ge- 
rendum, but it answers rather to the preceding profugisse, and = in 
fugam effusam. Were dispersed ; for on hearing of the march of 
Ccesar towards the city, the optimates fled, and joined Pompey in 
Greece. 

35. Ad Orientem, i. e. to Asia where Deiotarus was. 

36. De conditionibus tuis. Pompey demanded that Caesar 
should deliver his army and province to a successor, previously to his 
suing for tt second consulship. Caesar offered to disband his army if 
Pompey did the same. Cf. Caes. B. C. 1,9; Cic. ad Fam. 16, 12 
After veri in this line Klotz with some MSS. gives nuntii. 

38. Certorum homiimm. Especially the consuls Lentulus and 
Marcellus, M. Bibulus, L. Domitius, P. Scipio, and Cato, who all, iu 



ORATION FOR KING DEIOTARUS. 319 

Pa s $ 

their opposition to Caesar, betrayed motives quite distinct from love of g^ 
country. Cass. B. C. 1, 4. 

39. Se teuuit, retinuit, quo minus ad bellum proficisceretur 

40. Ignosce. Pardon the man so circumstanced in regard to 
Pompey, who, from his high command in the republic, and his inter- 
course with Deiotarus in the Mithridatic war, had naturally great in- 
fluence over him. The second excuse. 

42. Ad queni quum .... cougessissent. On quum and the 
subjunctive, see note on p. 85, line 1. In quern is the common read- 
ing; and congerere omnia ornamenta in aliquem is a more common 
construction than c. o. o. ad aliquem. The former = to confer on 
one or impart to one all honors and distinctions ; the latter = omnia 
congerere ad aliquem omandum,to make every thing contribute to the 
honor of some one. By ad the direction towards an object is denoted, 
by in the object itself. 

43. Tu ipse, Caesar and Pompey, united by the affection and 
prudence of Julia, and acting in the true spirit of their triumvirate, 
readily voted each other the highest offices and honors ; but Julia may 
be also meant. 

44. Si ... . idcirco. See note on p. 26, line 7. — Tuas res gestcc. 
See note on p. 36, line 31. 

3. Honores populi Romani, a populo Romano in Pompeium QQ 
collati. 

4-. CLuanti senatus. What ellipsis is there here ; and what do 
we in English supply? Z. 767. 

5. Tauto .... quaiito. Benecke, Klotz, and Soldan, from the 
Erf. and other MSS., read quanto .... tanto. Verum qui sic loquitur, 
is, quanta Coesaris gloria sit, ostendit Pompeii comparatione ; Cicero, 
Deiotari excusandi causa, quanta Pompeii gloria fuerit, commemorat ; 
itaque omnia breviter comprehendens tantam ait fuisse Pompeii gloria? 
prcater ceteros praestantiam, quanta nunc Ceesaris sit. Madvig. 

T. Tuos enumerare non possumus. Compare p. Marcel. 2. 

Cii. V — 9. Ad eum igitur. Igitur resumes the thread of the 
narrative, which had been interrupted by § 12. H. 602, HI. The third 
excuso is drawn from antecedent circumstances. He had been the 
old ally, host, and friend of Pompey. 

10. Justis hostilibusque bellis. Bellum justum is one com- 
menced and carried on in accordance with the usual formalities. Cf. 
de Off. 1, 11, 36. Bella hostilia are wars waged with a foreign foe, 
ir. opposition to bella civilia. For hostis was anciently = peregrinus. 
The assistance here alluded to was afforded in the Mithridatic war, 
which Pompey terminated. 

11. Cluocum. Cicero usually uses quocum, and (rarely) cum 
quo, to refer to a definite person, and quicum when the reference is 
idefinito or general. 



320 NOTES. 

oo 12. Et veuit, &c The fourth excuse, from the concomitant 
circumstances. — Vel . . . . vel . . . . vel H. 587, II. 

13. Evocatus. Beuecke and Soldan read vocaius, and cousld-i? 
inappropriate the particular meaning of evocatus as applied to a vete- 
ran who has served his full time and received his discharge, but is af- 
terwards called to the field by special request, or, as a compliment tc 
his military experience, on special occasions. For arcessitus, Bo- 
necke, Klotz, and Madvig give the form, acccrsitus. 

14. Ad fugientem, &c. Not to a victorious general, but a re- 
treating friend. For Pompey had jled from Italy to Greece. There- 
fore Deiotarus's conduct was perfectly disinterested. 

16. Pharsalico proelio facto. The fifth excuse, from the sub- 
sequent conduct of Deiotarus. — Discessit. Nee tamen continuo ; 
Pompeium euim ex Pharsalico proelio profugum secutus, in Cilicia vel 
in litore Icario expositus est, ut Orientis regna in auxilium illius con- 
citaret. 

IT. Infinitam = positam in bello, quod quando finem habituium 
esset, incertum erat ; vague, uncertain. 

18. Errori . . . satisfaction esse duxit. Cf. p. leg. Man. § 17 : 
vectigalia nervos esse .... duxvnus ; p. Mil. 8, 22 : viunus esse du- 
cebat ; and below, § 14: tuurnque hostcm esse duxit suu?n. — Saiis- 
facere errori est satis errare, nee longius in errore progredi vel perse- 
verare. 

19. Utilitatibus tuis paruit = fecit quidquid utilitates tuae pos- 
tulabant. They are enumerated below. His aiding Domitius, send- 
ing money (most probably) to Sextus Caesar, frequently auctioning his 
goods to raise supplies, &c. The common text gives contulit, tcque 
Alex. bell, gerente util.-&,c., which Benecke, Soldan, and Madvig 
retain. Caesar had pursued Pompey into Egypt, and there, captivated 
by the charms of Cleopatra, he had espoused her quarrel with her 
brother Ptolemy, and involved himself in a war with the Alexandrians. 

20. Cn. Domitii. This Cn. Domitius Calvinus was consul 
a. u. c. 701. In the battle of Pharsalia he commanded the centre, 
and when Caesar went to Egypt, he intrusted to Calvinus the admin- 
istration of the province of Asia and the neighboring countries. Do- 
mitius here became involved in a war with Pharnaces, the son of Mith- 
ridates, by whom ho was defeated in the neighborhood of Nicopoiis 
— Amplissimi viri. H. 598, 2. 

21. Suis tectis et copiis. The former understand of quarters 
and supplies, the latter of forces. Deiotarus furnished to Domitius two 
legions and a hundred horsemen in the war against Pharnaces. Hirt 
Bell. Alex. 34, 35. Hoc tamen loco potius loquitur do alimentis ac 
roceptione in oppida regis. Orelli. 

22. Ellin, quern txi, &c. The individual here intended is doubt- 
ful. Somo have referred it to Q. Fufius Catenas ; but he was the* 



OKATION FOli KING DEIOTARUS. 321 

Pag-c 

governor of Achaia. Others understand Sextus Caesar, who was at oo 
that time praefect of Syria. D. Cass. 47, 26 Soldan brackets *>t pro* 
batissimum, and omits omnibus, which is to be construed as the da- 
tive with probatissimurn, as in Plane. 11, 27. 

23. Iterum. In the war against Pharnaces, in which Deiotarus 
took part. B. Alex. 68-77. So Manutius and others ; but Orolli re- 
fers it to the Alexandrian war. — Tertio. In the African war, a. u. c. 
708. See clj. 9. 

24. Uterere. H. 236. 

26. Tuumque hostem esse duxit suum. A phrase of frequent 
occurrence, and, according to Manutius, leporo suo non carens. 
Compare p. Mil. 32, 88 : Cessans potentiam suam esse dicebat ; and 
36, 100: Earn for tun am, quc&cunquc erit tua, ducam meam. Phar- 
naces, however, was more the enemy of Deiotarus than of Caesai. 
Cf. Bell. Alex. 34. 

28. Amplissimo honore et regis nomine. A scnatujam rex 
appellalus erat ; sed Casar ci, quamquam victo, regis dignitatem 
servabat. Cf. Bell. Alex. 67. Klotz, Soldan, and Madvig read amp. 
regis honore et nomine; Benecke, amp. regis nomine affeceris. — Is 
igitur. The 6tate of the question or case is : the man whom you re- 
lieved from every apprehension of danger, and honored most highly, 
is accused of wishing to assassinate you at his house. This is suffi- 
ciently improbable, as he proceeds to show. 

SO. Domi sua?. H. 424, 2. 

31. Q,uod tu. The first proof of improbability deduced from tho 
personal character of Deiotarus. It would argue downright madness 
in the most prudent of men. Benecke and Madvig read nisi .... ju- 
dicas. H. 508. 

3 2. Ut enim omittam. He enumerates, by pretending to omit, 
five marks of improbability : the reverence due to the tutelary gods, 
the dignity of Caesar, his fortune, the favors he had bestowed on De- 
iotarus, tho gratitude of Deiotarus, and adds lastly, his danger if he 
had attempted Cassar's life. — Cujus ianti = quanti or cujus tarn 
magni. The genitive by H. 403. 

33. Deorum penatium. The tutelary gods of his family. 

34. Importunitatis. Barbarity, destitute of all sense of proprie- 
ty, and regardless of time, place, or person. 

35. Ferocitatis. Ferocitas est ejus, qui nimium viribus suis 
confidit. 

3T. In eo. In with the accusative signifies the object or that to 
which the action refers ; with the ablative, the place in which the ab- 
solute power of the verb is exerted. Cf. 4 Cat. 6, 12: in his homini- 
bus. 

38. Omnes reges, &c. Who after the defeat of Pompey had 
joined Caesar, and having Tieen kindly treated by him, would reason- 



322 NOTES. 

rage 

QQably have been expected to avenge his death. Abram enumerates 
the following : Sadales, king of Thrace, Cotys, Rhascypolis, Ariobar- 
zanes, Tarcondimotus, Mithridates Pergamenus, and Ariarathes. 

42. Filio. Deiotari regie, ct patris et filii, et magnus el nostra 
more inslructus exercitus ; summa in filio spes, summa ingenii in- 
doles, summa virtus. Phil. 11, 13. — Distractus esset = would have 
been at variance or discord, would have quarrelled with, fallen out 
with, &c. Plerique etiam nunc exponunt " discerptus, dilaceratus," 
quum sit " a societate divulsus esset, in maximum odium omnium, 
etiam conjugis ac filii, incidisset." Hoc patet partim ex iitiQfry car is- 
simo, partim ex eo, quod dicit etiam cogitato scelere futurum fuisse, 
ut distraheretur. Tantam enim crudelitatem Caesari, apud quern 
verba facit, imputare non poterat, ut is detecto Deiotari perfido con- 
silio atque occupato, etiam conjugem et filium regis, homines prorsua 
innocentes, laceraturus, discerpturus, id est, necaturus fuisset. Orelli. 

43. Non modo. I do not say perpetrated, &c. 

69 Ch. VI. — 1. At, credo. An objection. All that you have men- 
tioned as improbable in Deiotarus, becomes easy if he is a rash and in- 
considerate man. But quis consideratior illo ? On at, see H. 587, III. 
and on credo, Z. 777. Consideraius, which is properly said of things, 
is elsewhere applied to persons. Phil. 2, 13, 31 : p. Quint. 3, 11. 

2. Q,uis tectior. Benecke, Klotz, and Soldan read and defend 
quis rectior, which is found in the best MSS. Rectus is to be taken, 
not in the moral sense of just or honest, but as equivalent to firm, con- 
sistent, one whose judgment is correct and sound. But Orelli explains 
tectior as : Metaphora petita ab gladiatoribus, qui, uti debent, contra 
ictus adversariormTi sese tegunt. Non igitur iuest hi his verbis ma- 
ligns calliditatis reprehensio. 

3. Q,uamquam. H. 516. 

6. Cui porro. H. 388, 1. Nay, farther ; a correction of the prece- 
ding sentence : I said that Deiotarus's virtues were known to you ; 
nay, the whole world has heard of them. 

8. Q,uod igitur. He draws the conclusion from the acknowledged 
probity and prudence of Deiotarus. Instead of audita est, Benecke, 
Klotz, and Soldan read sit audita. In the next line, for cadere posset, 
Madvig reads caderet, considering the former as expanded from the 
latter by some copyist for the sake of perspicuity. 

10. Idem. H. 451. 

11. Minime stulto. A species of litotes or meiosis, where an af- 
firmation is made by denying the opposite notion. Comp. p. Clucnt 
26, 72: minime amarus is visus est, Sec. Similarly, we say, "he ia 
no fool." On vir and homo, spoken of the same person, see note on 
p. 93, line 34. 

13. Suspiciose. Place the charges on one side, the life of Deio« 
Larus on the other, and so far from there being in them arounds foi 



ORATION FOK KINO DEIOTARUS. 323 

Pape 
probability, there are none even for suspicion. This he proceeds to qq 

prove. — Inquit, sc. the accuser. — In castellum Luceium. Castellum, 

a diminutive of castrum, is a fort raised in a territory to defend it 

against the incursions of an enemy ; or on its borders, to guard the 

passes ; or lastly, it formed a part of the regular encampment itself 

Owing to the security which these castella afforded, towns were often 

built near them. Here Luceium is to be taken first, generally as the 

name of tho " castle" adjacent to, but distinct from which was tho 

royal palace. Hence visiters to the palace were said " to come to tho 

castlo." Again, ch. 7, it is taken as the " citadel" or " castle," 

properly so called, and as such is visited by Caosar the following day. 

Orelli regards the name Luceium as corrupt, as Strabo calls it 

BXuvKiof. 

14. Devertisses. H. 282. Soldan gives divertisses. 

16. Hue. The place where the gifts were displayed. — E balneo 
For the bath before dinner was Roman etiquette. 

IT. Ibi .... in eo ipso loco. The former denotes the place 
generally, and the latter epexegetically more nearly defines it. In eo 
ipso loco also are to be more closely connected with collocati, so that 
erant stands by itself, and collocati as in apposition with armati. " For 
there were armed men, who had been placed in that very spot, for tho 
purpose of killing you." 

18. En crimen, en causa. H, 381, 3, 2). 

19. Ego meliercules. The first circumstance connected with 
the charge, and which shows its improbability, is that a physician was 
privy to the secret, yet that the sword was preferred to poison. On 
the form meliercules, see Z. 361, Note. 

20. Q,uum est ad me ista causa delata, et delatum Phidip- 
pum .... esse corruptum. When that case was laid before me, and 
it was laid before me, that Phidippus, &c. So Matthiae. Benecke 
more correctly takes the ace. with the infin. as in apposition with cau- 
sa, for tho purpose of more nearly defining wherein this consists. In 
Cicero, whan an ace. c. inf. is governed by an abstract substantive, 
the substantive usually has a demonstrative pronoun agreeing with it, 
as in this instance. 

22. Ab isto. Castor: spoken with contempt. See note on p. 9, 
line 16. Soldan and Klotz : ipso. 

26. Ctuid ait medicus. Medicus with emphasis, to contrast 
with veneno. Soldan : agit medicus. 

2T. Primo .... deinde. The two advantages of poison : " it ia 
more secret, and has more impunity." Madvig: primum. 

30. Jovis ille quidem hospitalis. Strangers and guests were 
under the immediate protection of Jupiter, who avenged any injury 
done to them. Hospitalis — &viov. Benecke, Klotz, and Soldan 
pead Jovis illius quidem, &c. 



324 , NOTES. 

Page 

Qft 31. Homines .... celasset. H. 874. On the omission of ueroj 
see Z. 781. 

32. Q,uod igitur, &c. The double interrogation has the force of 
argumentation. Very likely, forsooth, that Phidippus, who was no* 
trusted in the way of his profession (poison), should be privy to arma 
swords and an ambush. 

33. Tibi, Phidippo. 

3£. De armis .... celare te noluit. H. 374, 3, 1). 

35. Crimen contexitur. So in Greek, vfahuv, bd~7uv L-6>.tv. 
KaKa, Sdvarsy. 

3T. Inspicere, sc. ea, quibus te Deiotarus munerare constituent. 

Ch. VII.— 38. Q,uid postea? Z. 769. Soldan and Klotz : De- 
iotarus rex illo tempore non perfecta re continuo, &c. 

39. Dimisit exercitum. In imitation of the braggart Thraso in 
the Eunuch of Terence, 4, 7, 44, Cicero here sportively calls the as- 
sassins who were placed in ambush the army of Deiotarus. It must 
have produced a ludicrous effect to address a few hired bravos by the 
dignified appellation of exercitus, and therefore tended to " dilute" the 
charge by setting it in a ridiculous point of view. 

4:1. Itaque fecisti = et ita fecisti ; and you did return thithei 
after supper. See note on p. 15, line 37. 

42. Magnum fuit % Would it have been a difficult matter, with 
a tinge of irony. 

4:3. Comiter et jucunde fuisses. Z. 365, in fin. It is the lan- 
guage of familiar confidential intimacy. — Isti from eo, ire. 
v)Q 1. Rex Attains. King of Pergamus, the third of the name, who, 
A. u. c. 621, made the Roman people his heir. Liv. Epit. 57, men- 
tions a similar circumstance of Antiochus, king of Syria; and since 
we have no information of such presents made by Attalus, some have 
supposed that we should read here Antiochus. Neutiquam cum Ur- 
sino h. 1. Antiochus reponendum neque de Ciceronis ipsius apapTfmaTi 
HvtijioviKCi cogitandum : nam ab Attalo non minus quam ab Antiocho, 
et simili quidem rationo, munera accipere potuit Scipio. Orelli. — P 
Africanum. Africanus minor. He carried these gifts into the public 
treasury, and promised to reward with them the bravest of his army. 

2. Ad Numantiam. In Spain, where Scipio was then command 
ing. What does ad with names of towns signify ? H. 423, 1. 

3. Inspectante. Indicating the attention of the observers. 

4:. Regio et animo etmore, i. e. maximo splendore et liberalitate. 

5. Repete .... memoriam, pone .... diem, vultus .... re- 
cordare. Notice the arrangement of the clauses. The first mid sec- 
ond in anaphorical order, the third chiastically. 

•?. Jfum quss. H. 189. Dropping the interrogativo form, it » 
plane multa. So nam quid, sc. fuit, factum est, witli Rtn, tinco iu 
num. the notion of negation lies. 



ORATION FOR KING DEIOTARUS. 325 

Pagt 

lO. Disciplina. Every thing was in keeping with a well-regu- qq 
Jated family, and none of that hurry and disturbance inseparable from 
the execution of guilty enterprises. 

14. Acta res criminose est. This thing was brought forward 
as an important part of the accusation ; the accusers made it the sub- 
ject of the gravest charges. 

15. Vomere post cceiiam, i. e. fyer«i)v agere, as he calls it, ad 
Att. 13, 52. This was a frequent practice with the ancients, and par- 
ticularly with Cassar, as appears from the letter just quoted: Accubuit 
(Cassar}, inenictiv agebat. Itaque et edit ct bibit ddeSs et jucunde ; 
opipare sane et apparate. This disgusting practice did not argue 
Cassar a drunkard ; for Suetonius, Jul. 55, says, vini parcissimum ne 
inimici quidem negaverunt. It was rather to relieve himself from in- 
digestion after an official entertainment, and a sort of compliment to 
Deiotarus, intimating that he intended to pass the evening cheerfully 
with him. Seneca, alluding to this custom of voluptuaries, says, ad 
Helv. 9, Vomunt ut edant, edunt ut vomant. 

16. Kademtua ilia. Klotz : eadem ilia tva. Soldan and Mad- 
vig omit ilia. 

IT. In cubiculo malle. Supply vomere. So also Madvig. 
Others, in cubiculum ie ire malle dixisti. — Dii te perduint. A com- 
mon formula of imprecation which is often found in the comic poets. 
H. 239, 3. 

18. Fugitive. A term of reproach of frequent occurrence. Here, 
however, with special reference to the faithless slave. Benecke reads, 
ita non modo improbus, et fatuus, sed etiam amens es. 

19. Sigiia senea, and not men rather. 

20. Q,ua3 .... trausferri non possent. That they could not 
be removed, &c. 

21. Habes crimina insidiarum. Thore are the charges for 
you ; and you may judge of their importance ! Compare in Pisoru 
§ 53 : Habes rcditum meum. — Horum .... cram conscius. Phidip- 
pus conceived that evidence of his being in the secret should establish 
the credit of all that he had said. Cicero denies that Deiotarus would 
in that case have trusted Phidippus to visit Rome, where Castor his 
hostile grandson was, and also the much -injured Ctesar. 

22. auidtum? Z. 769. 

23. Haberet. Benecke and Klctz : habebat. 

25. Cui fecisset. According to their account. — Prascrtim quum. 
An instance of brachylogy, in reference to the negative import of the 
preceding question, where Romam mitteret = non mittcret cum Ro- 
ut am, prasertim quum, &c. So also p. Arch. 9, 19 ; p. Mil. 30, 81. 
Render : and that, when or although, &c. 

26. Judicare. Quum nee vindicare neque indicare claram sen- 
tentiam prasbeat, prasfero nunc Olx. et Lamb. susp. judicare : "quum 



320 NOTES 

Page 

QQcogitaret Caesarem unum esse in orbe ^errarum, qui judicare de se 
(Deiotaro) etiam absente regnoque se spoliare posset ; alii vero judices, 
quos absens reformidaret, nulli erant." Orelli. Beueeke, Steinmetz, 
and Klotz read vindicare. With this reading, is refers to Phidippus, 
and se is the accusative after vindicare ; also, referring to the same 
Siipfle and Madvig read indicare. And that too, notwithstanding he 
(Phidippus) was the only man who could give information in Rome 
against him in his absence. For had Deiotarus been present, he would 
have been able to refute the charges of Phidippus. Siipfle regards se 
as a gloss which might easily have arisen from the preceding syllable 
te. 

28. Vinciret. Klotz : vinxerit. 

30*. Scire. Not scisse ; for they still knew, and it is the same as 
qua Mi sciebant, ut dicis. 

Ch. VIII. — 31. Reliqua pars. The first part of the charge waa 
the attempted assassination of Caesar ; the rest of it argued only dis- 
affection towards him : 1. In attending too much to unfavorable ru- 
mors about Caesar; 2. In levying a large army against him. The 
latter point (with which he connects the charge of holding a corres- 
pondence with one Caecilius, a Pompeian, as also of supplying Caesar 
with inferior cavalry) he answers first in the remainder of this section. 
— Regem semper in speculis fuisse. Speculum in quo specimus ima- 
ginem, specula de qua prospicimus. Varr. 5, 8. Esse in speculis = 
to be on the watch, to observe. So in Verr. 1, 16, 46 : nunc homines 
in speculis sunt; observant, qucmadmodum sese unusquisque ves- 
irum gerat. Cf. p. Muren. 37, 79 ; ad Att. 9, 10 ; ad Fam. 4, 3. 
See § 25. 

3 2. A te animo esset alieno. H. 391,2,3). Benecke and Soldan 
read, esset animo. 

34. Eas . . . quibus . . . posset = tales . . . . ut iis, &c. 
36. Ab excursionibus et latrociniis. After these words Mad- 
vig gives hostium. 

38. Antea. Before Ciesar deprived him of part of his dominions. 
When Cicero was proconsul of Cilicia, Deiotarus brought to his assist- 
ance thirty cohorts of infantry and two thousand cavalry. Ad Att 
6, 1, 14. — Exiguas. Absolutely small or trifling ; but parvas rela- 
tively so. Hence its propriety hsre. This is said to move Caesar's 
pity. 

39. Caecilium. Q. Caecilius Bassus, a Pompeiau, noticed, ad 
Fam 12, 18 ; and Liv. Epit. 127. He spread a report that Caesar 
had been defeated and killed in Africa, and seized the government of 
Syyia, which he held till the arrival of Cassius. Cicero, to suit hia 
purpose, speaks of him here contemptuously, as also ad Fam. 12, 18 ; 
but Phil. 11, 13, he says, Est Q. Ccecilii Bassi, privati illius qui- 
dem, sedfortis et praclari viri, robustus ct victor excrciius. With 



ORATION FOR KING DEIOTARUS. 327 

Page 

aim, however, Deiotarus was accused of attempting to open a com- Q(J 
muuication, and of imprisoning the messenger for refusing to go. To 
this Cicero replies ironically, " What a likely story, forsooth, that he 
had not others to send (if they refused) ; or, that the persons whom he 
had sent, did not obey his orders ; or, (lastly,) that those who in so im- 
portant a matter had disobeyed him, were imprisoned (only) and not 
put to death !" — Nescio quern. H. 525, 4. 

43. Dicto audientes. See Arnold's Nepos, Lys. l x 2. Klotz 
&nd Soldan : dicto obedientes. — In ianta re. Namely, waging war 
against Caesar. 

1. Utrum, &c. When Deiotarus sent messengers to Caecilius, ho 91 
must either have been ignorant that the Pompeian cause was ruined 
(causam Mam victam), or have conceived Caecilius an important 
■nan ; neither of which is at all likely. Therefore he did not send them. 

2. Is, qui. Deiotarus, who as possessing an accurate knowledge 
of every Roman, must despise Caecilius. For if he knows him, he de- 
spises his insignificance ; if he does not, he despises him for not at- 
tracting his notice. Cf. Phil. 2, 7, 1G : O miser sive ilia tibi nota 
non sunt .... sive sunt, &c. Ibid. 22, 54 : O miserum tc si intel- 
ligis, miseriorem, si non intelligis, &c. Benecke, Klotz, Siipfle, and 
Madvig read, vcl quia non nosset, vel si nossct. 

4. Addit. Namely, the accuser. — Illud. Z. 748. 

!i. Misisse, sc. against Pharnaces. — Ad = in comparison with. 
Benecke, Klotz, and Siipfle retain the common text: Ve teres, credo, 
Ccesar ; and Benecke takes the words as spoken ironically, " his old 
ones, forsooth ;" and nihil ad tuum equitatum, as an enlargement, 
which Cicero makes on the preceding sentence, cquites non optimos 
misisse; but Klotz and Siipfle better understand vetcres as = vete- 
rans, those who had seen service and received their discharge, taking 
the sentence without irony. The reading, however, of Madvig, which 
Orelli adopted, is preferable. 

6. Delectos. Benecke, Klotz, and Madvig : electos. Cf. § 28 ; 
and p. Mil. § 23. — At nescio quern, H". 525, 4. The common text is, 
Ait nescio que7n, &c. ; and so Madvig. — Ex eo numero = ex iis. Cf. 
p. Marc. § 21. 

T. Servum. judicatum. Slaves were not allowed by the Romans 
to serve as soldiers, particularly in the cavalry. Servius, ad JEn. 9, 
547: Lege militari servi a militia prohibebantur ; unde et in Dcio- 
tariana purgat hoc Cicero, quum fuisset objectum, inter cquites, quos 
Deiotarus miserat Ccesari, unum servum fuisse. Servos sane nun- 
quam militasse constat nisi servitute deposita, exccpto Hannibalis 
tempore, quum post. Cannense proelium in tanta necessitate fuit urba 
Roma, ut ne libcrandorum quidem servorum daretur faculias. Mar- 
cianus, in Fr 11, Dig. 49, 16- Ab omni militia servi prohibcntur ; 
aUoquin capite puniuntur 



828 NOTES. 

Page 

qi Ch. X. — lO. Alieno autem a te animo quomodo S The for- 
mer secondary charge, which he now proceeds to answer. The com- 
mon text and punctuation gives, animo fuit. Quomodo ? Speravit, 
&c. — Speravit, credo, &c Had Deiotarus been disaffected towards 
Caesar, finding him beset with difficulties in Alexandria, he would 
have neglected to lend him assistance. The reverse was the fact. 
Credo is ironical. For with the taking of Alexandria, Caesar had 
overcome his greatest difficulties. " He hoped, forsooth, that you 
should never extricate yourself;" i. e. he hoped no such thing, as his 
conduct proved. 

11. Propter regionum naturam et fiuminis See Caes. B. C. 
3, 112; Bell Alex. 25-32. On the order it should be observed that 
the common notion naturam takes the middle place, and that the 
words et fiuminis have the character of a supplementary afterthought. 
In other passages this arrangement seems chosen to avoid the coming 
together of like endings. Cf. p. Marcel. § 24 : in tanto animorum 
ardore et armorum; §32: laterum nosirorum oppositus et cor- 
porum pollicemur. 

15. Pecuniam dedit. He had said above, ch. 5, Utilitatibus 
tuis paruit. 

13. Ei, quern Asiae praefeceras. Cn. Domitius Calvinus. Cf. 
§§ 14, 25. Benecke and Klotz omit ei; and in after nulla. 

1 4:. Victor!. In Egypt. Deiotarus not only entertained Caesar, 
but accompanied him against Pharnaces, bringing along his " Roman' 
legion and all his cavalry. B. Alex. 67. Benecke and Klotz read 
scd ad yericulum atque aciem ; and Madvig omits the ad before aci- 
em, but retains etiam. 

16. Bellum Africauum. Caesar, after his speedy conquest of 
Pontus, delaying only a few days in Italy, proceeded to Africa, where 
Scipio and Cato with Cn. Pompey the son, assisted by king Juba, had 
hoisted the standard of the republic. — Graves de te rumores. The 
republican forces had gained some slight advantages in Africa, which, 
being exaggerated by their friends into a report that Caesar was killed, 
gave a color to Caecilius and others to renew the war in Syria. 

IT. Q,uo turn rex animo fuit? H. 414. A triumphant argu- 
ment of his friendly feelings towards Caesar. The graves rumores 
had no other effect on Deiotarus than to quicken his benevolence. His 
very furniture was put to the hammer, and the proceeds remitted to 
Caesar. As auctionor is deponent, bona, supelleclilem, or the like ia 
understood. 

18. Auctionatus sit ... . maluerit. H. 500. 

19. At eo . . . . tempore. Cicero had instanced the sacrifices oi 
Deiotarus. The accuser urges that these were the effect of fear, be- 
cause at that very time, Deiotarus was collecting every idle rumor to 
Caesar's disadvantage. As Cicero could not deny this, he fixed cn ^a 



ORATION FOR KING DEIOTARUS. 329 

1'e.g 

improbable circumstance in the charge, and against it directs the m 
shafts of his eloquence. 

20. Nicaeam. Nice was the capital of Bithynia, situated on the 
lake Ascania. It was the ceutral point of all the main roads leading 
to eastern and southern Asia, and remarkable as being the town where 
the first general council was held, a. d. 325. Hence the Nicene 
creed. — Epliesum. A city of Asia Minor, remarkable for popnlousness. 
Plin. 5, 27, calls it lumen Asia. It and Nicoea were much resorted 
to, and likely to have the earliest intelligence from Africa. — Qui ru~ 
mores .... exciperent. Hence the accusation in ch. 8 : rcgem .... 
in speculis fuisse. The subjunctive by H. 489, 2. 

21. Q,uum esset ei nunciatum. P. C. 297, c ; see Hark. 
549. 

22. Domitium. After the defeat of Pharnaces, Domitius stayed 
a short time to arrange the affairs of Asia, and then followed Caesar to 
Africa. It was reported that he was lost on tho voyage thither. — 
Perisse. H. 234. 

23. Circuinsederi. The beginning of the African war was not 
altogether prosperous for Caesar. Veil. Pat. 2, 55, 1 : Ibi primo varia 
fortuna, mox pugnavit sua inclinatceque hostium copia. — Versum 
Grczcum. Plutarch, de discr. amici et adulal. 5, has preserved it: 
'Epptrw ^it'Xoj cvv £%\fy}u5. 

25. Una inimici. Benecke and Klotz : inimici una. 

26. Ctuod ille. He shows that Deiotarus's disposition forbade 
tho idea of his repeating so unfeeling a verse. But this is very doubt- 
ful, as it is stated by Plutarch, de Stoic, repugn. 32, that he was very 
cruel (see Introduction, p. 311, in fin.) ; and by Strabo, 12, that he put 
Id death his daughter and her husband, Saocondarius. 

2T. Ctui. H. 188, 2. 

28. Amicus .... inimicus. For the king's application of the 
verse was, Pereat Domitius dum una Caesar intercidat. Cicero shows 
that the double character of friend to Domitius and enemy to Ccesar 
was a contradiction ; therefore he could not have uttered tho verse. — 
Tibi inimicus. And again, the verse assumed that Caesar was inimi- 
cus Dciolaro ; but this could not bo, as Deiotarus was the recipient of 
innumerable favors from Caesar. 

20. Belli lege. As fighting against him in Pharsalia. 

30. Regcni et se ct lilium. Hence ch. 14: Propone tibi duos 
teges. 

31. Q,uid delude? Z. 7G9. — Furcifer. Phidippus, who as be- 
ing a fugitive slave, was liable to the punishment of carrying on his 
week a f urea, or species of cross. 

3 2. Hac Lstitia = hujus rei laetitia ; namely, at hearing of Caesar's 
disasters. Both the relative and the demonstrative pronoun often at- 
tach themselves to a following substantive, and agree with it in gen- 



330 NOTES. 

Page 

qi der, number and case, when properly they should stand as the object 
in the genitive. Cf. p. Mil. 36, 99 : Qua si vos cepit oblivio for cuju4 
rei, &c. So regularly ex (in) eo numero (genere), where if an ad- 
jective clause follows, qui (qua) stands with the plural. Cf. p. Arch. 
12, 31. 

33. Nudum saltavisse. In Pison.lO: Quum ipse nudus in 
convivio saltaret ; p. Muren. 6, 13: Nemo enim fere saltat sobrius, 
nisi forte insanit, .... neque in convivio moderato atque honesto 
Hence appears the infamy attached by the Romans to dancing. Seo 
Diet. Antiq. Saltatio, in fin. — Nudum. Thinly clad, tne outer gar- 
ment thrown off. So Virg. Georg. 1, 299 : Nudus ara, sere nudus, 
where nudus answers to the yvfivSv in Hesiod's verse, from which this 
is taken. — Crux. This punishment was chiefly inflicted on slaves and 
the worst kind of malefactors. See Did. Antiq. Crux. 

35. Omnes in illo sunt rege virtutes. Madvig: regies virtutcs. 

3T. Frugalitas, as below frugi, is said of a man who by discre- 
tion, conscientiousness, and diligence, qualifies himself to be useful in 
practical life, in opposition to nequam, like xpn* T 6s* Doed. 

3 8. Regem. Used here as a collective noun. The common text 
gives reges. — Frugi. The dative of fnix used adjectively instead of 
frugalis, and often applied to faithful slaves. 

39. Fortem, &c. Fortem, in facing dangers ; justum, in giving 
every man his own ; severum, in being swayed neither by prayers nor 
bribes from rectitude ; gravern, in maintaining equanimity of temper, 
neither elated too much by prosperity, nor depressed by adversity ; 
magnanimum, in looking with disdain on all the petty greatness of 
common men ; largum, in exhibiting bountiful liberality ; beneficum, 
in doing good for its own sake ; and liberalem, in bestowing with a 
noble and generous spirit. 

40. Ha3 ilia. H. 450, 2, 1). 

41. Ilia privata est. Frugality is the virtue of the subject, tho 
former /car' i^oxnv of the king ; and to obviate any mistake he defines 
it by modestiam ei temperaniiam. Manutius thinks Cicero insincere 
in this praise, and that he calls the cause tenuem et inopem, in allu- 
sion to this stinginess. 

43. Haec . . . . ab ineunte aetate. He reasons thus: Deiotarue 
was engaged from his youth up, in performing all tha public and pri- 
vate duties of a monarch. Such persons are not likely to disgrace 
their old age by dancing. Therefore, neither did Deiotarus. 
02 1». A cuiicta Asia, i. e. incolis Asiae minoris h. e. Phrygiae, Mysias, 
CJariaj, Lydiae ; and thereforo the preposition. H. 423. On the repe- 
tition of the preposition, see note on p. 18, line 5. The common text 
is turn a cuncta Asia. 

'4. Xcgotiati sunt. Soe note on p. 51, line 30. 

3. Muitis ille quidem. Benecke, Soldan, and Klotz multis 



ORATION FOR KING DEIOTARUS. 331 

Pnge 

quidem Me, because not Me but multis is to be made prominent. But no 
see note on p. 22, line 2 ; and compare § 18 : Jovis Me quidcm ; and 
p. Lig. 11, 31 : tribuis tu quidem. — Chadibus .... ascendit. " D<^- 
giees." The services of Deiotarus towards Rome became greater and 
greater. Similarly, p. Mil. 36, 97 : cvjus (gloriae) gradibus . . . 
ascendtre. 

5m Q,uidquid .... vacabat. Whatever leisure he had, he spent 
in forming connections, &c. Quid-quid, sc. temporis. 

6. Consuetudines. Social inte?*course. — Res rationesque. Busi- 
ness relations, commercial intercourse. See Z. 92. Consuetudines 
and amiciHas may be referred to magistratibits legatisque, and res 
rationesque to equitibus Romanis. 

7. Tetrarches. Not only the governor of the fourth part of a 
kingdom, but the sole ruler of any country which was at any time so 
divided. So Hirt. B. Alex. 67 : Deiotarus tetrarches Gallograciai 
tunc quidem pcene iotius, to which the^other tetrarchs questioned hia 
right. 

8. Paterfamilias. A master of slaves ; the father of a family. 
It differs from pater in not necessarily implying the having of children. 
It often, as here, imports a careful person, an economist. — Agricola. 
In how great honor agriculture was among ancient kings, appears 
from the Cato Major, ch. 17. Of kings who wrote on husbandry, 
Hiero, Attalus Philometor, and Archelaus are mentioned by Pliny, 
Varro, and Columella. Varro too, de re rust. 1, 1, 11, says: Magonis 
Poeni libros de re rustica utiliter ad sex libros redegit Diophanes in 
Bithynia, et misit Deiotaro regi. It is besides well known that royal 
youths were often brought up among shepherds, and in the midst ci 
flocks and herds — Pecuarius. A grazier ; also a farmer of the public 
pastures. The antiquity and respectability of the shepherd is evi- 
denced by the Shepherd Kings, by the epithets of 7roAup/Ao?, iroXvfiovms, 
&C.j applied by the ancient poets to the most illustrious characters, 
and by the transference of the very name of shepherd to the highest 
office known among men, roifitves Xawv. See Varr. de re rust. 2, 1 

9. Qui igifur, &c. P. C. p. 251, 74, 2. This is the conclu- 
sion of his argument ; in which adolescens is opposed to ea dilate, i. e. 
old age ; nondum tanta gloria praidiius to ca existimalione ; and se- 
verissime . . . . fecerit to saltavit ; where the first and second in each, 
are, it will be observed, in an inverted order, not the third. Similarly, 
ad Fani. 11, 28, 5: An, quod adolescens proestiti, quum etiam errare 
cum excusatione possem, id nunc, aitate prcecipitata, commutem ac 
me ipse retexam. 

Ch. X. — 12. Imitari, Castor. Cicero, p. Rabir. post. 1, says 
that it is almost a gift of nature, for people to follow up the praise and 
glory of their family ; not eo Castor. Benecke, Klotz, and Madvig 
ttmit tui after avi. 



3*32 notes. 

1'tLge 

Q2 14. Saltatorem avum. If your grandfather had been a profes- 
sor of dancing, which he was not, yet ought his years to have exempt- 
ed him from this railing accusation. For even his laudable pursuit^ 
his military exercise and horsemanship are given over ; much less is he 
fitted for dancing. 

15. Pudoris pudicitiseque. Modesty and chastity. Impudens 
ab animo, impudicus a corpore laborat. 

18. Sed bene ut armis .... uteretur. The construction is 
varied from sed bene armis . . . equis utendi, which would accord with 
saltandi. Horsemanship was the first branch of a princely education. 

19. Exacta eetate. Eight years before, when Deiotarus assisted 
Crassus, he was an old man ; and Dion Cass, calls him v-xepyt'ipovm^ 
when he aided Brutus. 

20. Hserere in eo. Cf. Hor. Cirm. 3, 24, 54: Nescit equo ru. 
dis liar ere ingenuus puer. This probably occurred in Pompey's 
camp before the battle of Pharsalia Benecke and Klotz : h&rere sc- 
nex in eo posset. 

21. Hie vero adolescens, i. e. Castor, who was in Cicero's army 
in Cilicia, when he was carrying on war, a. u. c. 703, against the Ci- 
lician mountaineers, and in Pompey's in Greece. Therefore his ac- 
complishments were well known to Cicero. 

21. Pater. Saocondarius, the son-in-law of Deiotarus ; Cicero 
keeps him before Caesar's mind as being once as great a foe as Deio- 
tarus. 

25. Q,uos concursus. What crowds were collected to look at 
him ! Cicero designedly leaves their motive in collecting dubious, but 
the following words sufficiently show that it was to ridicule him. 

20. In ilia causa. Pompeii. As Cicero mentioned the father,, 
so he takes care to set forth the alacrity of the young Pompeian, of 
which he had himself been witness. 

2T. Concedere = cedere, to yield to. — Quian vero exercitu, Sec. 
The reading here is doubtful. Orelli's agrees with Madvig's, except 
that M. gives fuissem instead of fui. Benecke from the Erf. MS. 
reads, Quum vero exercitu amisso ci cupidiiate post Pharsalicum 
prceiium suasor fuissem armorum non ponendorum, Sec. Klotz : 
Quum vero exercitu amisso, ego, qui pads auctor semper fui, post 
Pkarsalicum autem prceiium suasor fuissem armorum non deponen- 
dorum, Sec. Pompey had about 15,000 men killed, and more than 
24,000 taken prisoners. Caes. B. C. 3, 99. 

29. Abjiciendorum. Without making any terms. This word 
phews his eagerness to terminate the civil war. He uses the same in 
writing to Marcellus. — Ad meam auctoritatem. As Cicero could not 
prevail on Castor to desist from war, owing to his military ardor and 
his wish to satisfy his father, we may infer that both father and sen 
wore determined foes of Caesar 



ORATION FOR KING DEIOTARUS. 333 

Pagt 

31* Ipsius belli, i. e. without regarding the good of the cause.no 
But Benecke takes it as = ejus ipsius, Cicero having already spoken 
of Castor's zeal in the cause of Pompey. In this case ipse commonly 
stands before its substantive ; and if Cicero had spoken of war in gen- 
eral, he would have said belli ipsius. Madvig reads illius. 

32. Felix ista domus. Cicero compares the fortunes of the 
two families, in order to excite odium against the one, and pity to- 
wards the other. They were both in Pharsalia. Mark the conse- 
quence. Castor is not only restored to Caesar's favor, but permitted 
to accuse others. Deiotarus is allowed to be arraigned by one who 
was in Pharsalia as well as he, who is his own grandson, and before 
Caesar, at once the injured party and the judge. 

33. Calamitosus Deiotarus. The t shows that the passage is 
doubtful. Benecke from some MSS. gives qui et ab eo, which Hand, 
Turs. 2, p. 521, approves. Recta sententia unice inest in ea, quam 
olim proposui, conjectura : qui non modo ab eo, qui in iisdem casiris 
fuerit, apud te, sed etiam a suis accusetur. Orelli. 

35. Vos vestra. Vestra answers to the preceding ista domus, 
and includes Castor and his father. 

Ch. XI. — 38. Siiit sane inimicitiac. Admit the existence of 
enmity between the families, which gratitude and piety forbid, still 
you might havo entertained it like human beings, and not be thirsting 
for blood like savage beasts. 

40. Ctuls timm patrem .... qui esset .... auclivit. See note 
on p. 56, line 15 ; and p. 70, line 1. For qui esset some MSS. givo 
quis esset. What is the difference ? See Arnold's Nepos, Thcmist. 
8, G, 2, p. 105. 

42. Ingrate ct impie. Ingrate alludes to the favor, impie to 
the tie of relationship. 

43. Hominum more, i. e. in an open and honest manner; not 
to prefer false charges ; not to seek to take away the life, &c. 

44. Capitis arcessere. H. 410, 5. — Esto. It might be sup- 
posed that Cicero having convicted Castor of ingratitude and impiety, 
should be obliged to stop there, as crimes so heinous hardly admitted 
of amplification. But here his art appears in seeming to accede all 
this as trivial, that he may charge Castor with attempting to shako 
the foundations of human society, and to declare war against mankind. 
Compare ch. 1, 3: non tarn afflictam regiam conditionem dolebam, 
•fuam de fortunis communibus extimescebam. 

1. Adeone. Supply concedi debet from the preceding. Benecke qo 
and Klotz, in this line, read acerbitatis ct odii. 

4. Abducere donium. To entice Phidippus from the legates of 
Deiotarus to your house. 

5. Uni propiiiquo. Deiotaro. 

7. A tanta auctoritate = ab homine lantae auctontatis Conip. 



#34 NOTES. 

Pa^e 

go note on p. 69, line 19. Such is Caesar's authority, that approbation is 
implied in impunity being permitted. 

9. Id, quod iiitus est. Namely, the slaves who reside in our 
families. Spoken contemptuously. 

10. Evolare = in vulgus proferri, sed cum animi levitate Cf 
emanare, Orat. 15, 47 ; erumpere, Phil. 2, 39, 100 ; Lai. 21, 76. — 
Fit in dominatu, &c. It makes a slave of the master, a master of 
the slave. 

.11. O tempora. How changed ! O mores. How unlike what 
they were I He proves both by comparing Domitius and Castor. 

1 2. Cn. Domitius. Ahenobarbus. He was consul, a. u. c. 658, 
with C Cassius Longinus, and censor with L. Crassus, the orator. 
Scaurus had refused to choose him among the augurs. He, therefore, 
in return, accused Scaurus of not duly attending to the worship of the 
Penates in Lavinium. Plutarch reverses the names in this transac- 
tion ; but Valerius Maximus, 6, 5, corroborates Cicero's statement, and 
adds, quern populus turn propter alias virtutes, turn hoc nomine li- 
bertius et consulem et censor em et pontificem maximum fecit. Per. 
haps he owed his popularity no less to a law by which he gave the 
people a voice in the election of priests. See Asconius, in Scaur 
p. 21, ed. Baiter, who says, absolutus est Scaurus quidem, sed ita> 
ut a tribus tribubus damnaretur, a xxxii absolvcretur, et in cis pau- 
ca puncta inter damnationem et absolutioncm interessent. 

14r. M. Scaurum, sc. iEmilium. He was consul, a. u. c. 639. — 
Principem civitatis. The title of princeps senatus, which the censors 
had six times conferred on him, he here varies by saying, princeps 
civitatis. — In judicium populi. The judicia populi were those in 
which the populus acted as judiccs. They were originally held in 
the Comitia Curiata, and subsequently in the Centuriata and Tributa 
See Diet. Antiq. Judex. 

16. Prehendi liominem. Benecke, Klotz, and Madvig : appre- 
hendi. — Hominem, for the demonstrative pronoun referring to the pre- 
ceding servus, with the accompanying notion of contempt, which may 
be derived from its frequent use to denote one of the servile condition. 
P. Tull. § 19 : Cati .... duo homines; p. Quinct. 19, 61 : hominem 
Quinctii; and in the language of the jurists, without any connection 
with the name of the master ; e. g. homo Stichus, hominem emere. 

IT. Ad Scaurumque. Not adque Scaurum. Z. 356. — Vide, 
quid intersit. A similar antithetical passage is found in Yen: 5. 37. 

18. Etsi inique comparo. For Domitius was a man of 

character and honor, not so Castor. So in Pison. 4, 7, comparing 
Metellus Celer and Piso, he says, facio injuriam fortissimo viro mor- 
tuo, qui ilium cujus paucos pares hac civitas tulit, cum hac impor- 
tuna bellua conferam. 

22t At semel, &c. The MSS. here appear uniform, but WeLskc 



ORATION FOR KING DEIOTARUS. 385 

Page 

euspects some mistake, and would correct the text. This seems un- qq 
necessary. The imputation on Castor is this : that after Phidippus 
had received his first bribe, and given his testimony, he acknowledged 
before respectable witnesses that it was false, and that he had been 
corrupted. But he now persists in the same tale. The inference 
drawn by Cicero is, that the bribe must have been repeated. 

23. Ad legatos. Namely, Hieras, Blesamius, and Antigouus, a 
quorum pedibus per te abstractus erat. 

24:. Nomie etiarn ad huiic Ch. Domitium. Probably the same 
Domitius who is mentioned, ch. 5, as a general of Caesar's. Sulpicius 
is the celebrated lawyer, a friend of Cicero, and zealous adherent of 
Caesar. They were both present on this occasion, as may be inferred 
from the use of the pronoun hie. So below, ch. 14 : huic Blesamio ; 
p. Arch. 9 : hujus proavus Cato. Benecke, Klotz, and Madvig omit 
etiam. Orelli says : Servavi cum Cod. Bern. v. etiam ; videlicet sig- 
nificat, " vel ad ipsum Cn. Domitium, Caesaris amicum, venisse Phidip- 
pum, sui indicii jamjam poenitentem." 

26. T. Torquato. The Torquatus here mentioned is uncertain. 
Orelli, in his Onomasticon, makes him the son of A. Torquatus, or of 
the Titus who is mentioned in Brut. 70, 245 ; and p. Plane. 11, 27. 

Ch. XII. — 29. Impotens. The common text gives impudens, 
which Orelli supposes was substituted by copyists for the true reading, 
from ignorance of the sense which impotens here has. Comparo Phil. 
5, 9, 24: impotentem, iracundum, contumeliosum, superbum, sem- 
per poscentem, semper rapientem, semper ebrium. Impotens in such 
cases is not = weak, but ungovernable, violent, tyrannical. 

30. Idcirco .... ut. See note on p. 26, line 7. — In hanc urbem 
.... hujus urbis. The repetition is for emphasis. In line 32, the 
MSS. give inhumanitate for vnmanitate, and so Benecke, Klotz, and 
Madvig read. Frotscher prefers immanitate. 

31, Domestica = Asiatic and barbarous. 

33. At quani acute collecta. Ironically, for Castor's charges 
were rather an invective against the tyranny of Caesar than an inju- 
rious accusation of Deiotarus. Compare ch. 6, 19 : At qua?n festive 
crimen contexitur. — Blesamius, with Hieras and Antigonus, formed 
the embassy sent by Deiotarus to plead his cause before Caesar. See 
ch. 15. Him the accusers pretended to be a spy. 

34. Enini has an ironical force = forsooth. Ironia in eo posita 
est, quod causa affertur rei, quam faleam vel absurdam esse omnes sci- 
unt. — Optimi viri. So also Madvig. Benecke, Soldan, and Klotz : 
optimi hominis. On the difference between homo and vir, see Arnold's 
Nepos, Paus. 1,1. Vir is said of man in his relations to the state and 
to civic virtues, as a good citizen or patriot ; homo is man as an indi- 
vidual or perse n, or with reference to his relations in private life and to 
social virtues. They often stand together, and the epithets of vir are 



336 NOTES. 

Page 

C)Q bonus, opiimus, clarissimus ; while homo doctissimus, pererudiius, 
moderatissimus, officiosus, &c.» are common. Though, therefore, bo- 
nus homo and optimus homo are not often found, at least in Cicero, 
Benecke contends, that as optimi viri here would refer to patriotic vu> 
tues, optimi hominis is allowable and suitable in this passage as refer- 
ring to moral and social qualities. Doederlein conjectures, viri optimi 
nee tibi ignoti hominis. — Maledicebat, &cc. Phidippus did ; by re- 
peating slanders of his own invention as if uttered by Blesamius. The 
slanders were : 1. That Caesar was disliked by the people, and con- 
sidered a tyrant ; 2. That the placing of his statue in the capitol 
among those of the ancient kings of Rome had given general offence ; 
3 That he was not applauded at the public games and theatres. 

35. Scribere solebat. Namely, from Rome; for it would ap- 
pear that the embassy had reached Rome from the kiug some time 
before the trial came on. Before scribere the MSS. repeat inquit, 
which Benecke, Soldan, and Klotz retain; and Benecke reads te in- 
vidiose tyrannum existimari. 

36. Statua inter reges posita. This statue is noticed by Suet 
Ccbs. 76, and had in fact given public offence. It was erected in the 
capitol, where were statues of the seven kings of Rome and of Brutus. 
See Dion Cass. 43, 45. 

3T. Plaudi. The great, and those who enjoyed the favor of the 
people, were commonly received with applause in the theatre. See 
ad Att. 3, 44. 

39. Blesamius scriberet. Blesamius write that Caesar 

was a tyrant ! Impossible. H. 486, 525. 

40. Multorum enim capita. Here enim occurs again with an 
ironical force, and may be rendered " perhaps." See below, § 34 : 
valde enim invidendum est, &c. ; and p. Arch. 5, 11, Est enim ob- 
scurum. From this description of what a tyrant's acts would be, wo 
are to infer that Caesar was not a tyrant. — Capita, sc. abscissa, trun- 
cata. 

42. Armatis militibus refertuni forum. For Appian, B. C. 
2, 107, says that Caesar removed from his person the praetorian cohorts, 
which during the war had attended him as guards, satisfied with the 
civic attendants ; and Veil. Paterc. 2, 57, that when warned to guard 
an empire by arms, which arms had acquired, he replied, Mori se 
quam timeri malle. See Plut. Ccbs. 57 ; and Suet. Ccbs. 86. — Qucz 
.... sensimus, ea . . . . non vidimus. Benecke and Klotz, with the 
Erf. MS., omit ea, and thus the qucs refers to the preceding, and be- 
longs to both seiisimus and vidimus, and the two clauses are antithet- 
ical, without the adversative conjunction. 

43. In civili victoria. He has in mind such as those of Marius 
and Sulla. 

44. Solus, inquam, es, . . . . cujus ceciderit. Hark. 501, II 



ORATION FOR KING DEIOTARUS. 337 

Vage 

3. In victoria ducimus. Benecke and Klotz: in vict. duceniQA 
vidimus. — Qui vivit in regno, i. e who is the subject of a despotic 
monarch ; opposed to nos liberi. 

4. Nam de statua. Nam is not used here for simple transition, 
but to introduce a trifling matter hardly worth mentioning. Schultz 
gives jam, as proposed by Doderlein. 

»">. Q,uuni tarn multas videat. Besides the one spoken of as 
sot up in the capitol, where the statues of the kings and Brutus stood, 
ihoro were two others before the rostra in the forum, which being a 
much more conspicuous (clarior) site than where the royal statues 
were placed, ought to excite odium still more, if odium there were. 
Respecting tho erection of these and other statues to Caesar, see Diou 
Cass. 44, 23. 

6. Enim. Tho turn is ironical = non valde invidendum est. — 
Tropais. Quu3 majorem illi laudem afferunt, quum una statua. — In- 
vidimus. Soldan and Madvig : invidemus. 

7. Nam si locus. Nam here = deinde. " Again if the place, 
&c." Eludit magis, quam confutat objectionem, per fallaciam, ut lo- 
quuntur, accidentis. Non enim invidebatur illi statues, quod esset 
claro et omnibus conspicuo loco posita, sed quod inter reges. At orator 
ita refellit, quasi propter solam loci claritatem statua Csesaris in invi- 
diam vocaretur. Benecke and Klotz : nullus locus est, &c. 

8. De plausu. His answer is threefold : 1. You never courted 
popular applause, therefore no wonder if it is not bestowed ; 2. Men's 
minds were so astounded by your exploits that they were incapable of 
raising their voice ; 3. The people omitted it, because it was trite and 
unworthy of you. 

Ch. XIII. — 13. Nihil, &lc. Before so consummate a rhetorician 
as Caesar, it was useless to have recourse to the ordinary rules, one of 
which is to conceal every appearance of art. Cicero, therefore, affects 
to make a display of art to conceal it more effectually. 

14:. Extremam .... partem. The peroration, the fittest place 
for discussing the most important point. — Id autem aliquid. Compare 
p. hig. 7, 22: is tamen aliquis Ligarius non fuit. So Terent. Andr. 
2, 1, 14: Id aliquid nihil est. Cicero, wishing to reconcile the par- 
ties, has first to show that there is no cause for resentment on either 
Bide. With regard to Caesar, he assumes that what he has urged is 
enough to allay his angry feelings (non .... metuo, ne illi tu succen- 
tsas) ; it remained to show that he had no grounds to suspect that 
any such were harbored by Deiotarus. His reasons are : 1. Deiotarus 
is sensible that what he lost he deserved to lose, nay, that Caesar was 
compelled to make the vanquished assist him in rewarding his bravo 
associates, and to this no reasonable man could object. And if Antio- 
chus the Great bore similar treatment with equanimity, much more 
should a petty sovereign liko Deiotarus. Besides, he had the support 

29 



338 NOTES 

Pag<3 

(\A derivable from the consciousness of suffering for an involuntary error 
not so Antiochus. 2. He owed to Caesar's generosity what he retained, 
his hereditary dominions and regal title, which latter was to him every 
thing. 3. He had two sources of consolation left, of which he could 
not be deprived ; the decrees of the Roman generals and senate in his 
favor, and the consciousness of his own virtue. These he illustrates 
in § 37. 4. He has a letter from Caesar himself encouraging him to 
hope for the best, ch. 14, by which he was greatly cheered and inspi- 
red. All this shows that Deiotarus is fully sensible of his obligations 
to Caesar, and is therefore deserving of being received into his friend- 
ship. 

1G. Metuo, nc .... vcreor, ne. Hark. 492, 4. — lllud vereor. 
See note p. 91, line 4. 

IT. Succeiisere aliquid. H. 371, 3. — MM crede. P. C. p. 259, 
111. 

18. Q,uid cnim retineat. His life, name of king, and part of 
Galatia. — Quid amiserit. Armenia and the tetrarchy of the Trocmi. 

20. Multis tibi multa esse tribuenda. H. 414, 5. Dion Cass. 
43, 47, relates that Caesar chose fourteen prcelors, forty quaestors, and 
increased the number of senators to nine hundred. IJoXXols yap Sti 
roXXa butaxn^ivoi oIk ux £v 8w»s ff$«S aAAwj ifuiiperat. — Quominus . . . 
sumcres, non rccusavit. H. 499. 

22. Antiochus. The third, king of Syria. He was first beaten, 
a. u. c. 563, at Thermopylae by Acilius Glabrio, and soon after, 564, 
completely conquered by L. Scipio Asiaticus on Mount Sipylus, near 
Magnesia, in Asia, and deprived of all his dominions west of Mount 
Taurus. Cf.jt). Sest 27, 58. — Posteaquam . . .juss-us esset. H. 427, 3; 
628, 2. Benecke and Madvig read : quum, posteaquam .... devictus 

est, Tauro tenus, &c. Klotz : quum posteaquam devictus, 

Tauro, &c. 

23. L<. Scipione. The brother of Africanus Major, who was his 
lieutenant in this war. 

24. Q,iiae est nunc nostra provincia. This portion of Asia, af- 
ter the defeat of Antiochus, the Romans had given to Attalus, after 
whose death it fell by his will to the Romans. 

26. Ximis magna procuratione. The ca-e of too extensive do- 
minions. If Antiochus so consoled himself for such losses, a fortiori 
may Deiotarus ; for the one madly attacked the Roman people at the 
instigation of Hannibal and the JEtolians, the latter followed Pompey, 
as deeming his cause the better. Deiotarus therefore has innocence 
on his side. For esse factum, Benecke, Klotz, and Madvig read fac- 
tum esse. 

28. Multam sustulcrat = poenam dederat Benecke, Klotz, 
and Soldan read sustinucrat, which is the reading of many MSS. 
Madvig and Orelli adopt sustulerat from Cod. Col, and Madvig re- 



ORATION FOR KING DEIOTARUS. 339 

Page 

fers to tlio similar phrase in de Nat. Dear. 3, 33, 82. See Hark, q^ 
292. 

29» Q,uum .... coiicessisti. See uote on p. 69, line 40. 

3 3. Ne fortunae quidem. Because he possesses many things 
over which fortune has no control, the decrees of your generals, the 
votes of the senate, he is able to defy her power. 

31. Peperisse. Klotz: reperisse ; which Frotscher approves, 
citing Terent. Heaut. 1, 1, 59 ; and referring to Krilz ad Sail. Jug. 
70, § 2, p. 374, sq. 

35. Habere in animo atque virtute. Habere in virtute, which 
is an unusual expression, is softened here by being joinod to habere in 
animo, which is a common expression. Haec duo conjungit, ut et 
vello eum res magnas, et praestare posse significet. The bona animi 
as opposed to the bona corporis, or external good, are here understood. 

36. Q,uis casus. II. 454, 1. 

3T. Omnium imperatorum. Cf. Phil. 11, 13, 33 ; where in this 
connection, Sulla Murena, Servilius, Lucullus, and Pompey are men- 
tioned. 

38. Ab omnibus est enim iis ornatus. Benecke, Soldan, and 
Madvig: ab 07nnibus enim est ornalus ; Klotz: ab omnibus enim or- 
natus est. 

40. Senatus vcro judicia, &c. Such deo»*ees of the senate were 
kept in the public archives in the capitol, and Ibe assembled people 
gave its sanction to them. 

42. Q,use unquam vetustas obruet, &c? Temporis vetustas, 
hominum oblivio. 

1. Ciua;. H. 445, 4. — Omnesdocti. The Peripatetics and Stoics. Qt 
Cicero adds in explanation sapientes, which very often = philosophers. ' 
— Summa. Plato, Aristotle, and others, divided good into pleasure, 
utility, and virtue ; and called virtue chief, in comparison of tho oth- 
ers ; but the Stoics, denying that any thing had a right to come into 
comparison with virtue, declared it the sole good. Cf. p. Marcel. 6. 

2. Hisque. And that, with these (in the opinion of the Stoics) 
virtue is well content, Sec. — Non modo ad bene, for this they all con- 
fess. — Sed etiam ad beate, i. e. jucunde et feliciter, and this the Peri- 
patetics deny. See Tusc. Disp. lib. 5. 

T. Acceptam refert. Sets down to the account of your clemen- 
cy ; a metaphor from keeping accounts. 

Ch. XIV. — 8. Q,uo quidem animo. As above, ch. 13, mag no et 
erccto, a mind fortified by reflecting on what fortune had left as well 
as taken away, and on its own virtues. — Quum .... turn. See note 
on p. 85, line 1. 

9. Q,uarum exemplum. A copy of which, namely, tho one 
which you, &c. 

10. Tarracone. A city of Hispania Tarraconensis, from which 



340 NOTES. 

Page 

Qr) the district was so named. After the subjugation of the Poinpeys, 
Caesar appears to have given audience there to the ambassadors of the 
several states, and among them to Blesamius, who had been sent 
thither by Deiotarus to adjust his interests with Caesar. — Huic Blcsa- 
mio. Who is now present, waiting the issue of this trial. Cicero here 
intends to remind Ceesar of his promise. 

11. Junes eniin bene. So Klotz. Benecke and Madvig : jubes 
enim eum bene, &c. 

13. Memini .... scribere. Compare p. Lig. 3, 7; and see P. 
C. 426, (3). 

14. Meque .... esse jussum. H. 551, II, 1. 

15. L/aboro equidem. But knowing causas rogantium apud te 
graliosiores esse quam preces, p. Lig. 11, I shall tell you my reasons 
for being interested for Deiotarus. Observe that below, laboro takes 
the preposition de. See H. 414. — Quocum, &c. Cicero takes the 
highest ground ; " I loved him because he was the friend of my coun- 
try." Then follow the steps to summa nccessitudo. 

16. Voluntas utrisque. For hospitium was often a matter of 
form, or the inclination was all on one side. Not so here. 

18. Officia. While Cicero was proconsul of Cilicia. — Et in me. 
Benecke, Klotz, Soldan, and Madvig omit et. 

19. Sed quum de illo. Cicero wishes to set the cause on the 
widest foundation. The question is one of general interest : " If after 
what is past, you still harbor resentment against Deiotarus, the same 
may be expected by all who owe their life to your clemency, and 
doubts and fears take possession of their minds. Let them know, then, 
that once pardoned they are still pardoned. 

20. Q,uibus. H. 385.— Semel. Once for all. See ch. 3, § 9 : 
femel exorari. 

23. duisquam te timere, &c So Madvig. Benecke and Klotz 
omit te. Soldan : accedere, ut quisquam te tiinere . . . qui sunt, &c. 

24. Non debeo. Cicero, affecting to reject any appeal to the 
clemency of Ceesar, makes a strong appeal. 

25. Ecquonain. On the force of ec in this compound, see Z. 
351 ; and on nam, Z. 134. 

21. Solet ipsa. Is wont of itself to como to the aid of the 
wretched ; non exspectat, dum rogetur. — Nullius. H. 457. 

28. Duos reges. The father and son. 

21). Dabis profecto misericordiae. Klotz and Soldan : dabis 
profecto id misericordia. 

30. Iracundiae denegavisti. Quum antea Deiotarum, licet ira- 
tus, tamen perdere nolles. Benecke ; who rejects the explanation o( 
Heumann : iracundiam illorum, qui reum Deiotarum fecerunt. Be 
nocke and Klotz : monumenta dementia; tuce. So also Soldan, who 
furlher gives sed maxime eorum incnlumitatis, &c. 



ORATION FOR KING DKIOTARUS. 34] 

31 Iiicol militates. Z. 92. qS 

3 2. In privatis, i. e. in privatos collata atque ita in iis conspicua, 
bo in the next line in regibus. See note on p. 88, line 37. 

34. Sanctum. For kings were thought to be under the protec- 
tion of the gods. — Sociorum .... re gum .... sanctissimum. This 
might be designed by Cicero as hinting to Caesar, that his present titles 
might satisfy himself. This oration was delivered late in the year 709 
In the following February, Mark Antony offered Caesar the diadem. 

Ch. XV. — 3T. Posteris tradituros. Deiotarus died, ac- 
cording to Dion Cass. 48, 33, a. u. c. 714, but without leaving his do- 
minions to his son. Castor succeeded him in Galatia, which was af- 
terwards bestowed by Antony on Amyntas. After his death it was 
made, in connection with Lycaonia, a province, which was subse- 
quently enlarged by the addition of Paphlagonia and a part of Phrygia. 
The account given in the introduction, p. 311, follows Smith's Diet, 
of Greek and Roman Biog. &c. 

38. Corpora. Either as sureties, or to suffer any punishment 
awarded against their master. Klotz omits esse before confido. 

42. Regum amicissinii. Matthiae and Benecke, with Ernesli, 
take amicissimi and probati in the nominative, and explain regum of 
Deiotarus and his family (Benecke, Deiotarus and his son, as in § 40), 
just as Brutus is said to have expelled the kings of Rome. Weiske 
objected to this explanation, and taking regum as = inter reges, he 
considers amicissimi and probati as genitives. By this view, Dorylaus 
est legatus amicissimi regum sive regis praeter ceteros addicti fide erga 
populum Romanum. This king, Weiske supposes, may have been 
Ariobarzanes, the sovereign of Cappadocia. 

43. Exquire de Blesamio. As the weight of the prosecution 
lay in the testimony of Phidippus, Cicero wished to conclude with im- 
pressing on the mind of Caesar the opposing testimonies of men of in- 
tegrity. Above, ch. 12, the charge against Blesamius is given and 
refuted. 

1. Criminibus illis se supponit. Substituit. MobiusQG 

takes criminibus illis for datives after supponit as = illis legem cri- 
minantibus, accusantibus ; Benecke for ablatives = in those accusa- 
tions. 

£• Menioriam .... qua vales. Cf. p. Lig. 12, 35 : qui oblivisci 
nihil soles, nisi injurias ; Phil. 2, 45, 116: Fuit in illo ingenium, 
ratio, memoria, &c. Seneca, de Benefic. 5, 24, tells a pleasing story 
of Caesar's memory. 

4. Pedem. H. 380. As Hieras never left you, he is therefore 
qualified to decide on the truth of the charge. He attended you both 
during your stay in the palace, and the next day at Luceium. Aa 
none of the attempts charged could have been made without his pri- 
vity, he calls on you to deem them, if any there were, to have been 



342 NOTES. 

Page 

qa his, and try him accordingly. — Finibus. Deiotarus had waited ou 
Caesar on the borders of Galatia, and was then accompanied by Hieras 

5. Balneo. See ch. 6. The bath preceded the supper, and so it 
was intended should the inspection of the gifts ; but Caesar refusing to 
go, it was put off till after supper. Hence coenatus. 

8. Postridie. The day of the castle and bedchamber scene, 
ch. 6. 

13. Q,uorum alteram. The former of which, it .s of a pie?e 
with the cruelty of the accusers to wish for ; the latter, the part c{ 
your clemency to preserve inviolate. — Illorum. Caster and Phidippiis, 



THE ORATION FOR THE POET ARCHIAS. 



INTRODUCTION. 

A . Licikius Archias, born and educated at Antioch in Syria, a city re- 
nowned for the cultivation of Greek art and learning, acquired at a very early 
age a considerable reputation as a poet He had scarcely grown out of the age 
of boyhood, when, according to the fashion of the time, he went out on a jour- 
ney, the object of which was to improve himself and increase his knowledge. 
He travelled through Asia Minor and Greece, and thence to Southern Italy, 
where he visited the towns of Tarentum, Locri, Rhegium, and Naples. His 
talent was everywhere recognised and appreciated, and the above-mentioned 
towns attested their estimation by honoring him with the franchise. In a. u. c. 
652, in the consulship of C. Marius and Q. Lutatius Catulus, Archias came to 
Rome ; he was received into the first families of the city, and enjoyed the par- 
ticular hospitality of the Luculli, in honor of which family Archias also as- 
sumed its gentile name Licinius. As Cicero calls him his instructor, it would 
seem that Archias, besides his poetical occupations, also engaged at that time 
in instructing young Romans. Some years later he accompanied L. Lucullus 
on a journey to Sicily, and on their return they passed through Heraclia in 
Lucania. There, too, he was, through the mediation of Lucullus, honored 
with the franchise ; and this was the more valuable to him, as that town was 
in a nearly equal legal relation to, and alliance with, Rome, and as Archias 
Beems to have determined to spend the remainder of his life at Rome. In 
a. u. c. G65, the tribunes, M. Plautius Silvanus and C. Papirius Carbo, brought 
forward a bill {lex Plautia Papiria) by which the franchise was conferred 
upon all those who were enrolled as citizens in an allied town, provided they 
had a domicile in Italy at the time of the passing of the law, and gave in their 
name to the pra3tor within sixty days. Archias fulfilled these conditions, and 
gave in his name for registration to the praetor Q. Metellus. But in a. u. c. 689, 
a law was passed {lex Papia), enacting that all peregrini, or strangers, 
should be expelled from Rome, and that the Socii Latini (who were not Ro- 
man citizens) should be sent away to their native places. On that occasion a 
certain Gratius, who may have been induced by hatred, or avarice, or by en- 
mity against Lucullus, came forward, asserting that Archias was a peregri- 
nus, and had illegally assumed the name of a Roman citizen. Archias was 
unable to bring forward any evidence of his franchise, for the archives of He- 
raclia had been destroyed by fire. During his long stay at Rome, moreover, 
he had never entered his name as a citizen in the census lists. Cicero now 
undertook the defence of his old teacher and friend ; not, indeed, with a strict 
jegal argumentation, for the proofs were wanting, but he sets up the dignity 
of the accused, the affection he had met with everywhere, and his services to 
literature and art, as so many proofs of the truth of his assertion that he was* 
in lawful possession of the Roman franchise ; nay, Cicero maintains that if 
Archias were not already a Roman citizen, his life and merits made it a duty 
tor Rome to admit him among the number of her citizens, in order to secure 
a man of such eminence to the commonwealth. Such a defence, which 



S44 NOTES. 

Cicero sought in the personal character of the accused, and laid before Ihr 
judges, who could not well sacrifice the cause of learning and humanity U 
such an accusation— such a defence could not so much urge the legal points at 
Issue, for which, as we have already observed, the documents were wanting, 
as set forth the praise of varied acquirements, and of a life devoted to the cul- 
tivation of the beautiful And it is this very praise of the humaniora that 
makes this speech a useful, agreeable, and inciting study to young readers ; 
though it must not be left unnoticed, that some critics consider it as spurious, 
and unworthy of Cicero ; and the ancients themselves regard it as less excel- 
lent than other orations. Respecting the result of the speech, winch was de- 
livered in a. u. c. 692, before Q. Cicero, who was then praetor urbanus, nothing 
is known, and the remaining period of Archias's life is buried in utter obscuri- 
ty. To judge from the few specimens of his poetry which have come down 
to us, it appears that he did not possess so very great a poetical talent as Cicero 
describes it in his oration ; and it is probable that Archias, who was intimate 
with so many Roman families, was more particularly skilled in making verses 
upon the passing events of the day, and also, as some believe, knew how to 
make himself agreeable by improvisation, or extempore composition of verses. 
—From Schmitz's Cicero in Chambers's Educational Course 



ANALYSIS. 

1. The introduction gives the reason which decided the orator to defend the 
poet, and at the same time contains his apology for speaking of the advan- 
tages of letters in a trial at law. (Chaps. 1, 2, <) 3.) 

2. The leading proposition states the two points of his defence : that Archias, 
who was already a Roman citizen, should not only not be deprived of his 
franchise, but, even if he were not a citizen, the franchise should be con- 
ferred upon him. (Ch. 2, § 4.) 

3. A description follows of the origin, acquired fame, and travels of the poet ; 
showing, that, as he came to Rome from these travels in Asia Minor, Greece, 
and Italy, the most distinguished men and families honored him with their 
friendship and society, and that Lucullus aided him to obtain the Roman 
franchise. ($ 4-ch. 4, t) 7.) 

I. Cicero next proceeds to the two points of his defence, and refutes (a) the 
grounds upon which the accuser had proceeded against Archias, and estab- 
lishes Archias's Roman citizenship, since he had been a citizen in Heraclia, 
an allied town, and accordingly by the law of Silvanus and Carbo had been 
received in Rome as a citizen, he having long before had a domicile in 
Rome, and given in his name to the prator within 60 days, and having more- 
over exercised the rights of Roman citizens; at the same time the charge ol 
the accuser, that Archias was not enrolled in the census lists, is set aside. 
(^ 8-ch. 6.) (6) In order to show that Archias was worthy of Roman citi- 
zenship, he first speaks of the advantages of letters, and especially of poet- 
ry (ch. 6, § 13-ch. 7, t) 16) : he then describes the eminent poetic talent ol 
Archias, and shows by examples how highly poets were esteemed by an 
tiquity ; he then enlarges upon the merit of Archias and his claims upor 
the Roman people acquired by his celebration in verse of the deeds of em- 
inent Romans, and by his contribution in this way to the glory of the Ro 
man name, and mentions many great men who, from their love of g.ory 



ORATION FOR THE POET ARCIIIAS. 345 

had honored poets and authors. Finally, he confesses that he too on his 
own account must wish for the safety of Archias, since Archias has prom- 
ised to sing the praises of his consulship. (Ch. 7, $ 18-ch. 12, $ 30.) 
In conclusion, he commends the poet to the protection of his judges, and 
craves their indulgence for having enlarged, more than is usual in a foren- 
sic argurr^nt, upon the talent of Archias and upon the merits of literature 
in general. (Ch. 12, $ 31.) 

Cir. I. — la Ingeiiii. Natural talent as an orator (fiats) ; cxerci-Qfl 
tatio, practice (aaKijais) Cicero expresses the simple thought si quid 
eloquentia valeo, by an enumeration of the three chief requisites for 
forming an orator; ingenium, exercitatio, ratio. Cf. de Orat. 1, 25, 
tsqq. Quinctil. 11, 1, 19, directs attention to the modesty of this pas- 
sage. Cf. ad Fam. 9, 18. — Quod sentio quam sit exiguum. Stiiren- 
burg remarks that the usual order would be quod quam sit exiguum 
sentio, e. g. qui ordo quanto adjumento sit in honore, quis nescit ? 
Plane. 9, 23 : Qua quanta fuerit, jam mini dicere non est necessc. 
Sest. 29, 62. Of this order, (that is, of the governing verb being 
placed after the dependent interrogative clause, when there is also a 
relative pronoun introducing the governing verb,) he gives a very 
large body of examples. Of passages where the dependent relativo 
clause follows the verb, he gives a few : e. g. Verr. 5, 7, 15 : quod 
nuper ipse juratus docuit quemadmodum gestum esset. But he ob- 
serves that the position in the passage before us gives the principal 
emphasis to sentio, and a secondary but considerable emphasis to ex- 
iguum : quod sentio quam sit exiguum. Nauck, however, thinks tho 
principal emphasis belongs to quam sit exiguum, and that, to give this 
emphasis, the usual order is abandoned. The order of quam sit, exi- 
guum in oblique narration, i. e. of the sit, sint, &c, immediately fol- 
lowing the quam, or other relative, and preceding the predicate, is tho 
regular order in Cicero. Videsne, quam sit magna dissensio : con- 
siderate nunc, cetera quam sint provisa sapienter, &c. 

2. In qua me, &c. A regular hexameter: in qua mc non inftior . 
mediocriter esse. 

3. Si . . . aliqua. See note on p. 45, line 15. — Hujuscc rei, sc. 
eloquence'. 

4. Ratio, Art, theoretical knowledge, theory (udOrjcns). Doctrina 
sive institutio, quatenus certa via ac ratione instituitur. Faculias 
orandi consummatur natura, arte, exercitationc. Quinct. 3, 5, 1. 
But here exercitatio = facultas, quam quis cxercendo sibi par at (tho 
readiness acquired by practice). Cf. 3 Cat. 5, 11 : ita cum non modo 
ingenium Mud, et dicendi exercitatio, qua semper valuit, sed etiam, 
&c. 

6. Vel in priinis. " Particularly," because Archias had given 
instruction to Cicero in his youth. This fonn occurs in but one other 
passage in Cicero : Nee absurde Crantor ille, qui in nostra Academia 



340' tfOTES. 

Page 

0*7 vel hi primis fuit nobilis. Tusc. 3, 6, 12. S., who says that he 
knows of no instance in any other writer. — A. Licinius. It was cus- 
tomary for foreigners, on receiving the franchise, to take the praenomei. 
and nomen of the individual by whose favor they had received it 
Manutius supposes that Archias assumed the praenomen ^.ulus from 
Marcus Lucullus, the brother of Lucius, whose praenomen, before his 
Adoption by M. Terentius Varro, he supposes to have been Auius. 
The omission of nis foreign name may be regarded as intentional. By 
giving him his Roman name only, the orator recognises his rightful 
claim to Roman citizenship. 

T. Repetere prope suo jure. Repetere = petere tanquam sibt 
debitum. Archias has a right to claim that I should employ for his 
good that which I have learned from him. Klotz: petere. — Prope 
suo jure. See note on p. 64, line 5. The prope softens the suo jure, 
which would be an exaggerated statement. Others take it, less cor- 
rectly, with repetere. S. (in his second edition), who compares mco 
jure quodammodo vindicare. De Off. 1, 1,2. 

9. Memoriam recordari. S. compares de Orat. 1, 2, 4: ac 
mihi repetenda est vcteris cujusdam memorial jion sane satis expli- 
cata recordatio, sed, &c. — Ultimam = ab hac estate remotissimam. 
The earliest recollection. 

10. Inde usque repetens, sc. rcrum ordincm. Repetere is used 
absolutely in this way, de Orat. 1, 20, 91 : neminem scriptorem ariis 
ne mediocriter quidem disertum fuisse dicebat, quum repeteret usque 
a Corace nescio quo et Tisia. Tusc. 1, 48, 116: claras vero mortcs 
pro patria oppetitce non solum gloriosce rhetoribus sed ctiam beatcc 
videri solent ; repetunt ab Erechtkeo. — hide usque (ivrtvdcv apfauevos) 
marks a continuous progress from the distant point mentioned, quite 
up to the moment present to the speaker. These words, according to 
S., are found nowhere else in Cicero, and never in any other writer. 
But, as he observes, there is no reason why they should not be. — He 

• thinks it is an imitation of Isocrates's ivrdQev dpi-dficvos, which M. 
compares with it. — Principcm = auctorem, magistrum. — Suscipien- 
dam .... ingrediendam. " Suscipiendam pertinet ad consilium dis- 
cendi artes dicendi ; ingrediendam ad actum discendi. Illuc special 
mox hortatu, hue prceceptis." Ernesti. S. compares the similar op- 
position between suscipere and instituerc ; e. g. susceptarum rerun 
et jam institutarum. Ad Fain. 5, 12, 2. 

11. Rationem = viam, modum. — Horum studiorum. Xot elo- 
quence only, but the studia humanitatis in general. Cf. § 2. 

12. Hortatu. This word occurs in the ablative only, in the 
golden age. Tacitus has nominative plural non vox et mutui hot' 
tatus juvabant. Ann. 1, 70, m. In Cicero it occurs but once more : 
id feci aliorum consilio, hortatu, auctoritatc ; ad Fam. 13, 29, 7- 
Sturenbura- 



I 



ORATION FOR THE l J OET ARCHIAS. 347 

Paom 

14. Q,uo ceteris opitulari .... posseinus, sc. whenever irnnn 
opportunity should offer itself. Benecke : posaumus. 

15. Et opem et salutem. Fin. 2,35, 118: quum opem indi- 
gentibus solutemque ferrcs. Verr. 5, 57, 147: qua s<epe mullis in 
ultimis terris opem inter barbaros et salutem tulit. S. 

16. Ita = tarn graviter, so emphatically. 

1 7. Q,uod alia quaedam in hoc facultas . . . neque haec. Be. 
cause Arclhas was a poet, and not an orator. The usual negative 
particle in an opposition of this sort would he non. Hand says that, 
when neque is used, it is no longer a direct opposition, and the whole 
expression of the thought is weakened. 

18. Ne nos quidem. On the ellipsis of the implied idea, "let 
me tell you,'" see Z. 772. — Huic uni. The MSS. give kuic cuncti 
studio, &c., which Klotz and Nauck retain and defend. Uni is a 
conjecture of Lambinus, and adopted by most editors. Stiirenburg and 
Benecke : huicce uni. 

19. Studio, sc. dicendi s. eloquentias. — Penitus, exclusively, or 
without regard to other pursuits and means of developing the mind. — 
Omnes artcs, e. g. poetry, eloquence, philosophy, history, mathematics, 
&,c. : the studies that are pursued, oiKbri Tixvp t aXX > hi naiStiif, as Plato 
aud Aristotle speak. 

20. Q,iue ad humanitatein pertinent. Which make man a 
man in the true sense of the word. Gellius, 13, 1G, speaking of the 
old and true Latin meaning of hiananitas, says: " Humanitatem ap- 
pellaverunt id propemodum quod GrcBci naiisuav vocant ; nos erudi- 
tionem inslitutionemque in bonas artes dicimus. — Quoddam. H. 456. 

21. Et quasi quadam, &c. Cicero often uses quasi qui- 

dam, and not uncommonly quidam quasi : he also uses et quasi qui- 
dam, and once only et quidam quasi; but never atque (ac) quasi 
quidam, nor indeed ever atque (ac) quasi or tanquam, which would 
give prominence and emphasis to the very notion which is softened 
by the quasi. In the order, et quasi quidam, the substantive is some- 
times interposed between quasi and quidam: bene constitute civiiutis 
quasi alumna quccdam eloquentia ; Brut. 12, 45: an adjective some- 
times precedes the quidam : et puro quasi quodum et candido genere 
dicendi. Oral. 16, 53. S. 

Cir. II. — 23. In quaestioue legitima = « legibus constituta, non 
ftb otiosis hominibus doctis proposita." Benecke supposes the lex Mu- 
cin Licinia of 659, and the lex Papia of 689, are here meant. 

2-1. In judicio publico. Judicium publicum stands opposed to 
judicium privatum, and is a trial in which the interest of the state is 
involved, in which a state offence is charged. — Agatur. Klotz: agi- 
*atur. 

25. Apud praetorem populi Roman!. C. Virgilius (according 
to Ilgen), C. Octavius (according to Schiitz). But the scholiast die» 



348 NOTES. 

Pa?e 

0*7 covered by Mai informs us that the praetor here meant was Q. Cicero 

the brother of the oratoi. The addition populi Romani to the title 

prcetor is generally unnecessary, but here it is emphatical. — Rectissi- 

mum virum = " virum,- qui nee ipse discedit unquam de ea via, quam 

mores ac leges prsescribunt, nee facile patitur alios tale quicquam com- 

mittere." S. Cf. unus L. Ccesar firmus est ct rectus; Fam. 12, 5 : 

2. Its meaning is correct, consistent. Madvig and Nauck : lectissi 

mum. 

26. Judices. Ever since the lex Aurelia of the year a. r. c. 6S4 £ 

the judices consisted of senators, equites, and tribuni aerarii (plebeians), 

98 !• Hoc uti genere dicendi, quod . . . abhorreat. Hie here =a 

" a" = " such a." Hie qui is used for is qui, when the thing spoken 

of is present. Here it is the style he is now going to adopt. — Non 

modo .... verum etiam. Verum (for sed) etiam is nearly peculiar to 

Cicero ; not being found in Csssar, Corn. Nepos, Livy, or Tacitus ; nor 

in the Auctor ad Herennium. It is found now and then in letters of 

Cicero's correspondents, and twice in Sallust. Stiirenburg ; whoso 

calculation of the comparative frequency of sed etiam and verv*\ 

etiam is as follows: After non modo, Sec, — 

In the Orat. p. Archia, sed etiam occurs 

" " Balbo, 

" Plane, 

" Sest., 

L. Manil, 

" Brut., 

To which Haase adds p. Sull. 

So that sed etiam is the more common form ; at least 

Orations. 

2. A forensi sermone abhorreat. It being unusual in judicial 
transactions and speeches to treat of literature and art. 

3. Q,useso a vobis, &c. Weiske and Matthise criticise § 3, be- 
cause the protasis and apodosis make the same statement ; e. g. Sed 
ne cui mirum videatur, me uti hoc genere dicendi, quceso a vobis, ut 
me patiamini uti novo genere dicendi; and because mauy unneces- 
sary repetitions are introduced. 

T. Hoc denique prcetore. The brother of the orator, himself an 
epic and tragic poet. Cf. ad Q. Frat. 3, 6, 9. 

9. Liberius. Schroter maintains that libcre loqui = (necessari- 
ly), " sine metu offenses aut periculi loqui ;" but Cicero uses it else- 
where in the sense of at length, copiously, fully, Sec Qua fuse olim 
disputabantur ac libcre, opposed to articiilatim distinctenuc dici. 
Legg. 1, 13, 3G : ne ornatius quidem aut liberius causam dici suam 
quam, Sec De Orat. 1, 53, 229. S. — In ejus?nodi persona, quce 
.... est. " In the case of such a person," sc. as Archias is. Other- 
wise persona is tho mask worr 6y an actor, or the part which he per- 



2, verum 


etiam, 


7 


6, " 


u 





10, « 


a 


1 


15, 


" 


1 


12, 


" 





21, 


u 


2 


15.. 


K 


5 


1 ; at least 


in Cicero's 



OKATION FOR THE POET AECIIIAS. 340 

Pag* 

forms. The indicative after ejusmodi = such, makes the statement Q$ 
definite, (whereas the subj. would describe it indefinitely as belonging 
to a class.) Cf. Verr. 4, 32, 71 : in ejusmodi conviviis, quce . . . . jla- 
grab'unt. 

lO. Periculis = "judiciis, quia in iis reus periculum adit, ne 
condemnetur. Fam. 5, 17: in ejus judicio ac periculo. — Tractate, 
est, " which otherwise is not brought forward," or, as it were, " acted," 
and does not show itself at trials and in courts of law, its life being de- 
voted to the quiet pursuit of art and literature. Tractare personam is 
properly said of an actor. Cf. pro. Hose. Com. 7, 20 : Of. 3, 29, 106. 
Matthias says : " Fortasse eo etiam respexit, quod poeta?, rerum civi- 
liuni fere rudes atque ignari, easque adeo refugientes, si quando in vitae 
communis lucem pro tracti vel in judicium adducti sunt, in sole cali- 
gantes magis aliis se regendos, moderandos, traciandos prsebent, quam 
ipsi versantur. Ahter Quinctil. 4, 1, 13 : ipsius autem litigatori* 
persona tractanda varie est, nimirum ab oratore." 

15. Adsciscendum. Klotz, Stiirenburg, Madvig, and Nauck: 
adsciscendum fuisse. 

Ch. III. — 16. Ut primum ex pueris excessit. This happened 
in Greece in his fifteenth year. Cicero had probably in his mind Ter- 
ence's Nam is postquam excessit ex ephebis, Andr. 1, 1, 24; for the 
mode of expression is properly Greek, not Latin ; and Cicero praises 
the passage of Terence, de Or. 2, 80, 327. S. 

IT. Ad inhumanitatem informari. A very young person is 
properly said informari by another ; an older one, whose mind is no 
longer a tabula rasa, and who assists (at least) in forming his own 
mind, conformari : "is rem conformat qui I Hi meliorem etiam formam 
dat, quam qui prius earn informaverat." S. Thus Auct. ad Hercnn 
4, 22 : Alexander Macedo summo labor e animum ad virtutcm a puc- 
ritia conformavit. Ad humanitatem informari is found only here : 
ad humanitatem fin gi, once also de Orat. 3, 15, 58. From S. 

18. Scribendi studium. Cf. Terent. Andr. Prol. 1: Pocta 
quum primum animum ad s crib end u m appulit. — Antiochia .... 
urbe, &c. Urbs, in apposition to the name of a town, stands in tho 
abl. ; never urbis. 

19. Lioco nobili === nobili generc : as honcsto loco natus, inc.— 
Cclebri, not celebrated, but that was much visited. 

20. Copiosa = opulenta. 

21. Antecellere .... contigit. The usual construction is con- 
tigit alicui ut antecellcret, &c. ; but Horace has Fingere cinctutis 
non exaudita Cethegis continget : non cuivis homini contingit adirc 
Corinthum, &c. Virg. quis (= quibus) ante ora patrum Trojca sub 
moznibus altis Contigit oppetere ; JEn, 1, 95 (so 6, 108; 9,267). 
The infinitive gives less prominence and definitcness to the conso- 
^uence. It occurs with tho infin. once in Veil, and once in Tacitus. S 



550 NOTES. 

no See H. 556, II; and on the construction of antecellere, H. 3 71, 3 
386, 3. 

22, Cunctaque Graecia. Klotz, Stiirenburg, and Na;ick : cunc- 
taque Gratia. — Adventus. Z. 92. 

23. Ut famam .... superaret. His arrival was so much talked 
of, that the expectation of the man and the desire to see him sur- 
passed the reputation of his talents, whereas his arrival and the ad- 
miration shown to him surpassed even the expectation with which 
his arrival had been looked for. Cf. C. (ap. Macrob. Sat. vi. 2) oi 
Cato: Contingebat in eo, quod'plcrisque contra solet, ut majora om- 
nia re quam fama viderentur ; id quod non scepe cvenit, ut exsjpec- 
tatio a cognilione, aurcs ab oculis vincerentur. 

25. Italia . . . et in Latio. Italia (== the country of the Iiali) 
is here = Magna Gratia. " That name [Italia], in very early times 
was a national one in the south, and was not extended to the more 
northerly regions until the Roman sway had united the Peninsula into 
one state. The latter [Theophrastus] continues to make a distinction 
between Laiium and Italia in his History of Plants." Niebuhr. It 
was especially after the Punic wars that Greek civilization began to 
be introduced into Italy. 

27m Propter tranqnillitatem rci publicae. The seditious at- 
tempts of Saturninus had been suppressed, a. v. c. G54, and the Social 
war did not break out till a. u. c. 664. 

28. Non negligebantur. H. 585. The expression is, ol course, 
less strong than colebantur. So 3 Orat. 11, 43 : Nostri [= hie Roma] 
minus student litteris, quam Latzni. — Tarentini et Rhegini et Neapo- 
litans These states, on account of their very origin, must have been 
favorably disposed towards the Greek poet, and endeavored to honor 
him with their best presents — namely, the franchise. Rhegium and 
Neapolis were then only confederate towns ; they were made municipal 
towns by the lex Julia in the first year of the Social war. But it is 
urged that Tarentum could not have been only a confederate town, 
since a colony was settled there, a. u. c. 631. Veil. 1, 15. Orelli 
seems to think the Tarentini veteres (as distinct from the Coloni Ta- 
rentini) are meant. " The orator knew well enough that the facts 
hero mentioned did not avail Archias in a legal point of view ; he is 
only paving the way, as it were, for the fact of his receiving the free- 
dom of the city at Heraclia. Thus the Scholia Bobiensia: Utiliter 
praparavit ad causam,jam pridem hunc Archiam poetica fatilitatis 
gratia celebrem a plurimis Italia nobilissimis populis in numerum 
civium cooptaium. Quod ■nimirum argumento esse debeat, ctiam 
Heracliensibus nuper adscriptum, robustiorem jam fama et ingenit 
dignitate major em." K. 

30. Aliquid is here put with some degree of emphasis ; all. wha 
wore able to form some accurate judgment of men of talent. 



ORATION FOR THE I OET ARCHIAfe. 351 

31* Cognitione. Here of personal acquaintance, more commonly no 
of knowledge of things only. 

3 2. Celebritate famae. H. 428, 2 ; 396, IT. 

33. Mario consule et Catulo, a. u. c. 652, in the fourth consul- 
ehip of Marius. The usual order is Mario et Catulo Coss.; hut a 
similar instance occurs in Brut. 96, 328 : Ille a Crasso consule et 
Sccevola usque ad Paullum et Marcellum . . .floruit. See Z. 790. — 
Consules eos, quorum alter . . . posset. Why subj.? Quorum alter, 
i e. Marius, who had conquered Jugurtha, and the Teuloncs and 
Cimbri. 

35. Res gestas = Cimbricam victoriam. Cf. Tusc. 5, 19, 56: 
C. Marius turn quum Cimbrica victorias gloriam cum collcga Ca- 
tulo communicavit, ptenc altera L&lio {nam hunc Mi duco simit- 
limum), &c. — Studium atque aures adhibere posset. Studium is 
interest in literary works, &c, though Catulus did both write a his- 
tory and some poems (Brut. 35) : aures is not attention, but the crit- 
ical ear, correct literary taste. De Off. 1, 37, 133 : Catuli exquisita 

•judicio utebantur literarum. Observe that adhibere is only suited to 
studium and aures ; whereas res gestas would require such a verb as 
suppeditare (to supply). This is called Zeugma. Cf. Tac. Ann. 14 
53 : Ego quid aliud muni jic entice turn adhibere potui, quam studia, 
ut sic dixcrim, in umbra educata ? S. 

36. Iiiiculli, i. e. L. Licinius Lucullus, the conqueror of Mithri- 
dates, and a man of great learning ; and M. Licinius Lucullus, who 
gained a triumph over the Thracians and Macedonians, a. u. c. 684. — 
Pratextatus. He speaks of Archias as if he were a Roman: for, be- 
ing a Greek, he was not allowed to wear the pratcxta. Prcelcxtatus, 
therefore, = ' eadem estate, qua nostri praetextati, id est annorum 
fere xvi." The toga pratexta was worn (with the bulla) by Roman 
children, and put off when they assumed the toga virilis. Matthias 
points out the inconsistency between this and the assertion, that he 
already ex pueris excesserat even at Antioch. 

3T. Domum suam receperunt. So Verr. 1, 26, 65, we havo 
Homo, qui semper hospitalissi?nus amicissimusque noslrorum homi- 
num existimatus esset, noluit videri ipsum ilium Rubrium invitus 
domum suam recepisse (without in). Others (e. g. Sturenburg) read 
in domum suam receperunt, by which the reception is represented as 
more intimate and familiar. — Sed etiam hoc, &c. This passage Orelli 
regards as corrupt. The orator lays stress on the fact, as being greatly 
to the credit of Archias, that the house which was the first to receive 
him in his youth, was also the most friendly to him in his old age. 
Sturenburg reads : Sed est jam hoc . . . prima fuerit, eadem, &c. 
Van Heusde proposes : Sed hac non solum ingenii ac literarum, ve* 
rum etiam natures atque virtutis visfuit, ut, &c. 

38. Hoc .... ut ... . esset. The more usual cxolicative of hoo 



352 NOTES. 

Page 

QQ is quod. Matthias observes, that wherever ut is so used, it convey? 
the explanation, as at the same time an effect or consequence of what 
.iad been stated : e. g. here it is the consequence of Archias's good 
character. 

40. Senectuti. If the cause was pleaded in 692, ho was then in 
his sixtieth year. For patuit, other readings arefuit, facet it, tmdfuerit. 

41. Metello illi Numidico. Consul, a. u. c. 645. He was call- 
ed Numidieus from his victories over Jugurtha. Sail. Jug. 46. His 
son, Q. Caecilius Metellus, obtained the surname of Pius, because, 
a. u. c. 655, he appeared in mourning to solicit permission for his fa- 
ther to return from exile. Veil. Pat. 2, 15. Klotz : pio. Est tamen 
cognomen nee vero adjectivum. Neque erat cur nonnulli transpone- 
rent Pio ejus filio. Orelli. Benecke : [Pio]. 

42. M. jEmilio, Scauro. He was consul, a. u. c. 639. Cf. Font. 
7, 14. — Vivebat cum Q. Catulo. Q. Lutatius Catulus, the father, con- 
sul, 652 ; and the son, afterwards consul in 676. Vivcrc cum aliquo 
is said of friendly intercourse. Krebs, Guide, 206. 

43. L/. Crasso, the orator. — Lucullos, i. e. Lucius and Marcus 
Lucuilus. 

44. Drusum. M. Livius Drusus. He was tribune, a. u. c. 663, 
and carried many laws, but was murdered in his own house. Veil. 2, 
13. Cf. p. Mil. 7. — Octavios. Cneius and Lucius Octavius, consuls, 
respectively, with Cinna (667), and C. Aurelius Cotta (679). Thero 
was also another Cneius, consul with C. Scribonius Curio (678). — Ca- 
tonem, probably the father of M. Cato Uticensis. — Hortensiorum do- 
mum. L. and Q. Hortensius, father and son ; the latter was the cel- 
ebrated orator, and consul, a. u. c. 685. 

3. Si qui forte simulabaut. Ne indocti atque ab politioribus li- 
99 ter ' s abhorrere viderentur. 

C H . IV. — 6. In Siciliam profectus. The language shows that 
Lucuilus must have had the province of Sicilj T , but nothing of this is 
known from any other source. Senators were allowed to quit Italy 
for a certain time without any special commission. On their journey, 
and wherever they stayed, they enjoyed the honors and distinctions ot 
real ambassadors, but more especially the hospitium publicum. It has 
been thought, therefore, by some, to be more probable that Lucuilus, 
on the occasion here referred to, made use of this jus legationis libe- 
rum for a private purpose. Matthias thinks the short-hand writer has 
blundered the passage, as the going to Sicily is made prominent, 
though it is quite secondary : one should have expected, he says, 
" Quum ex provincia Sicilia cum L. Lucullo, quern eo comitatus 
erat, decederet." But may not the cornplimentarij nature of the fact, 
that Lucuilus took him and kept Asmwith him, justify the co-ordinate 
(instead of subordinate) position of the taking him into Sicily I Mad- 
vig: cum M. Lucullo. 



ORATION FOR THE POET ARCHIAS. 353 

7. Ileracliam. A colony of Tarentum in Lucania on the Bay ofQQ 
Tarentum. 

8. JBquissimo jure acfoedere. Namely, with Rome. Heraclia 
concluded an alliance with Rome as early as a. u. c. 476, in the con- , 
eulship of C. Fabricius, and obtained greater privileges than other 
towns, such as Tarentum, Rhegium, and Naples; hence cequissimo, 

" placing it in a most fair relation, in which it was almost equal to 
Rome." This was also the reason why Archias endeavored to obtaia 
tho franchise of Heraclia. Cf. p Balb. 22, in. 

lO. Auctoritate. From affection and esteem for Lucullus. 
" Auctoritas est hominum honoratorum et potentium, quatenus vere- 
mur ipsos Iaodere, iis uegare aliquid." — Luculli, sc. Marcus Lucullus, 
who as being present is not more nearly described. Thus the contra- 
diction between the M. of § 8 and the L. of § 6 disappears of itself 
Nauck. 

11* Data est civitas, i. e. foederatis in Italia civitatibus. Cf 
§ 10. — Silvani lege. Scil. est lex Plautia Papiria, lata a M. Plautio 
Silvano, C. Papirio Carbone, tribb. pi. a. u. c. 665. Libri Sillani (st.) 
vel Silani (sicque kl.) Silvanus autem Plautiorum est cognomen ; 
Silanus Juniorum. Orelli. 

14r. Scxaginta diebus. Within sixty days after the passing of 
tho law. 

15. Multos jam aimos. Namely, from a. u. c. 652 to 665. 

16. Professus est. Profiteri was the term for a person's signi- 
fying to the praetor his wish to accept the civitas. The name was 
Bent to the praetor, because the whole business of keeping lists of the 
citizens formed part of his official functions. — Apud praitorem, Q. Me- 
tcllum, i. e. Q. Metellus Pius; prcetor, a. u. c. 665. 

IT. Niliil aliud nisi. Z. 771, Note. — Be civitate ac lege, = de 
civitate Heracliensi ab Archia impetrata ac de lege {Plautia Papiria) 
qua civitas data est fasderatis populis. 

18. Causa dicta est. That is, if the question is only about the 
compliance with that law on the part of Archias, and about his 
franchise at Heraclia, all has been said, and the matter is settled ; 
for Archias has in fact complied with all the conditions stated in the 
law. 

20. L.. Lucullus. Madvigr, with MSS. M. Lucullus. 

21. Adscriptum Heracliensem = " adscriptum in civitalem 
lleraclias" vel " adscriptum Heraclia." Cf. adscripticii cives, 3 de 
Nat. Deor. 15, 39. 

25. Hie tu. This form implies something of indignant feeling. 
Cf Fam. 5, 15: Hie tu ea me abesse vrbe miraris, in qua domus ni- 
hil delcctare possit, summum sit odium iemvorum, hominum t fori t 
curia ? And ibid. 7, 13 • Hie tu me ctiam insimulas, nee satisfac- 
tionem me am accipis. Manut. — Tabulas The civic registers of 



S54 NOTES 

Pa<re 

OQ Heraclia, which had been burnt with tne archives (tabularium) at A\* 
time of the Social war. 

26. Italico bello. Called also Social, and, from the Marsi who 
began it, Marsic. See Schmitz, Rome, ch. xxvii. 

28. Dicere, quaerere. On the omission of the conjunction, see 
Z. 781. Notice also tho chiasmus and anaphora in the arrangement 
of the period. — De hominum memoria tacere, literarum ?nemoriam 
Jtagitare. Hominum memoria = qua homines facta meminerunt et 
testantur: literarum memoria = memoria rei literis prodita. 

30. Integerrimi municipii, i. e. Heraclia, which, according to 
these words, must, previously to the delivery of this speech, have been 
changed from a civitas fcederata into a munic.pium. Heraclia re- 
mained faithful to Rome during the Social war, whence the epithet 
inlegerrimum. But it had much to suffer for this. 

31. Ea, quae. Nauck: ea qua, &c. parenthetically. 

33. An domicilium collocavit? -The objection is "an dom. 
non habuit," and the answer is blended, as it were, into one sentence 
with it, by the qui, &c. It implies that the objection does not deserve 
a formal answer : the answer may be gathered from the statement. 
If formally given as an answer, it would be something of this sort : 
At (= but, you say) in Italia domic, non habuit. Imo zero tot an- 
nis, &lc. Cf. de Divin. 2, 49, 102 : neque ignorant ea, qua ab ipsis 
constituta et designata sunt; = nequ-e ignorant futura, hac cnim 
ab ipsis, &c. Stiirenburg and Madvig: an domicilium Roma non 
habuit is qui, &c. 

35. An non, &c. Nauck: At non est professus ! 

36. lis tabulis, sc. Metelli. — Qua sola, in antithesis to the rec 
ords of Appius and Gabinius mentioned below. Which, from the time 
of that registration, and of the then college of praetors, alone have the 
authority of public records. The reason is added immediately below. 

Ch. V. — 39. Appii. Appius Claudius Pulcher. He was the fa- 
ther of the notorious P. Clodius, and prautor in the year a. u. c. 665, in 
which the lex Plautia Papiria was carried. Ho was the colleague 
of Q. Metellus Pius. — Negligentius asservata. So that forgeries 
might easily be introduced into them. 

40. Gabinii. Gabinius was prater in the same year as Appro? 
and was afterwards found guiity of extortion in his province of Aehaia 
Div. in Cacil. 20, 64. — Quamdiu incolumis fuit. So long as he waa 
free from misfortune ; that is, previous to his condemnation. — Post 
damnationem calamitas. After his condemnation his difficulties oj 
downfall, which cast suspicion or distrust upon his previous acts 
Weiske's interpretation, that he, after his condemnation, had access 
to the lists and inserted forgeries for money, in order to retrieve his 
ruined fortune, seems out of place here. — Lcviias. His recklessness or 
corruption. 



ORATION FOR THE POET ARG'HIAS. 355 

Pag* 

41. Resignasset = " had destroyed" Resignare (pioperly to qq 

unseal) is hero appropriate, because all such public documents were 
sealed by the praetor with his own ring. His condemnation, by injur- 
ing his character for probity, naturally lessened the authority of his 
papers. 

42. Modestissimus = " legum diligentissimus observator." Era. 
4-4. Venerit .... dixerit. The Perfect denotes a single action : 

vcniret .... diceret would rather denote a continued or repeated one. 
See H. 469, 471. Krebs, Guide, 261. Lcntulus was praetor, a. u. c. 
665. — Se commotum esse, i. e. to suspect a fraud. 

3. Aliis quoque in civitatibus .... adscriptus. His having \Q{) 
received the freedom of those cities, is mentioned to increase the prob- 
ability of his having received it at Heraclia ; not as giving him any 
right to the Roman citizenship. For dubiietis, Klotz gives dubilatis. 

4. Mediocribus multis et aut. Klotz omits et. V. mediocribus 
ecil. refertur ad ingenium ; hoc membrum ad artem atque disciplinam, 
unde melius copula, priori jungitur. Orelli. 

5. Gratuito, i. e. " nullo eorum merito ;" or "ita ut nullus inde 
fructus nequo ad se neque ad rem publicam redundaret." Matthias 
compares de Nat. Deor 1,44, 122: Praia et arva et pecudum greges 
diliguntur isto modo, quod fructus ex iiscapiuntur, hominum caritas 
et amicitia gratuita est. Nauck rejects gratuito. S. non gravate. 

6. In Graecia, i. e. in Magna Gratia ; the Greek colonies in the 
south of Italy. In Gratia is to be joined with impcrticbani : not in 

Gratia homines. — Rheginos credo noluisse. Ironically. So 

Rose. Amer. 21, 59. But in this sense it is rarely followed by the ac- 
cusative with the infinitive. 

7. Scenicis artificibus. Acting on the stage, music, and dan- 
cing, were regarded by the Romans as ignoble acts, which ought to 
be practised by slaves, and not by freemen. 

9. Post civitatem datam ; sc. sociis et Latinis. Cf. Fam. 13, 
30 : crat adscriptus in id municipium ante civitatem sociis et Latinis 
datam. There were two laws on this subject : (1) that of L. Julius 
Ca>sar, then consul, a. u. c. GG4, in tho first year of the Italic war, 
that the citizenship should bo given to the allies, who had either re- 
mained in their allegiance or laid down their arms : (2) that of the 
trihunes, M. Plautius Silvanus and C. Papirius Carho, in the second 
year of the same war, which extended its provisions to foreigners en- 
rolled in any of the confederate states, provided they were resident at 
Rome when the act was passed, and declared their wish to avail them 
selves of its provisions within sixty days. This declaration was made 
before the praetor. Aft. Manut. 

10. Post legem. Papiam. An act de peregrinis ex urbe ejici- 
endis passed in the consulship of Cotta and Torquatus, a. u. c. G89. 
It enacted that all strangers who regarded themselves as Roman citi- 






o5G NOTES. 

lQQzens, and all the citizens of allied towns which had not yet become 
municipia, should be expelled from the city. In consequence of this, 
many strangers got their names entered in the lists of municipia, in 
order to be able to pass as Roman citizens. Male etiam, qui peregri- 
nos urbibus uti prohibent eosque exterminant ; ut Pennus apud pa- 
trcs noslros, Papius nuper. The Schol. Bob. says : " Reus factus est 
Archias lege Papia, quae lata fuerat ad eos coercendos, qui temere et 
illicite civitatem Romanam usurpassent." But, according to Cicero, 
its effect was usu urbis prohibere peregrinos, which, he observes, ia 
sane inhumanum. 

11. Eorum niunicipiorum. Rhegium, Locri, Neapolis, &c, 
were made municipia (from fosderatcs civitates) by the law of L. 
Cassar. See ad Fam. 13, 30. For irrepscrint, Klotz, Benecke, Stii- 
renburg, and Nauck read irrepserunt. 

12. Se esse voluit. P. C. 149, (6) ; H. 551, II, 1. 

13. Census nostros requiris. Scilicet: est enim obscururn, 
&c. Census is the counting and estimating the Roman citizens ac- 
cording to their property : this was usually done every five years (lus- 
trum) ; but from a. u. c. 668-G84 there had been no census. Scilicet 
(= sci licet) properly calls upon him whom we address to know that 
which we are going to state. Compare with our present passage ad 
Quint. Fratr. 1,3, 1: Ego tibi irascerer? tibi ego possem irasci? 
Scilicet, tu enim me afflixisti, tui me inimici, tua me invidia ac non 
ego te misere pcrdidi. In both these passages it calls attention to the 
truth and certainty of a false statement, ironically asserted to be true 
After S. 

14:. Proximis ceusoribus. Cn. Lentulus Clodianus and L. Gel- 
tius, a. u. c. 684, in the consulship of M. Licinius Crassus and Cn 
Pompeius Magnus 

15. Apud exercitum fuisse, " to be with the army," is said of 
non-military persons attending the general for any reason. This was 
in the Mithridatic war, which Lucullus carried on from a. u. c. 6S1-6S7. 

16. Superioribus. I* Marcius Philippus and M. Perperna, 
a. u. c. 668. — Cum eodem quccstorc. L. Lucullus from a. u. c. 666- 
674, was in Asia, as quaBstor and proqusestor, with Archias and hu? 
brother M. Lucullus. 

IT. Prirnis, i. e. the first after Archias had declared before the 
praetor his wish to avail himself of the law, that put the freedom of 
the Roman city within his reach. These were L. Julius Ccesar ano 
P. Licinius Crassus, a. u. c. 665, the consuls being Cn. Pompeius and 
L. Porcius Cato. — Nullani populi partem esse censam. Because il 
was not yet five years since the census of a. u. c. 662, and because 
they had been elected censors only for the purpose of distributing the 
lilies, who had obtained the franchise, into eight or ten new tribes It 
is not probable that Archias gave in his name on that occasion ; be- 



ORATION FOR THE POET ARCHIAS. 357 

Pagt 

cause., fiaving resided at Rome for a long time, he might hope to bo inn 
admitted among the old tribes. 

18. Noil., ac taiitummodo indieat. Et, atque (ac) are some- 
times used where we should use but; in connecting opposite notions, 
the first having a. negative with it. "But rather" is " ac potius :" 
less commonly et potius. 

19. Indieat eum . . . . ita se jam turn gessisse pro cive. Ita 
sb " so far, "ox " as such" by the very fact of this enrolment among 
the citizens at the census. It refers the reader to the preceding state- 
ment : " Id quo refertur ita, interdum exprimitur verbis proxime an- 
tccedentibus vel uno nomine, quod in prioribus cmintt : quemadmo- 
dum GrcEci pragredienti participio adjungunt reliquam senteniiam 
per otirtag. Id, quod dicitur hac particula restringitur ad earn notio- 
nem, qua modo est expressa : unde fit, vt intelligamus eo ipso." 
Hand. vol. iii. 482. 

20. Q,uem tu crimiuaris, &c, i. e. iste Archias, quern. Mat- 
thiae, who reads qua, tu, &c, considers this an instance of attraction 
for quibus. Klotz first takes qua tu criminaris by itself, and consid- 
ers the following clause an instance of epexegesis ; i. e. of an explan- 
atory statement (here an explanatory statement of the substanco of 
the charge) that is appended to a previous assertion, without any strict 
grammatical coherence. He adds, it would all be plain if it stood in 
full, Us temporibus qua tu criminaris, quum dicis cum ne ipsius qui- 
dem, &c. Nauck also adopts qua, and renders " in those times du- 
ring which he, according to your accusations," &c. Madvig and Stu- 
renburg (ed. 2) read quern. 

22. Testamentum saepe fecit. Roman citizens alone wero al- 
lowed to make a will, or be made heir of a Roman citizen ; a proof 
that Archias considered himself to be a Roman citizen (suo judicio). 

23. In beneficiis .... delatus est. In beneficiis deferri = 
in iis, qui beneficia merentur, deferri ; " to be recommended as omi 
deserving rewards." When a Roman proconsul or propraetor returned 
from his province, and gave in his accounts, &c, to the treasury, he 
also delivered in the names of persons whom he wished to be recorded 
as benefactors to the Roman state. In Cicero's time these recommen- 
dations must be made within thirty days after the rendering of ac- 
counts. Fam. 5, 20 ; Balb. 28. This did not constitute a claim to 
any immediate or particular reward, but was an honor, and, in case 
of any ganger, See., an advantage, as entitling a person so honored to 
the good offices of the Roman government. It appears from this pas- 
sage that only citizens were so recorded. Mobius compares rovg tbep- 
yirai tov (3aci\iws (Herod. 8, 85), and the elcpysoiai of the Syracusans, 
Xen. Hist. Grac. 1, 1, 26. So when Mordecai discovered the plot 
against tho king's life, his name " was written in the book of the 



358 NOTES. 

Pa ff e 

]QQ chronicles before the Tang." Esth. ii. 23. See Diet. Antiq. Bkne- 
ficium. 

24. A Ii. Lucullo proconsule. Stiirenburg (ed. 2) and Nauck 
for proconsule read the abbreviated P. R. of the MSS. as populi Roma- 
ni consule. 

Ch. VI. — 25. Si quse potes. Stiirenburg holds that " the older 
and fuller form, si quis, si qua, is used by Cicero when the logical 
faculty, the intellect, predominates : the later and shorter form, si qui, 
si qua, when the sensibility, the feelings are uppermost." 

26. Reviiicetur = convincetur. " He will never be convinced 
that his judgment, and that of his friends, is unfounded and false." 

29. Convicio. Convicium is the shouting and quarrelling of tho 
orators and parties at a trial ; hence also strepitus forensis. Quinctil. 
1, 8, 11 : Pracipue apud Ciceronem — vidimus Ennii — et aliorum 
inseri versus, summa non eruditionis modo gratia, sed etiam jucun- 
ditatis, quum poeticis voluptalibus awes a forensi asperitate respi- 
rent. 

30. Aiitu existimas? P. C. 120, (/), (a). 

31. Nisi animos nostros doctrina excolamus. Cf. Tusc. 2, 
5, 13: ut ager quamvis fertilis sine culiura fructuosus esse non po- 
test, sic sine doctrina animus. 

33. Conteiitionem. A metaphor derived from bending the bow; 
therefore relaxemus immediately afterwards. 

35. Se . . . . Uteris abdiderunt. The phrase se in liieras ab- 
dere is more common : e. g. Fam. 7, 33 : me totum in liieras abdere, 
&c. Literis is tho abl. See H. 414, 4. 

3 7. Q,uid pudeat. Quid = cuj us rei causa. See H. 410, III ; 
and 525. 

38. Vivo = "have lived;" the past and present being brought 
into connection. — Aut commodo. Stiirenburg (2) and Nauck: aut 
commodum. 

40. Retardarit. Retardare ab aliquo, or ab aliqua re, is quite 
correct, though Matthias appears to doubt it ; e. g. posteriora (tempora) 
vie a scribendo . . . retardarunt ; Fam. 5, 17. 

41. Quantum ceteris, &c. Cf. Quinct 1, 12, 18: qui vcro 
imaginem ipsam eloquenticn divina quadam mente conce per it— facile 
persuadebit sibi, ut tempora, qua spectaculis, campo, tesseris, otiosis 
denique scrmonibus, ne dicam somno et conviviorum mora conterunt, 
gcomctra potius ac musico impendat. Cf. Plat Phaidr. p. 27£. D. 

42. Ceteris .... alii. This proleptic use of these words is very 
common. Here they stand not with reference to each other, but to 
cgomet, as in ch. 1 ceteris and alios to huic .... ipsi. Cf. 5, 10. 
ceteri .... hie; 7, 16, cetera .... hac studia ; Leg. Manil. 10, 25; 
Sull. 3, 9. 

44. Temporum. See note on p. 44, line 13. 






ORATION FOR THE POET ARCHIAS. 359 

Pag* 

1. Tempestivis conviviis. Tempesliva convivia are to be un-1Q1 

derstood of entertainments which commence early, before the ninth 
hour, i. e. before three o'clock in the afternoon, which was the usual 
hour for the coena, and extend late into the night. Intempestiva in 
this connection is an old error still met with in some editions. — Alveulo. 
Nauck prefers the common text alece. Alveolus is the gaming board 
or table, the place of the game for the game itself. 

2. Pilae. See Diet. Antiq. Pila. 

3. Atque hoc adeo, &c. The adeo is to be joined with hoc. 
Hand. " Constat, a Latinis particulam adeo, ut a Grrecis particulars 
yi, turn usurpatam esse, cum res aliqua, do qua jam ante dictum erat, 
majore vi efferenda erat : eaque significatione saepissime conjuhctam 
inveniri cum pronominibus is et hie." S. (who, however, rejects adeo 
in Ed. 2 ; observing that, common as id adeo is, hoc adeo is not 
found.) Madvig : Atque hoc ideo, &c. Nauck : Atque id eo mihi, 
&c, comparing LcbI. 4, 15 : idque eo mihi magis, &c. ; and Acad. 2, 

1, 2; Suet. Cces. 81. Stiirenburg: atque hoc id mihi. 

4. Oratio et facultas = (nearly) orationis facultas. Cf. post red. 
in sen. c. 13, judicio et posteritaii. Oral. 55, 183 : natura atque sensu 
= sensu naturali. H. IQI, II, 2. For crescit, Nauck prefers censetur. 

5. Q,uantacunque = quantulacunque. But it must be remembered 
that it means " however great ," "to whatever magnitude.it reaches;" 
though the orator modestly implies that it is a small one. Cf. de Orat. 

2, 28, 122 : Atque ego is, qui sum, quantuscunque sum ad judican- 
dum, &c. S. Klotz omits est. 

6. Clua3 sunima sunt, i. e. " recte vivendi praecepta, quae philoso- 
phia continentur." " That which is the highest that man can attain ;" 
namely, principles to guide him in practical life. 

8. Literis, "from literary works;" the works of poets, historians, 
orators, philosophers. Literal are opposed to praecepta, which aro im- 
parted viva voce : the sapientium voces, afterwards mentioned. 

9. Nisi laudem. Laus is here well-founded praise ; a good rep- 
utation fairly won. Matthias observes that the Greeks, on the con- 
trary, use the names virtue, vice, respectively, for the praise or cen* 
sure that follows them : rnv dpeTi)v KTiiaaadat = laudem virtutis com- 
parare. 

10. Honestatem. Cf. § 15 : laudem et virtutcm. 

11. Omnia .... exsilia, " all kinds of banishment." Madvig: 
exsilii. 

12. In tot ... . dirnicationes .... objecissem. Cf. Cluent. 41, 
113 : Nego rem esse ullam in quemquam illorum objectam, qua, &c 
So offerre with in, as well as with dat. : e. g. pro Sest. 1, 1 : qui au- 
dcrent se et salutem suam in discrimen offerre pro statu civitatis et 
pro commum libertate. A reason for not choosing the dative after 
objiccre, which is its more common construction, may in this instance 



360 NOTES. 

Ptl£C 

if)] be found in the circumstance that impetus lacks the dative and a'wla 
tive plural. Cicero alludes here to the conspiracy of Catiline, and to 
the attacks of the Clodian faction which drove him into exile. 

14:. Pleni sunt omnes libri, &c, i. e. "full of those principles, 
the power of which he had just stated." Stiirenburg (2) and Nauck : 
pleni omnes sunt libri. Cf. Tusc. 1, 6, 11. 

15. Exemplorum vetustas = exempla vetusta. Cf. pro Rose. 
Com. 2, 6: literarum vetustatem. S. Nauck however compares 
Plena vita exemplorum est. Tusc. 5, 27, 79; and construes 
exemplorum with the adjective plenus. Cf. de Off. 3, 11, 47. 

19. Expressas. Expressus is a metaphor borrowed from sculp- 
ture, and is opposed to adumbratus, "sketched in outline." Gloria est 
solida qucedam res et expressa, non adumbrate Tusc. 3, 2, 3. 

Ch. VII.— 25. Difficile est. H. 475, 4. 

26. Q,uid respondeam. " I know what to reply." Cf. Verr. 5, 
21, 53. Klotz, from Cod. Erf.: quod respondeam. 

27. Ego multos homines. Simile argumentum tractat Isocrat. 
■tt. avTiddc. § 203 sq. ed. Bekk. 

31. Atque idem ego. Idem is not simply equivalent to etiam, 
but has an adversative force (" yet for all that"), denoting an opposi- 
tion between the notions. H. 451. Ad Att. 1, 11: Ac ne illud mi- 
rere, cur, quum ego antea significarim tibi per litteras, me sperare 
ilium in nostra potestate fore, nunc idem videar diffidere. Off. 1, 
24, 84: Inventi multi, qui non modo pecuniam, sed vitam etiam pro- 
fundere pro patria parati essent, iidem glories jacturam ne minimam 
quidem facere vellent. See Hand, i. pp. 477, 493. 

3 3. Conformatio doctrinae = conformatio natures (sive ingenii), 
qua doctrina efficitur. So sermonis delectatio ; de Senect. 14, in. 
Voluptates epularum ; ibid. § 50 = quas epulce afferunt. Heumann 
compares with what follows the words of Zeno in Diogenes Laert. 7, 8: 
(jjvaig cvyevrii pzrpiav aaicriciv irposXafiovara, en ce top aipdovujs SiSd^ovra, paSiug 
IpXtrai npus rr\v Ttktiav avdXrjipiv rrjs apsryjs. 

34:. Nescio quid. H. 525,4. This phrase usually implies that tho 
thing is unimportant or insignificant. Here it heightens the notion by 
its very indefiniteness = something quite distinguished. This force 
also often belongs to quidam; e. g. ch. 2, 3, novum quoddam genus; 
8, 18, divino quodam spiritu. 

35. Ex hoc esse liunc numero, sc. contendo. — Ex hoc .... nu~ 
mero. Cf. § 31. 

36. Africauum .... Iiaelium .... Furiuni. These three men 
are mentioned also, de Orat. 2, 37, as surrounded by men of the high- 
est cultivation of the time. — Divinum hominem. See Arnold's Nepos, 
Paus. 1, 1, p. 116. 

39. Catonem. He was surnamed Censorius or Sapiens, was a 
groat orator, who learned Greek at a very advanced age, and wrote 



ORATION FOR THE POE1 AKC1IIAS. 361 

many works. Cicero has called his treatise, de Seneclule, after him, iai 
and made him one of the interlocutors in it. Cf. de Oral. 1, 37. — 
Si nihil .... adjuvarentur. Where ice should use the pluperf. Cf 
S Cat. 4, 3. 

42. Et si, &c. Where toe should use " but." See note on p. 100, 
Une 18. 

43. Hanc animi adversionem. " Tendency" or " direction of 
the mind," "mental occupation." The substantive adversio is not 
found in any other passage. Matthias observes that animum advertere 
is much less than studere ret or opera m in ca collocare. But Cicero 
may choose to speak of some attention to such studies as a secondary, 
though interesting and valuable, pursuit. Madvig : animi rcmissionem, 
which Orelli also approves. 

44. Judicaretis = judicare deberetis. Cf. Etenim qui praessc 
<igro colendo Jiagitium putes,profecio ilium Atilium, quern sua inanu 
spargentem semen, qui missi erant, convenerunt, hominem turpissi- 
vium atque inhonestissimum judicares. Pro Rose. Am. 18, 50. — 

Nam cetera, &c at hac. Madvig omits at. Hand (Turs. 1, 

420) corrects the prevalent notion, that in such contrasted cases the 
adversative particle at is usually omitted. He gives a great many in- 
stances of its insertion. Fecit idem Themistocles . ... at idem Peri- 
cles non fecit .... Alt. 7, 11 : Ul major es nostri Tusculanos, &.c 

in civitatem .... acceperunt ; at Karthaginem el Numantiam fundi- 
tus sustulerunt. Off. 1, 11 — Cetera, sc. animi adversiones, i. e. artes, 
etudia. Namety, those of a more practical nature ; the object of which 
is not solely the ennobling of the mind, but by which we may make 
ourselves useful to our country and our fellow-men. Nauck inclines 
to think cetera the true reading, and cetera res a gloss on this. 

1. Omnium belongs to each of the genitives, temporum, atatum, J(J9 
locorum. 

2. Acuiuit. Klotz, Stiirenburg, Benecke, and Nauck retain tho 
reading of the MSS. agunt, in the sense of employ, keep busy. 

4. Non impediunt foris. A cold praise. In Or. 43, extr. he 
expresses himself far more strongly: qua quidem me antea injudicia 
atquc in curiam deducebant, nunc oblectant domi. Matthias's next 
remark that peregrinari, rusticari, &c, convey no great praise, be- 
cause the wicked devices of bad men occupy them as fully by day and 
by night, at home and abroad, has no good foundation. That tho 
presence of good is perpetual, is a blessing that is not diminished be- 
cause the presence of evil is perpetual too. With the general praise, 
Heumann compares Fam. 5, 13 : Quibus secunda res ornantur, adver- 
sa adjuvantur. Quinct. 6, procem. 14 : Credendumque doctissimis ho- 
minibus, qui unicum adversorum solatium litems putaverunt. Plin. 
Ep. 8, 19 : Et gaudium mild et solatium in Uteris, nihilque tarn 
latum, quod his latius, nihil tarn triste, quod non per has sit minus 

SI 



362 NOTES. 

Pige 

i rvo trisie. Netscher adds, Aristot. ap. Diog. La. 5, 19 : rrjv irai&ihv iXtyn 
kv ixtv rati tbrvxiais tlvai KOfffiov, iv Se raiff oltvxicus Kara(f>\iyijv. 

5. Rusticantur. The rich and distinguished among the Romans 
spent their summers at their country-seats, and Cicero wrote many of 
his treatises at his Tusculan villa. 

6. Attingere = " discere." — Sensu- nostra gustare = " scntire 
prcestantiam eoru?n." 

Ch. VIII.— 9. Tarn ammo agresti. Cf. Verr. 5, 48, 127: Sici- 
licnn tarn in paucis villis. Klotz : animo tarn agresti. 

lO. Roscii, i. e. Q. Roscii, comcedi. Roscius had acquired such 
a perfection in his acting on the stage, that his name became prover- 
bial for any one distinguished in his art or profession. Cicero himself 
elsewhere owns that he had learned much from Roscius, especially in 
reference to delivery. Cf. p. Quinct. 25; de Orat. 1,28; de Nat. 
Deor. 1, 28 ; and the oration in which Cicero pleaded his cause. 

12. Ergo ille. An argument, a minore ad majus, of which the 
more common form is an ille . . .? followed by non . . .? So 1 Off. 
31, 114: Ergo histrio hoc videbit in scena, non videbit vir sapiens 
in vita? Orat. 51, 171 : Ergo Ennio licuit vetcra coniemnenti di- 
cere Versibu' .... mild de antiquis eodem modo non licebit ? Cf. 
ch. 9, in. 10 in. 

13. A nobis omnibus, i. e. from all of us alike, whether learned 
or unlearned. 

14:. Hos. Klotz, Benecke, and Nauck read nos, which gives al- 
most a better sense, and at any rate is more oratorical, as opposed to 
ille, although the antithesis is not strictly logical. — Animorum incre- 
dibiles motus. " Activity of the soul" refers, in the first place, to Ar- 
chias ; but the plural animorum and ingeniorum renders the thought 
more general ; and to this nos is better suited, though hos may be 
equivalent to hujusmodi or tales. 1 de Orat. 25, 113: animi atque 
ingenii celeres quidam motus esse debent. 3 de Nat. Dcor. 27, 69 : 
motwn istum celerem cogitationis. 

1 T. Novo genere dicendi, i. e. the encomium which he is going to 
pronounce upon poetry and the arts, which, as such, has nothing to 
do with the trial. 

20. Revocatum. Requested to repeat, encored. Hor. Ep. 2, 1, 
223. Archias, as the Italian improvisatori, composed and repeated 
other verses on the spot, relating to the same subject. Hacc ars, si ta- 
men ars dicenda est, elucet etiam ex Archioe epigrammatis avaBvpaTiKt.'is 
Anthol. Palat. 1, p. 189, N. 16, p. 197, N. 39, p. 242, N. 179, 150, 181 
p. 261, N. 207, in quibus omnibus terni fratres vel teniae sorores diis 
donaria offerunt. Orelli. 

22. Cogitate. This is the only passage in Cicero in which tins 
tdverb occurs ; nor is it found m other writers, except sometimes in 



ORATION FOR THE POET ARCHIAS. 3G3 

Pa^e 

Plautus, so that it appears to have belonged to familiar conversation,! no 
instead of to a more elevated style. S. 

23, Fervenirent. The so-called Comparatio compendiaria. Om- 
ncs enim auditores illico iiitelligebant sententiam hanc esse: " Archia, 
carmiua accuratius elaborata perveniebant ad laudem carminum a ve- 
teribns poetis compositorum. Stiirenburg : perveniret. 

28. Inflari = tvBovaid^tcQai. — Suojure = "with full right." 

29. Ennius, a native of Rudiae in Calabria, flourished in the time 
of the second Punic war, in which he served as a centurion, and of 
which he composed a poetical history He also wrote tragedies, satyric 
dramas, and a eulogy on the elder Scipio Africanus ; but wo have 
only fragments of his works. He died, a. u. c. 585. 

SO. Dono atque raunere. " Donum a voluntate potius quam 
ab officio proficisci ; munus cum aliquo officio conjunctum esse vide- 
tur." Manutius. Cf. Dod. 

31. Videantur. H. 527. 

33. Saxa et solitudines voci respondent, &c. Nauck: voce 
respondent. Quinct. 9, 4, 44, says of this passage: " Magis insur- 
gebat, si verteretur ; nam plus est saxa, quam bestias commoveri ; 
vieit tamen compositions decor ;" a strange opinion (as Stiirenburg 
remarks), the re-echoing of the rocks being a natural law, which, he 
irreverently adds, would take effect, if the voice were the braying of a 
donkey. The fact is, that it is a poor piece of trumpery declamation. 
Cf. Verr. 5, 67, in. : Si hose non ad cives Romanos, non ad aliquos 
amicos nostra, civitatis, non ad eos, qui populi Romani nomen audis- 
scnt, denique si non ad homines, verum ad bestias, aut etiam, ut lon- 
gius progrediar, si in aliqua descrtissima soliiudine ad saxa et ad 
scopulos h(£c conqueri et deplorare vellem, tamen omnia mixta atque 
inanima tanta et tarn indigna rerum atrocitate commovereniur. 

34. Bestiae sospe iminaiies. " Si quis [haec] attente considered 
videbit nullo modo referri posse ad Orphei et Arionis fabulam : quod 
tamen erudito homini, Paulo Manutio, visum est. Nam quod pcrraro 
factum poetae fabulantur, quo ore id Cicero dixisset ssepe fieri ? Me- 
lius igitur Victorius, qui id jam pridem ad scrpentes retulerat : quos 
carminibus flecti ac consistere opinio est. Gothicarum quidem rerum 
scriptores narrant, ursos ita delectari tibiarum et fistularum pastorici- 
arum sono,ut, cum in pastores impetum facturi sunt, saepe ab eis cantu 
mulceantur : atque hanc usitatissimam pastoribus ejus regionis rationem 
esse expediendse ab ursorum impetu salutis sua?. Vix tamen est, ut 
existimem id Ciceroni notum fuisse." Muretus. Benecke considers 
this too meager an explanation to suit the coloring of the entire pas- 
sage. The myths respecting the onchanting notes of the singers of tho 
earliest times floated before the mind of the orator, and, carried away 
by his feelings, he represents as of frequent occurrence, what was a 
matter of individual experience 



304 NOTES. 

Page 

102 ***** Homerum, Cicero here mentions only four towns which 
claimed the honor of being Homer's birthplace. A Greek verse men- 
tions seven. — Colophonii .... itaque etiam delubrum ejus in oppido 
dedicaverunt, caussa nulla est, cur mutetur. Quamvis enim Ietaa 
quoque Homer um suum esse contenderent, non tamen Ciceroni propo- 
situm fuit eas omnes urbes nominare, qua? sibi summum ilium poetan* 
vindicarent. Et notum est apud Smyrnceos Homeri delubrum fuisse 
Strabo libro quartodecimo : con ce Kal PtpXioBijKrj rat to 'Oyifiptiov. uroii 
rtrpdywvos cxovoa veuv 'Onrjpov Kal %6avov' avriiroiovvrai yap Kal ovtoi Sia- 
■p:p6vrus tov noirjrov' Kal 5fi Kal vS/jug/joi ti x a ^ K0 ^ v 7ra , D ' avroiS 'Owvpeion 
\iytTai. Muretus. 

3T. Smyrnsei vero. H. 587, III. 

Ch. IX.— Ergo illi. See note on line 12. 

42. Q,ui et. Klotz and Sturenburg: et qui. 

43. Praesertim quuin, i. e. minime vero (repudiabimus) prct- 
sertim quum, &c. Klotz, Madvig, and Nauck : repudiamus. 

103 !• Cimbricas res .... attigit, . e. the victory of Marius over 
the Cimbri. Attigit = scribere coepit, inchoavit. Cf. ch. 11. 

2. Q,ui durior ad haec studia videbatur = " qui ea sensu suo 
minus gustare poterat." Cf. Sail. Jug. 85, where Marius is made to 
say: " Neque literas Gracas didici. Parum placebat eas discere, 
quippe qucB ad virtutem doctoribus nihil prof uerunt." 

4. Aversus a Musis = afiovo-os. 

8. Ejus, a quo sua virtus. Cf. Val. Max. 8, 13. Pintarch at- 
tributes this to Xenophon, alluding no doubt to Hier. 1, 1-1: tov us* 
fjdiaTov aKpodjiaTos, liraivov, oil-ore ciravt^tTf or J\Ietn. 2, 1, 31 : too 6f nav- 
tu>v l,biaTov aKova/xaTOS, iTraivov ceav-yji, avr,Koos el. There is no reason, 
however, for doubting that Themistocles may have uttered the senti- 
ment. 

9. L. Plotium. L. Plotius Gallus. He taught rhetoric at Rome 
about a. u. c. 671, and also wrote poetry. Cf. Suet, de claris Rhet. 
2 ; Quinct. 2, 4, 42 ; Meyer, Orat. Rom. Frag. p. 380. For item 
Sturenburg reads idem. 

10. Q,uae gesserat. H. 501, 2. 

12. In multa varietate, &c. ; from its various fluctuations oi 
success, its battles by day and by night, its sieges, &c. — Totum ab 
hoc expressmn est. Not totum, but only the part of it that Lucidtus 
carried on ; not the later and final successes of Pompey, who had his 
eulogist in the person of Theophaues of Mitylene. Manutius. 

13. Expressum est, i. e. a lively image was given. Exprimerc 
properly refers to an image in wax, gypsum, &c. ; or per ahenea 
signa, as Hor. Ep. 2, 1, 248, has it. 

15. Aperuit .... Pontura. Cf. pro lege MamL 8, 21 : patefac- 
tumque nostris legionibus esse Pontum, qui ante populo Romano ex 
omni aditu clausus fuisset. Pontus was bounded on the north by the 



ORATION FOR THE 1'OET ARCHIAS. 365 

Page 

Euxine, and on the landward sides enclosed by a chain of mountains. -mq 
Mithridates had besides guarded this country by five and seventy for- 
tresses. Stiirenburg reads et ipsa natura egregie vallatum; Nauck, 
from the MSS. which give natura regione, makes natura et regione. 

18. Noil maxima maim. Plutarch, Lucull. 27, says, 10,000 
heavy-armed soldiers. — Innumerabiles Armeniorum copias. Plutarch, 
ib. c. 26 and 27, says 260,000. He is speaking of the battle at Tigra- 
nocerta. He tells us that Tigranes said, when he saw the Romans, 
el /xev wf TTpevflevrai, ttoXXoi irdptioiv' si Si w? arpariSiTai, iiXiyoi. 

19. Urbem .... Cyzicenorum. Cf. pro Muren. 15, 33 : Quum 
totius impetus belli ad Cyzicenorum mania constiiisset, eamque ur- 
bem sibi Mithridates Asia januam fore, putavisset, qua effracta et 
revulsa iota pateret provincia, pcrfecta ab Lucullo hac sunt omnia, 
ut vrbs fidelissimorum sociorum defenderetur, et omnes copia regis 
diuturnitate obsidionis consumerentur. Cf. also pro I. Manil. 8, 20. 

20. Belli ore. Victor, V L. xxix. 6, compares Horn. II. K '. 8, 
TTToXifwio niya ar6\).a nevKcSavolo. The metaphor is taken from wild 
beasts. 

21. Nostra semper feretur .... depressa liostium classis = 
depressio hostium classis. H. 574. This use of participles is very 
common; e. g. 1 Verr. 4, 11: quastura quid aliud habet in se, nisi 
Cn. Carbonem spoliatum — nudatum et proditum Consulem, desertum 
excrcitum ? "As ou r exploit will the sinking of the enemy's fleet, 
&c, always be named and celebrated." 

23. Apud Tenedum pugna. On the sea-fight off Tenedos, cf. 
p. 1. Manil. 8, 21 ; and especially pro Muren. 15, 33. Quid? Main 
•pugnam navalem ad Tenedum, quum contcnto cursu, acerrimis duci~ 
bus, hostium classis Italiam spe atque animis inflata peteret, medi- 
ocri certamine et parva dimicatione commissam arbitraris. With 
respect to ad and apud, Ruddiman teaches properly that ad = in loco 
proximo; apud = circa vel prope. S. 

21. Troprea, marks of places where victories have been won. 
They consisted of arms piled upon one another, or suspended on pillars 
or trees. — Monumenta, artificial monuments, such as columns or in- 
scriptions. The triumphs here alluded to are those of Lucullus, foi 
Pompey's triumph was not celebrated till after the time of this speech. 

25. Quae quorum, &c. " Therefore those, by whose" &c. 
Nauck retains the old reading Quare, quorum ingeniis nac feruntur, 
i. e. ea, quas diximus, patescunt omniumque ore celebrantur. 

2T. In sepulchro Scipioiium. Liv. 38, 56. Roma extra por- 
tion Capenam in Scipionum monumenio ires statua sunt; quarum 
dua P. et L. Scipionum dicuntur esse, ieriia poeta Q. Ennii. Plin. 
H. N. 7, 30 : Prior Africanus Q. Ennii staiuam sepulchro suo imponi 
jussit, clarumque iilud nomen, immo vero spolium ex tcrtia orbis 
parte raptum, in cincre supremo cum Poeta titulo legi. Klotz says 



366 NOTES. 

Page 

l no that Fliny asserts that he had himself read the name of Ennius on the 

monument; but is not legi the infin. (not perfect indicative)! jussit t 
nomen .... legi. This celebrated monument was discovered a. d 
1780, but contained no such statues as are spoken of in the above quo- 
tation . 

28. At iis laudibus, sc. quibus Ennius Scipionem ornavit. S., 
who compares Fam. 5, 13, 3 : Casus enim gladiatorii similitudines- 
que e<B, turn rationes in ea disputaiione a te collectce vetdbant me 
rei public a penitus diffidere ; i. e. similitudinesque ecz, quibus usua 
cs. 

29: Ipse, qui laudatur, instead of the common reading ipsi, qui 
laudantur. Ita hoc membrum refertur ad unum Africanum : in se- 
quentibus alios nominat viros illustres ab Ennio in annalibus celebratos. 

30. In coelum . . . adjungitur. The two propositions are placed 
together without a conjunction, as if they were not related to each 
other ; but the relation is implied by this very juxtaposition. The 
force is quum in caelum Cato tollitur, turn, &c. — Hvjus = Catonis 
Uticensis: proavus Cato, Censorius. Hie is often used of contempora- 
ries = qui nunc vivit, in opposition to one of an earlier day. It often 
also denotes one present. 

32. Ormies denique illi, &c. These are the most celebrated 
Roman generals in the second Punic war : Q. Fabius Maximus Cunc- 
tator ; Claudius Marcellus, the conqueror of Syracuse, a. u. c 542 ; 
and Q. Fulvius Flaccus, the conqueror of Capua in a. u. c. 543. 

33. Decorantur = celebrantur ; namely, by Ennius in his an- 
nals. 

Ch. X. — 34. Rudinum hominem, i. e. Ennius, who says of him- 
self, de Orat. 3, 42, Nos suniu' Romani; qui fuvimus ante Rudini; 
from which, as from the passage before us, it appears that Rudia was 
not a fcederata civitas. Cicero means to contrast its insignificance 
with the splendor of Heraclia, whence Archias derived his claim of 
citizenship. 

36. In liac, i. e. at Rome itself. Ennius had obtained the Roman 
franchise through M. Fulvius Nobilior, the conqueror of the iEtolians, 
a. u. c. 565;, who had led a colony to Rudia3. 

3T. De .... civitate ejicienius I If he had said c cicitale, it 
might have been supposed that he meant in exsilium mittere. Com- 
pare exire de vita, Lcel.4, 15 ; de manibus cxtorsimus; ex urbe dc- 
pulsus, 2 Cat. 1, 2. See Hand, Turs. ii. p. 188. 

38. Nam si quis, &c. Nam is not a mere particle of transition, 
but implies that what the orator is going to say is related in the way 
of reasoning to what preceded. The " shall we cast him out of the 
number of citizens?" implies a strong denial of this; involving the 
notion, gathered from what preceded, that the city would disgrace itself 
by casting out one who had conferred such honor upon it. Cicero 



ORATION FOR THE POET ARCIIIAS. 367 

Paga 

proceeds to justify this assertion, and the consequent assumption thatlQ^ 
he ought not to he cast out, and should not be cast out, by meeting 
the objection that the city had not received any considerable honor 
from him because he wrote in Greek. = ejiciemus? minime vero ; 
nam, quod contradicere aliquis possit Gratis carminibus Archiae po- 
puli Romani gloriam minus celebrari, s. si quis minor em . . . 
err at. 

40. Leguutur in omnibus fere gentibus, sc. through their colo- 
nies, and through the conquests of Alexander the Great, the Greek 
language had spread over the coasts of the Mediterranean, and through- 
out the Eastern world. Cf. dc Div. 1, 41, 90 : eaque divinationum ratio 
we in barharis quidem gentibus neglecta est. Tusc. 5, 27, 77: in 
(a tamen gente primum ii qui sapientes habentur, nudi cetatem 
agunt, &c S. 

41, Suis finibus. That is, is limited to Latium ; since even in 
the neighboring Etruria a different language was spoken. Tho ex- 
pression, however, is nevertheless oratorical. 

43, Q,uo manuum, &c. Nauck: quo minus manuum . . . . co 
gloriam; giving this sense: Our deeds do not extend beyond the 
boundaries of our empire. It is to be desired, therefore, that those na- 
tions beyond tho limits of the Roman empire, who have not experi- 
enced our prowess, should at least be reached by the fame of our deeds. 
Stiirenburg : quo erninus, &c. 

44. Gloriam famamque sic intelligi voluit, ut cogitaretur de glo- 
ria famaque, hoc est de glories fama, quam carmina adderent Roma- 
uorum rebus gestis. S. 

1. Ampla. Honorable, glorious. \0i 

2. De vita. Delenda haec vv. censet Stiirenburg (2). Sed non 
est "pro vita, ut earn sibi conservent dimicantes," sed " vitam expo- 
nents :" ut § 29. Orelli. 

3. Periculorum incitamentum = incit. ad pericula subcunda. 
So opes, irritamenta malorum, O. Met. 1, 140 ; invitamentum sceleris, 
Veil. Paterc 2, 67. Hark. 396, IL — Quam multos scriptores, &c. 
" No contemporary author of the campaigns of Alexander remains. 
Our best account comes from Arrian, who lived in the second cen- 
tury of the Christian era, but who drew up his history from the ac- 
counts of Ptolemy, the son of Lagus, and Aristobulus of Cassandria.''* 
Smith's Diet, of Biog. The work that gives most information on this 
•subject is St. Ci-oix's Examcn critique des Anciens Hisloriens 
d' 'Alexandre le grand. 

5. In Sigeo. Sigeum, a promontory on the coast of Troy, with 
the y AxiX\eiov, the reputed tomb of Achilles. 

T. Prceconem, translated from the Greek Ki'ipvt (used by Plutarch 
in vit. Alex. 15, extr.). Tho usual Latin term for herald, figuratively 
used, is pradicaior, laudator. Buccinator is trumpeter. — Invcneris* 



368 ffOTEt 

Page 

J04.II- 519. Klotz, Stiirenburg, and Nauck inveueras. Sed meius est 
error librarii persaspe modos et tempora confundentis. Orelli. 
8. Nisi Ilias ilia. Nauck: nisi Mi ars ilia, i. e. Mi Achilii urs 
ilia Homeri. 

10. Noster hie Magnus. Cn. Pompey, who was surnamed iho 
Great. Benecke : Quid noster hie Magnus, &c. 

1 1 . Theophanem. We learn from Cic. Alt. 2, 5, 1, &c, tha he 
was the intimate and confidential friend of Pompey, and had very 
great influence with him (Att. 5, 11, 3). He accompanied him on his 
expeditions in the East. Only a few epigrams of his have come down 
to our time. 

12. Nostri illi fortes viri. The fortes viri are the soldiers of 
Pompey ; nostri is here used with emphasis aud pride. 

13. Sed rustici ac milites. Cf. de Senect. 20, 75: non solum 
indocti, sed etiam rustici. 

15. Itaque, credo, an ironical supposition. The meaning is: any 
imperator would have been happy to make him a citizen. What fol- 
lows is to be taken in the same sense. How is perjicere non potuit to 
be construed? P. C. 130. 

IT. Potuit. H. 475. Cf. 3 Cat. 3, 22.—Hispanos . . . ct Gallos 
In the Or at. pro Balb. 22, 50, he mentions Aristo of Massilia (Mar- 
seilles) and nine inhabitants of Gades. 

18. Q,uem uos, &c. Klotz: quern nos in condone vidimus.' 
quum .... statim ex his rebus, quas turn rendebat, jussit ci, Sue. 
Stiirenburg: vidimus, cui quum Ubellum . . . .jussit ei, &lc. 

19. Libelluni, any short composition. Cf. O. Trist. 3, 14, 51: 
Qualemcumque igitur venia dignare Ubellum. — Poeta de populo, i. e. 
an obscure, unknown poet = a> tSv ttoWSv, vulgaris. Cf. Divin. in 
C<ec. 16, 50 : de populo subscriplor addatur. 

20. Subjecisset, " had put (or thrust) into his hands." — Quod 
.... fr.cisset. Matthias thinks the subj. refers the assertion to the 
poetaster (who would say "feci in tc epigramma"), although Cicero 
adds the description of the metre. With this Orellis paraphrase ac- 
cords: " quern ego ipse in concione vidi, quum ei vulgaris aliquis poet i 
in manus timide porrecta dextra tradidisset libelhun, non carmen, bo J 
brevo scriptum, quo praamium petebat, propterea quod in ejus laudera 
composuisset epigramma (quod tamen, addit Cicero, quid aliud erat 
quam, ut solent esse ista Graeculorum poematia, numerus tantummodo 
aliquot distichorum elegiacorum, nulla elegantia, nullo lepore?)" 
Nauck, however, makes quod . . . . fecissct the thought of Sulla. Nor 
does in cum determine the question. 

21. Alternis versibus longiusculis, " in longs and shorts."- 
Tantummodo . . . versibus longiusculis, i. e. whose only merit was 
that they consisted of longs and shorts : " hoc est, in quo nihil aliud 
erat nisi alterni versus longiusculi, nulli sales, nullum admen, nihil 



ORATION FOR THE POET ARCHIAS. 369 

Page 

nisi disticha." S. By longiusculus the hexdmoter line is alluded to ~[C\A 
as longer than the pentameter. 

22, Veudebat. Z. 713. — Sed ea conditione. The common text, 
sub ca conditione, is contrary to the usage of Cicero. Nauck : tribui, 
ea conditione. 

23. Q,ui .... duxerit = quum Me duxerit. 

2\, Tamen, i. e. bad as the poet, and consequently the poem was, 
— Hujus referring to Archias, not cujus with Sturenburg and Benecke, 
by which the sentiment is made general. 

25* Virtutem in scribendo. So oratoriai virtutes, Brut. 17, 
G5 ; oratoris vis ilia divina virtusque, de Or. 2, 27, 120 ; comica vir- 
tus, Epigr. of Julius Ca?sar in Suet. vit. Ter. p. 46, ed. Wolf. — In 
scribendo (rather than scribendi) ; the prep, refers it to expetisset (?). 
M. Scribendi would limit virtus; in scribendo denotes the object, 
in quo ilia virtus cernitur. Benecke. 

21, Per Lucullos. According to Plutarch the Luculli were 
kinsmen of Metellus, and the mother of L. Lucuilus the sister of Q. 
Metellus Numidicus, the father of Pius. 

29, Cordubae. Corduba, the modern Cordova in Spain. What 
poet or poets are meant here is unknown. — Pingue, coarse, inelegant 
in the character and amount of its ornament. Cf. Orat. 8, 25: lia- 
que Caria, et Phrygia, et Mysia, quod minime polit<B minimcquc 
elegantes sunt, asciverunt aptum suis auribus opimu?n quoddam et 
tanquam adipatcc diciionis genus. — Sonantibus. Brut. 74, 259 : 
Cotta sonabat contrarium Catulo, subagreste quiddam planeque 
subrusticum. De Orat. 3, 12, init. : nihil sonare aut olere peregri- 
nitm. H. 371, 8. 

30. Peregrinum. Foreign or provincial ; they could not vvrito 
pure Latin. — Aures suas dederet = "libenter audiret." So aures 
suas dare alicui, Ait. 1, 5. Vide .... quibus .... aures sint dedi- 
ta mea, Ait. 2, 14, 2. 

Ch. XI. — 33. Optimus quisque maximc. H. 458. — Ipsi Mi 
philosophi. Tusc. 1, 15,34: quid nostri philosophi? nonne in his 
ipsis libris, quos scribunt de contemnenda gloria, sua nomina in~ 
scribunt ? Matthioe says that Cicero always uses inscribcre with in, 
but Sturenburg quotes vestris monumentis nomen suum inscripsit, 
from d. Harusp. 27, 58 ; an oration which some think not genuino : sc 
incsse in aliqua re, not rei. Inscribcre librum alicui would be to 
dedicate it to him. Ipsi Mi = tantopere celebrati. Manutius. Klotz: 
in Mis libellis. 

36. Proedicari de se ac nominari volunt, i. e. volunt nominari, 
and volunt de se pradicari, = nt de se pr<rdicclur; i. e. pradicari 
is, so to speak, used impersonally. 

3T. Decimals quidem Brutus, who anie tempus excises Nu- 
mantia', penetratis omnibus Hispania gentibus, ingenti vi hominum 



SlO NOTES. 

IQ^ urbiumque potiius numcro, aditis qua viz audita erant, Gallaci cog- 
nomen meruit, Veil. Paterc. 2, 5. Similiter honoratus animus crga 
poetam Accium D.Bruti,suis temporibus clari ducis, cxstitit ; cu- 
ius familiari cultu et promta laudationc delectatus, ejus versihus 
templorum aditus, quce ex manubiis consecraverat, adornavit. Val. 
Max. 8, 14, 2. Cf. Brut. 28, init. He was consul with P. Com. Scipio 
Serapio a. u. c. 616. Quidem, after proper names, = saltern, but with 
nearly the force of "for instance" one being selected out of many 
persons mentioned or alluded to. The force seems to be : " he at all 
ovents" (and therefore probably others). 

38. Accii, the old tragic poet Accius (or Attius), bcrn b. c. 170, 
Cicero had often conversed with him in his youth {Brut. 28). Ilia 
tragedies were mostly imitated from iEschylus, but some on Roman 
subjects {pratextata), e. g. one entitled Brutus, probably in honor of 
his patron. He is praised for the strength and vigor of his language, 
and the sublimity of his thoughts. Cf. Smith's Diet, of Biog. — Tem- 
plorum ac monumentorum. Monum. genus; templa, species. It 
was customary for generals to institute, from the portion of booty 
which fell to them, public festivities, or to erect public monuments. 
Some here understand the temple of Mars, others privato sanctuaries 
of D. Brutus, upon which he caused the Saturnism verses of his friend 
to be inscribed. 

lO. 31. Fulvius (Nobilior), who conquered the iEtolians. Catc 
ubjecit, ut probrum, M. Nobiliori, quod is in proviuciam poclas dux- 
isset : duxerat autem Consul (a. u. c. 5G5) ille in JEtoliam, ut sci- 
mus, Ennium. Tusc. 1, 2, 3. He brought from Ambracia the " Mu- 
ses" of Zeuxis, and founded a temple at Rome to them and Hercules 
Cf. Plin. 35, 10. 

42. Imperatores prope armati, i. e. who had hardly laid down 
their arms ; who had but just returned from war ; in opposition to the 
following to gat i judices. 
K)5 !• Atque, ut id libentius faciatis ; quum intelligetis, quantopcre 
id ego cupiam Archire devinctus propter consulatum meum ejus inge- 
nio celebratum. 

2. De meo quodam amorc gloria? . . . coufitebor. Cf. ad Far*. 
5, 12 ; ad Att. 1, 1G. 

4. Vobiscum siimil. The art of the orator in seeking to enlist 
the feelings of the judges for Archias, by making them participator? in 
the glory of his consulship, is apparent. — Hujus urbis at qua impciii. 
Madvig: hujusce imperii. 

«"». Froque. Z. 356, in fin. 

C». Inchoavit, non tamen ad terminum perduxit. Ait 1, 16, 15 

8. Adjuvi. The reading here differs greatly. Klotz and Stiiren- 
burg: adornavi. Sod nunquam h. v. sic ulitur Cicero pro: "instnud 
communicate cum co commentariis rerum in consuiatu moo gesUtruin. M 



ORATION FOR THE POET ARCHIAS. 371 

Orelli. Madvig: adhortatus sum. Nauck : quibus auditis mihi-tr\z 
magna res et jucunda visa est hunc ad perficiendum adhortari ; 
omitting quod. Other readings are adoravi, adhortavi, hortatus fui, 
hortavi and hortatus sum. Orelli's conjecture adjuvi, and Klolz's 
adornavi hint at Cicero's furnishing to Archias the materials, as ho 
offered to do to Lucceius. Fain. 5, 12. 

9. Praeter banc, i. e. quam commemoravi. Cf. Philipp. 5, 13, 
35 neque enim ullam mercedem tanta virtus prater hanc laudis 
gloriaque desidcrat ; but he there adds more philosophically, qua 
etiamsi careat, tamcn sit se ipsa contcnta. Cf. also Hor. Ep. \, 17, 
42.. Z.7GJ,Note. 

11. Tantis nos in laboribus exerceanius t So Fuse. 5, 1, 3: 
Casus, in quibus me fortuna vehementcr cxercuit. 

12. Si nihil animus praesentirct in posterum. Pro C. Itubir. 
perd. reo, 10, 29: Itane vero? tantis in laboribus C. Marius pcricu- 
Usque vixisset, si nihil longius quam vita termini postulabant, spe 
atque animo de se et gloria sua cogitasset ? Non est ita, Qui- 
rites, &c. See the rest of the passage. 

16. IVunc is here used (as the Greek pvv) to oppose the actual 
state of tilings to the supposed case (si nihil animus, &c.) rejected. 

1 9. Dimittendam, i. e. " ita ut cum vitajiniatur." Dimittendam 
is doubted by Orelli, because, with Lambinus, he thinks then not cum 
vita tempore, but cum vita fine, or cum vita, or morte would be 
required. Lambinus : dimetiendam, which Orelli thinks corresponds 
belter with adaquandam. Stiirenburg: dimetandam. 

Ch. XII. — 21. Parvi animi. Tarn demissi, angusti, contracti. 
Parvus ani?nus, " a narrow mind," which does not take the future into 
consideration. 

2S. An statuas, &c. On this form of argument, a minor e ad 
majus, cf. note on p. 9, lino 19. Tho following is an example, in 
which nonne occurs (as here) in the second clauso : — An vero, si do- 
mum magnam pulchramque videris, non possis adduci, ut, etiam si 
dominum non videas, muribus Mam et mustclis adificatam pules : 
tantum vero ornatum in,undi, tantam varielatem iwlchritudinemquc 
rerum ccelesiium, tantam vim et magnitudincm maris atque terra- 
rum, si tuum, ac non Deorum irmnortalium domicilium pules, nonnc 
plane desipere videaxc ? Be Nat. Deor. 2, 6, 17. Madvig: non 
multo malle, &c. 

29. Expressam refers to the truth and accuracy ; politam to tho 
finish and taste of the expression or representation. 

30. Jam turn in gerendo = jam turn, quum gercbam. 

31. Haec .... a mco se.nsu. From my perception. JIac refers 
to memoriam sempilcrnam. 

3 2. Sive .... ad aliquam animi mci partem, &c. Cicoro not 
uncommonly speaks of paries animi; c. g. quid est aulem se ipaum 



872 NOTES. 

Page 

\r\&colligerc,nisi dissipatas animi partes rursum in suum locum cugeie 1 

Tusc. 4, 36, 78. Cf. Acad. 2, 39 ; de Fin. 5, 13, 36. Hs mentions 

animus to indicate that if any thing survives, it will be the soul ; and 

he speaks indefinitely, to hint at the possibility of there being sorao 

difference in the perceptions or faculties of the soul after death. S 

Madvig: ad aliquam mei partem, omitting animi, as Hor. Od. 3, 30, 

6 ; Ovid, Am. 1, 15, 42. 

33. Sapientissimi homines. Such as Pythagoras and Socralce, 
who taught the immortality of the soul. 

36. Pudore eo. Pudor = auxppooivn- ea modestia, qucs mod in. 
tenet in dictis factisque. Cf. Fam. 5, 1 : quern si parum pudor ipsiu* 
defendebat. 

38. Vetustate = vetere notitia ; their long-enduring friendship. 
Significat : vetere consuetudine, quse ipsa signo est, virtutibus suis Ar- 
chiam dignum se praestitisse Ciceronis preesertim amicitia. Dignita- 
tem enim potius ceteris poetoe amicis, viris illustribus tribuit, sibi mo- 
destissime vetustatem, veterem, ut dixi, notitiam, quo significatu ali- 
quoties utitur. Orelli. Klotz and Stiirenburg: tenustale Sed de 
hominibus semper usurpat hoc v. Cicero cum leni cipuivcia, veluti Ycrr. 
5, 54, 142 ; in Pison. 28, 70. Accedit de Off. 1, 36, 130, venustatem 
muliebrem ducere debemus, dignitatem virilem; adeo ut, si Ar- 
chiae amicorum venustatem h. 1. commemorasset orator, vel ipsi Catoni 
risum concitasset. Orelli. Siipfie, who also reads vetustate, notices, 
that in this remark Orelli goes too far, and refers to ch. 8, artem ac ve- 
nustatem ; and Steinmetz, in defence of venustate, refers to de Orat. 
2, 56, 228, and, where dignitas and venustas are brought together, 
ib. 3, 45, 178 ; 1, 31, 142. Klotz andNauck : quanto id convenit. — 
Id ... . quod .... expeiitum esse videatis. For expetitum sit, or 
cxpetiium esse videlis. 

41. Coniprobetur. H. 500, 2. 

43. Diviiia. See above, § 18. — Ingeniis. Id est: "Si vobis. 

judices, viris tanto ingenio prreditis, Archias non solum ab hominibus, 

ejus amicis, sed etiam a divina sua arte (a facultate poetica, cujus op- 

timi vos estis existimatores), comraendatus debet esse." 

mg 2. Doniesticis periculis. This alludes to the Catiliuarian con- 

spiracy, which had been suppressed the year before. 

4r. Isque est, both the Greeks and the Romans pass to the demon- 
strative pron. from the relative in the last clause (or later classes) of 
an enumeration (though there be but two members) : " Quem (Pytha- 
goram) Phliuntem dicunt venisse, eumque .... disseruisse." Z. 806. 
Madvig: estque ex eo admodum probabiliter. Orelli. — Eo nmmero, 
qui sunt habili. So Agr. 2, 14, 37: " Quum ex eo numcro, qui 

per eos annos consules fuerunt, multi mortui sint." Cf. ad 2 Cat. 10, 
21 II. 406. Eo numcro in this sense is less usual than ex co numero. 
The examples quoted by Stureuburg show that Cicero and other wii- 



ORATION FOR THE POET ARCHIAS. 373 

Pag* 
ters used ex eo, hoc, Mo numero very frequently, in eo numero often, i (\ii 

de eo numero rarely ; but eo numero esse never, in the sense of " be 
among," " belong to." Siipfle here would take the ablative as the 
ablative of quality : " Archias is one of that class, belongs to the hon- 
orable number of those," &c He compares nullo numero esse. 
Sturenburg (2) : isque est ex eo numero. 

9. Q,uae non fori, &c. Madvig: qua a foro aliena judicialiquc 
consuetudine. Nauck with Sturenburg : qua non ferine mea judi- 
cialique. 

10. Conimuniter, "in general," without any special reference to 
tho case of Archias. " Quod nunc fere dicunt generaliter." 

12. Ab eo, i. e. Q. Cicerone, fratre meo, sc. accepta esse. — Certe 
scio. So the MSS. It used to be contended that certo with scio was 
the only correct usage. See Z. 266, Note 1. Certe scio significat: 
certum est me scire, et aliquantum differt a verbis certo scire, i. e. 
certa est mihi notitia rei. Hand, Turs. ii. 18. Certe relates more to 
the persuasion of the speaker, certo to the real state of the case. In 
other words, certo is objective ; certe, subjective. Sturenburg makes 
certe an adverb, appropriated to the expression of a feeling, certo one 
that refers to the understanding. De fratre utrumque dici poterat ; ex 
meo quidem sensu, de fratre meo locuturus, certo potius scripsissem. 
Neque id obliviscendum, mediae quam dicunt setati adverbium certo 
prorsus ignotum fuisse. Orelli. Here certe scio = an emphatic " I 
know," and is opposed to spero which precedes. Cicero wishes to 'in- 
dicate banc non esse meram spem eed justam sciontiam. 



THE ORATION FOR T. ANNIUS MILO. 



INTRODUCTION. 

P. Clodius Pulciieu first makes his appearance in history in a. u. c. Gd* 
serving with his brother Appius under his brother-in-law, L. Lucullus, in Asia. 
Displeased at not being treated by Lucullus with the distinction he had ex- 
pected, he encouraged the soldiers to mutiny. Afterwards, being intrusted by 
Ins other brother-in-law, Q. Marcius Rex, at that time proconsul in Cilicia, 
with the command of the fleet, he fell into the hands of the pirates, who how- 
ever dismissed him without ransom, through fear of Pompey. He next went 
to Antiocheia, and joined the Syrians in making war on the Arabians. Here 
again he excited some of the soldiers to mutiny, and nearly lost his life. Ho 
now returned to Rome, and made his first appearance in civil affairs in a. u.c. 
689, by impeaching Catiline for extortion in his government of Africa. Catiline 
bribed his accuser and judge, and escaped. 

In a. u. c. 690, Clodius accompanied the propraetor, L. Murena, to Gallia 
Transalpina, where he resorted to the most nefarious methods of procuring 
money. He also had recourse to similar proceedings on his return to Rome. 

Towards the close of 692, Clodius was guilty of an act of sacrilege, which is 
especially memorable, as it gave rise to that deadly enmity between himself 
and Cicero, which produced such important consequences to both and to 
Rome. The mysteries of the Bona Dea were this year celebrated in the house 
of Caesar. Clodius, who had an intrigue with Pompeia, Caesar's wife, with the 
assistance of one of the attendants entered the house disguised as a female 
musician. But while his guide was gone to apprize her mistress, Clodius was 
detected by his voice. The alarm was immediately given, but he made his 
oscape by the aid of the damsel who had introduced him. He was already a 
candidate for the quaestorship, and was elected ; but in the beginning of 693, 
before ho set out for his province, he was impeached for this offence. The 
senate referred the matter to the pontifices, who declared it an act of impiety 
Under the direction of the senate a rogation was proposed to the people, to the 
effect that Clodius should be tried by judices selected by the praetor who was 
to preside. The assembly, however, was broken up without coming to a de- 
cision. The senate was at first disposed to persist in its original plan ; but af- 
terwards, on the recommendation of Hortensius, the proposition of the tribune 
Fufius Calenus was adopted, in accordance with which the judices were to be 
selected from the three decuries. Cicero, who had hitherto strenuously sup- 
ported the senate, now relaxed in his exertions. Clodius attempted to prove 
an alibi, but Cicero's evidence showed that he was with him in Rome only 
three hours before he pretended to have been at Interamna. Bribery and in- 
timidation, however, secured him an acquittal by a majority of 31 to 23. Ci- 
cero, however, who had been irritated by some sarcastic allusions made by 
Clodius to his considship, and by a verdict given in contradiction to his testi- 
mony, attacked Clodius and his partisans in the senate with great vehemence. 

Eager to revenge himself on Cicero, that he might be armed with more for- 
midable power Clodius purposed becoming a tribune of the piebs. For this it 



ORATION FOR T. ANNII7S MILO. 375 

waa necessary that he should be adopted into a plebeian family. Repeated 
attempts were made by the tribune, C. Herennius, to set this brought about 
But the triumvirs had not yet taken Clodius's side. Cicero, however, whose 
reliance was placed on the friendship and support of Pompey, in defending 
C. Antonius, provoked the triumvirs, and especially Caesar, and within three 
hours after the delivery of his speech, Clodius became the adopted son of P. 
Fonteius (at the end of the year 694). The lex curiata for his adoption was 
proposed by Caesar, and Pompey presided in the assembly. The whole pro- 
ceeding was irregular, but C/odius was soon actively endeavoring to secure his 
election to the tribuneship, and succeeded in his object with the assistance of 
Caesar, and entered upon his office in December, a. u. c. G95. 

Clodius did not immediately assail his enemies. His first measures were a 
series of laws, calculated to lay senate, knights, and people under obligations 
to him. The consuls of the year he also gained over to his interests, and hav- 
ing thus prepared the w T ay, he opened his attack upon Cicero by proposing a 
law to the effect, that whoever had taken the life of a citizen, uncondemned 
and without a trial, should be interdicted from earth and water. The pro- 
ceedings w hich ensued ended in Cicero's withdrawing into exile. 

Immediately after the banishment of Cicero, Clodius set fire to his house on 
the Palatine, and destroyed his villas at Tusculura and Formias. The greater 
part of the property carried off from them, was divided between the two con- 
suls. To alienate Cicero's property irretrievably, he dedicated it to the god- 
dess Libertas ; and a small portion of the site of the dwelling on the Palatine, 
with part of the ground on which the portico of Catulus, which adjoined Ci- 
cero's grounds, had stood, was occupied by a chapel to the goddess. He went 
so far as to offend Pompey by aiding the escape of Tigranes, son of the king of 
Armenia, whom Pompey had brought a prisoner to Rome. In this instance 
also his services were purchased. Pompey, however, did not feel himself 
strong enough to resent the insult. Clodius soon assailed him more openly 
and made an attempt, through one of his slaves, upon the life of Pompey, who 
now withdrew to his own house, and kept there as long as his enemy was in 
office. 

The attempts made before the end of this year to procure the recall of Cicero 
proved abortive. Next year, a. u. c. 697, T. Annius Milo was tribune of the 
plebs, when his memorable and fatal contest with Clodius began. Milo was 
deeply in debt, and a wealthy province alone could extricate him. But with- 
out eloquence or political talent, the member of a comparatively obscure fam- 
ily could not hope to obtain the consulate, unless he identified his own interest 
with that of some one or other of the great leaders of the commonwealth. 
Milo, therefore, attached himself to Cn. Pompey, and Cicero's recall from exile 
was the immediate pretext of their alliance. In procuring Cicero's restoration, 
Milo, from his daring and unscrupulous character, was by far the most effi- 
cient of the tribunes. He combated Clodius with his own weapons. He pur- 
chased, after a faint and fruitless trial of constitutional means, a band of gla- 
diators, and the streets of Rome were the scene of almost daily and always 
deadly conflicts between the two leaders of these paid assassins. 

When the senate came to a resolution to propose to the comitia a decree for 
the restoration of Cicero, Clodius was the only one who opposed it; and when, 
on the fourth of August, it was brought before the people, Clodius spoke 
against it, but could do nothing more. The decree by which Cicero was re- 
called, provided also for the restitution of his property. Some difficulty, how- 
ever, remained with respect to the house on the Palatine, the site of which 
had been consecrated by Clodius to the service of religion. The matter waa 
referred to the college of pontifices, who returned an answer sufficient to sat- 
isfy all religious scruples ; and the senate decreed the restoration of the site, 



31 G NOTES. 

and the payment of a sum of money to Cicero for rebuilding his house. Whefc 
the workmen began their operations in November, Clodius attacked and drove 
them off, pulled down the portico of Catulus, which had been nearly rebuilt, 
and set fire to the house of Q. Cicero. Shortly afterwards he assaulted Cicerc 
himself in the street, and compelled him to take refuge in a neighboring house. 
Milo twice rescued him from the hands of the Clodian mob. The success of 
the combatants was nearly equal. Milo's houses in Rome, the Anniana on 
the Capitoline and another on the hill Germalus, were assailed by the Clo- 
dians, but Clodius was twice driven from the forum, and the last time narrow- 
ly escaped with his life. Nor did the rivals restrict their warfare to the sworda 
of their adherents. With equal justice and consistency they accused each 
other of a breach of the Lex Plotia de vi, and with equal violence both elu- 
ded the results of prosecution. Clodius, however, notwithstanding Milo's re- 
peated disruption of the comitia, succeeded in carrying his election for the 
curule-sedileship in a. u. c. 698, and was thus during his year of office exempt 
from impeachment. Milo, whose tribunate expired in December, G97, was on 
the other hand open to legal proceedings, and Cicero from dread of Crassus. 
who favored Clodius, refused to undertake his defence. It was, therefore, ne- 
cessary for his safety that he should again hold an office of the state. But his 
bankrupt condition did not allow him to risk the expenses of the curule-acdile- 
ship, and there is no authentic record of his preetorship. In those convulsion- 
ary years of Rome, it is indeed likely that the sequence of magistracies was 
not very strictly observed. Milo, however, although never aedile, exhibited 
BRdilitian games of unusual and, according to Cicero, of insane magnificence. 
He was enabled to give them by the bequest of a deceased curule-cedile whose 
name is lost, and he exhibited them in the year previous to his canvass for the 
consulship. 

Iiia # u. c. 701, Milo was candidate for the consulship, and Clodius for the 
praetorship of the ensuing year. Each strove to hinder the election of the oth- 
er. They collected armed bands of slaves and gladiators, and the streets of 
Rome became the scene of fresh tumults and frays, in one of which Cicero 
himself was endangered. When the consuls endeavored to hold the comitia, 
Clodius fell upoit them with his band, and one of them, Cn. Domitius, was 
wounded. The senate met to deliberate. Clodius spoke, and attacked Cicero 
and Milo, touching, among other things, upon the amount of debt with which 
the latter was burdened. Cicero, to whom Milo's election was of vital import- 
ance, defended him in the speech De are alicno Milonis, of which a few frag- 
ments are still extant. The contest, however, was soon after brought to a 
sudden and violent end. On the 20th of January, a. u. c. 702, Milo set out on 
a journey to Lanuvium. Near Bovilloe he met Clodius, who was returning to 
Rome after visiting some of his property. Both were accompanied by armed 
followers, but Milo's party was the stronger. The two antagonists had passed 
each other without disturbance ; but two of the gladiators in the rear of Milo's 
troop picked a quarrei. with some of the followers of Clodius, who immediately 
turned round and rode up to the scene of dispute, when he was wounded in 
the shoulder by one of the gladiators. The fray now became general. The 
party of Clodius were put to flight, and betook themselves with their leader tc 
a house near Bovillae. Milo ordered his men to attack the house. Several of 
Clodius's men were slain, and Clodius himself dragged out and dispatched. 
The body was left lying on the road, till a senator named Sex. Tedius found it, 
and conveyed it to Rome. Here it was exposed to the view of the populace, 
who crowded to see it. Next day it was carried naked to the forum, and 
again exposed to view before the rostra. The mob, enraged by the spectacle, 
and by the inflammatory speeches of the tribunes 31unatius Plancus and Q. 
Ponjpeius Rufus, headed by Sex. Clodius, carried the corpse into the Curia 



ORATION FOR T. ANNIUS MILO. 371 

Hostilia, made a funeral pile of the benches, tables, and writings, and burn! 
the body on the spot. Not only the senate-house, but the Porcian basilica, 
erected by Cato the Censor, and other adjoining buildings, were reduced tc 
ashes. 

The immediate effect o r the death of Clodius was to depress the Milonian, 
aud to reanimate the Clodian faction. Milo at first meditated voluntary ex- 
ile. But the excesses of his opponents made his presence once more possible 
at Rome. The tribune of the plebs, M. Caelius. attended him to the forum, 
and Milo addressed the assembly in the wh^e robe of a candidate, and pro- 
ceeded with his consular canvass. But a more powerful, though secret, oppo- 
nent had meanwhile risen up against Milo. His competitors in the comitia 
were P. Plautius Hypsaeus and Q. Metellus Scipio. Cn. Pompey had married 
a daughter of Scipio, and from Hypsaeus he expected aid in gratifying the 
prime object of his ambition — the dictatorship. A bill for his appointment 
was not indeed promulgated. But the senate nominated him sole consul. 
Pompey immediately brought forward three laws, which, from their immedi- 
ate reference to the circumstances of the times, were in fact privilegia. In 
the first he specially noticed the murder at Bovillae, the conflagration of the 
Curia Hostilia and the Porcian Basilica, and the attack upon the house of M. 
Lepidus the interrex. In the second, he introduced more stringent penalties 
for ambitus ; and in the third he increased the severity of the existing laws 
against sodalitia, or illegal interference with the freedom of the comitia. 
The time allowed for trials de Vi, Ambitu, Sodalitiis, was also much short- 
ened, only three days being assigned to the accusation, the defence, and the 
examination of witnesses. M. Caelius opposed these laws on the ground that 
they were privilegia and retrospective. But Pompey stifled all opposition by 
surrounding his house and gardens with soldiers, and withdrawing himself 
from the senate and the forum, on pretence of dreading Milo's violence. A 
variety of charges and recriminations was brought forward by either faction. 
The slaves of Milo and Clodius were respectively required to be given up to the 
torture ; and perjury and intimidation, the forms of law, and the abuse of jus- 
tice, were put in active requisition. Milo, however, was not without hope, 
since the higher aristocracy, from jealousy of Pompey, supported him, and 
Cicero undertook Ms defence. His trial opened on the fourth of April, a. u. c. 
702. He was impeached by the two Clodii, nephews of the deceased, de Yi ; 
by Q. Petulcius and L. Cornificius, de Ambitu ; and by P. Fulvius Neratus, 
de Sodalitiis. L. Domitius Ahenobarbus, a consular, was appointed quaesi- 
tor or investigator, by a special law of Pompey's, and all Rome and thousands 
of spectators from Italy thronged the forum and its avenues from dawn to sun- 
set during these memorable proceedings. But Milo's chances of acquittal, 
faint even had justice been decorously administered, were wholly marred by 
the virulence of his adversaries, who insulted and obstructed the witnesses, 
the process, and the conductors of the defence. Cn. Pompey availed himself 
of these disorders to line the forum and its encompassing hills with soldiers. 
Cicero was intimidated, and Milo was condemned. Had he even been ac- 
quitted on the first count de Vi, the tw) other charges of bribery and conspir- 
acy awaited him. He therefore went into exile. Cicero, who could not de- 
liver, rewrote and expanded the defence of Milo— the extant oration— and 
sent it to him at Marseilles. Milo remarked, " I am glad this was not spoken, 
since I must have been acquitted, and then had never known the delicate fla- 
vor of these Marseille-mullets." Milo's exile was a heavy blow to his numer- 
ous creditors. 

The close of Mdo's life was as inglorious, as his political career had been 
violent and disgraceful. Milo expected a recall from Caesar, when, in a. u. c. 
705, the dictator permitted many of the exiles to return. But better time* 



378 kotes. 

were come, and Rome neither needed nor wished for the presence of a bank- 
rupt agitator. Milo's former friend, thejex-tribune M. Caslius, prsetor a. u. u 
706, promulgated a bill for the adjustment of debts— a revolutionary measure ; 
for which the. senate, where the Caesarian party had then a majority, expelled 
him from his office. Caelius, himself a man of broken fortunes, required des- 
perate allies, and he accordingly invited Milo to Italy, as the fittest tool for his 
purposes. At the head of the survivors of his gladiatorial bands, reinforced by 
Samnite and Bruttian herdsmen, by criminals and runaway slaves, Milo ap- 
peared in Campania, and proclaimed himself a legatus of Cn. and Sextua 
Pompey. He found, however, no adherents, and retreated into Lucania, 
where he was met by me praetor, Q. Pedius, and slain under the walls of an 
obscure fort in the district of Thurii. — Diet. Gr. and Rom. Biog. and My thai. 
Clodius and Milo 



ANALYSIS. 

in the introduction the orator confesses, that the sight of the place of trial 
surrounded by armed men is somewhat terrifying to him : he however ex- 
presses his conviction, that Pompey has adopted this arrangement only the 
better to secure to the law its due course ; and his assurance that the better 
class of citizens are strongly inclined in favor of Milo. (Ch. 1.) The rest, 
a turbulent mob, composed of the hirelings of Clodius, will fail to frighten 
the judges, who now have an opportunity to testify to a man who deserves 
so well of the lovers of their country, as Milo, the sympathy which is his 
due. Then follows an intimation of his leading position : that the taking 
of Clodius's life was an act of self-defence. (Ch. 2.) 

i'he oration itself may be divided into three parts. 

1. A refutation of the allegations of the opponents :— 

(a) " That the taking of human life is in all cases inexcusable." Tnis is 
invalidated by examples drawn from Roman history, from the myth of 
Orestes, by the laws of the twelve tables, and by the nature of the case. 
(Chaps. 3, 4.) 

(6) " That the taking of Clodius's life was a violation of the Roman constitu- 
tion.'' The senate, as Cicero also admits, did indeed make use of this lan- 
guage ; but it wished, notwithstanding, that the case should be tried under 
existing laws, only immediately, without the delay winch would ordinarily 
ensue from awaiting its turn. Pompey, on the other hand, carried a special 
law foi this case. But he wished only to secure the course of justice, and in 
fact recognised the possibility of Milo's acquittal. (Chaps. 5, 6.) 

(c) " The murder of Clodius is the more deserving of punishment, because it 
occurred on the Appian road, which is a monument of his illustrious an- 
cestor." The renown of Drusus and of Scipio Africanus the younger did 
not protect them from murder, which was not even investigated. Clodius 
too had previously contaminated the Appian way by a deed of murder. He 
had also attempted the life of Pompey and others ; and no special investi- 
gation had on that account been ordered. (Ch. 7.) 

{£) Pompey's measures, and the choice of the judges, who are distinguished 
men, furnish no ground for an unfavorable judgment against Milo. (Ch. 8.) 

2. The proof that Milo killed Clodius in self-defence. 

fp) The narrative of the circumstances of the affair, and explanation of tho 



ORATION FOR T. ANNIUS MILO. 



379 



causes which led Clodius to attempt the life of Milo. Clodius wished to 
be praetor and Milo consul for the same year. This was quite contrary to 
the desires of Clodius. Clodius, therefore, did not attempt to conceal the 
fact, that he wished, expected, and would bring about the death of Milo. 
(Cli. 9.) Clodius took advantage of the occasion of a journey, which Milo 
was called to make on business, to lie in wait for him. The time and man- 
ner of his journey exonerate Milo from the suspicion of having intended to 
waylay Clodius ; while Clodius appears to have been prepared to commit 
murder. The attack commenced against Milo. Several of his retinue we: e 
slain ; the rest supposed Milo had already iallen ; without his command or 
knowledge they killed Clodius. (Ch. 10.) 

(5) Application of the principle of justifiable homicide in self-defence to Milo, 
who confesses the deed, but claims for himself justification therefor. 
(Ch. 11.) 

(r) The proposition that Clodius was the waylayer, is drawn out more par- 
ticularly. 

(1) Milo s death would bring great advantages to Clodius: under such a con- 
sul as Milo, he would not have been able to carry through his projected law 
for introducing free/I slaves into the tribes. An apostrophe to Sextus Clo- 
dius, who, for trie purpose of exciting the people, deprived the corpse of 
Clodius of honorable burial. (Ch. 12.) 

(2) The hostility of Clodius was to Milo, on the other hand, in his canvassing 
for the consulship, not so much a hinderance as an advantage, since Milo 
seemed the only one capable of restraining, by means of the consular pow- 
er, the mad projects of Clodius: therefore the death of Clodius was inju- 
rious to Milo, and could not for that reason have been designed by him. 

(3) Clodius hated Milo personally; but Milo, Clodius only from political 
grounds. (Ch. 13) 

(4) Clodius has always loved and practised violence, particularly in the ban- 
ishment of Cicero. (Ch. 14.) 

(5) Milo on the other hand has used violence only in defence of the constitu- 
tion, and generally, where he has had an opportunity to kill Clodius, has 
treated him with forbearance : e. g. on the occasion of Cicero's recall from 
banishment, and in other disturbances. (Ch. 15.) 

(6) Milo could not have had any plan or purpose to take the life of Clodius, 
because of the nearness of the consular election, and for fear of losing the 
favor of the people. 

(7) Clodius on the other hand had always shown contempt for the tribunals 
and for public opinion. He believed, if Milo were put to death, he would 
have all power in himself alone. 

(8) Cato is witness, that Clodius said, Milo must be put to death. (Ch. 16.) 
'9) Clodius knew that Milo about this time would be passing on the road in 

this vicinity, and hastened to precede him, even to the neglect of much in 
Rome. Milo did not know that he would meet Clodius : his journey was 
necessary for the performance of an official duty connected with the rites 
of religion. (Ch. 17.) 

(10) Cicero, in his own defence, urges, that lie could have had no knowledge 
of a plan to murder Clodius. The pretext for the return of Clodius from his 
estate, viz. to enter upon an inheritance, was a mere fiction. He journeyed 
to meet Milo on the road. (Chaps. 18, 19.) 

(11) The place where the fray took place, shows that Clodius and not Milo 
entertained the murderous design ; so also does the retinue of both. 

(12) The circumstance that Milo had armed men among his followers is not 
surprising, since he was not at any moment secure against Clodius. (Ch. 
20.) Milo bestowed their freedom upon his slaves, not from fear that con- 
Cession would be forced from them by torture, for he confesses the fact him- 



380 NOTES. 

self; but because he wished to give them a merited reward, as tne preserv 
ers of his life. (Ch. 21.) 

(13) The depositions of the s aves of Clodius are illegally demanded, and un- 
reliable. (Ch. 22.) 

(14) The confidence with which Milo appeared in public soon after the killing 
of Clodius, and the contempt which he showed for the rumors and false ac- 
cusations in circulation, prove his innocence : he was not even afraid ol 
Pompey, though attempts were made to excite his suspicions against Milo. 
(Chaps. 23, 24.) 

(15) Milo is rather, although Pompey appears not to bnlieve it, sincerely de- 
voted to him, and might also at some later day be of service to him. 
(Chaps. 25, 26.) 

3. An appeal to the judges to acquit Milo. 

(a) Were Milo guilty, Pompey, by virtue of the extraordinary power intrusted 
to him, would have been able, ere this, himself to punish him. (Ch. 26.) • 

(b) Clodius deserved death far more than others who in former times have 
been put to death. An enumeration of his crimes. (Ch. 27.) 

s) An intimation of what would have been to be feared from him. 
[J) It follows, that Milo's act is highly meritorious, since it may be called ty- 
rannicide. (Chaps. 28, 29.) 

(c) The removal of Clodius is a benefit conferred upon the Roman people by 
the immortal gods, whose presence and power have been signally displayed 
in the destruction of this abandoned wretch, and in the preservation of 
Rome from many evils. (Chaps. 30-33.) 

(/) Milo is commended to the sympathy of the judges, for his firm bearing 
and the composure with which, conscious of his sincere love of his country, 
he faces the possible unfavorable issue of this trial : for what he deserves of 
all true patriots and of Cicero, for the sacrifice which he made to secure the 
object of bending and controlling the violence of the mob, as directed by 
Clodius against the fortunes of the higher ranks: for the fame which he has 
won, and the universal applause with which his deed has been hailed. 
(Chaps. 34, 35.) Cicero also, in his own name, as a grateful friend, asks the 
regard both of the judges and of the soldiers present for the accused, re- 
minding them of the suppression of the conspiracy of Catiline, of his own 
exile, and his recall througn the instrumentality of Milo. (Chaps. 36, 37.) 
Milo does not regret his deed. He deserves the thanks of his country, and 
the judges will by his acquittal show a manly spirit, and that too without 
offending Pompey. (Ch. 38.) 

The following brief outline of the argument in this oration we add from Fol- 
som's edition. 

The point of inquiry is, no* whether Clodius was killed by Milo, for that is 
confessed ; but whether he was mt lawfully killed. This Cicero maintains 
in the affirmative, by laying down a general proposition, that ?l is lawful to 
kill the man, who lies in wait and attempts to kill you 

This general proposition he proves.— 

1st. From the authority of the people, from former trials, and from the law 3 
in being. 

2d. From the silence of the laws passed on that occasion, either by the senate 
or Pompey. 

Having established this general proposition, the orator proceeds to prove that 
Clodius comes precisely under that description ; this he does. — 

1st. From the advantages that were to arise to the deceased by the death o( 
Milo. 

2d. From the declared hatrel he always expressed against Milo. 

3d. From the criminal behavior of the deceased through all the scenes of ha 
life. 



ORATION FOR T. ANNIUS MILO. 381 

4th. From his hopes of impunity. 

And the evidence, upon which these circumstances are alleged, are the words 

and actions of the deceased. 
The conclusion of the whole is, Milo acted in self-defence, and Clodius was 

lawfully killed. 

Ch. I.— 1. Fortissimo. Compare Veil. Paterc. 2, G8 : (Milo) 107 
ultra fortem temerarius. 

2. Timere. See p. Deiot. 1,1, and the references there given. 
Much of this kind of language we may regard as mere rhetorical art. 
In the present instance there was real cause for fear, and real fear. For 
the tribunes had held hostile meetings against Milo, and had endeavored 
to excite the people against Cicero too, for so warmly undertaking the 
defence of Milo ; and so far succeeded, that not only Milo but Cicero 
also was hated by the greatest part of the populace. The unusual 
preparations too, to prevent disturbance, added to his alarm. When 
Cicero began to speak the partisans of Clodius commenced a threaten- 
ing outcry, for the purpose of intimidating him, and could not be re- 
strained even by fear of the armed soldiers who were stationed around. 
Compare, on this exordium, Quinctil. 11, 3, 47, sq. 

5. Novi judicii. The trial of Milo was extraordinary, by a spe- 
cial commission, instead of before the established tribunals. Pompey, 
on being appointed consul without a colleague, issued an edict that 
no one should carry any weapon in the city, and in a few days pro- 
posed new projects of law in the senate, two of which, after a decreo 
of the senate, ho promulgated to the people. One law was de vi, 
and expressly comprehended the murder which had been perpetra- 
ted on the Appian road, the burning of the curia, and the assault 
upon the house of the interrex M. Lepidus. The other law was 
de ambitu. These laws heightened the punishment, and abridged 
the judicial process. They limited the taking of the testimony to 
three days, confined the speeches of the accuser and the accused to 
one and the same day, allowing the former two, the latter threo 
hours. For the trial of Milo, Pompey carried through a bill, that 
the people should choose a qusesitor from the number of the consu- 
lares. L. Domitius Ahenobarbus was chosen. Also the other judices 
appointed by Pompey were of such a character, that there was but 
one voice, that never had more eminent or more conscientious men 
been appointed judges. — Nova forma. The shops were shut through- 
out the whole city, soldiers posted in the forum, aud at all the entran- 
ces to the forum, and Pompey with a select guard took his station be- 
fore the serarium. When Cicero began to speak, the Clodian faction 
set up an outcry and clamor. They were not even deterred by the 
guard of soldiers. 

6. Q,uocunque inciderimt. g»ee P. O. 396. — Consuctudinem 
Al. veterem consuctudinem 



382 NOTES. 

Page 

107 "** R e( l u i run t = desiderant, miss. — Corona. The ring 01 cr-»wd 
of people, that were gathered around, when a public trial, which en- 
listed their sympathies, was in progress. They represented the popu- 
lar voice, and were an index of public opinion. Therefore the oratora 
were in the habit of paying much regard to the corona. See Brut 
84, 290. 

9. Stipati sumus, tanquam honoris aut custodioe causa : nam hoc 
proprie est stipare, non simpliciter circumdare. — Nee ilia prcesidia, &c 
The text in this passage is very doubtful. The better MSS. give non 
ilia prcesidia; the common editions, nam ilia prcesidia. Garatoni 
proposed nee ilia prcesidia, and was followed by Madvig. The double 
non .... non afferunt of the MSS., appearing strange and unusual, 
occasioned the change of the former into nam. Klotz, however, who 
is followed by Siipfle and others, defends the first non, placed at the 
head of the clause, which the second rhetorically repeated before affe- 
runt does not destroy, as giving energy and emphasis to the language 
In the following clause also the negation is mado prominent a third 
time, by saying: ut . . . . tamen ne non timere quidem possimus, in- 
stead of ut ... . tamen eiiam non timere possimus. The sense of tho 
passage then is as follows: Those guards do not secure . . . . , I re- 
peat, they do not secure to the orator, that we here in the forum, and 
before the tribunal . . . can be so fearless, that we should not at least 
have some fear. To this view Madvig objects, that the position of non 
in the beginning of the sentence, before the subject, and its rhetorical 
repetition before tho verb in a sentence which flows so smoothly, and 
without excitement, is unusual and uncalled for. Besides, if the re- 
peated non is equivalent to a single negation, aliquid, he remarks, is 
barbarous. Further, the sentence, ut ne non timere quidem, &c, is 
so annexed, as to require that an intimation of fear caused (not a mind 
relieved) should precede Moreover, the connection of the sentence 
with the preceding, and the continuation of the thought, is against the 
non, which seems to have arisen from the repetition of the non with 
usitata. Gradually approaching his subject, the orator does not sim- 
ply affirm, Atque etiam ipsa ilia prcesidia afferunt oratori aliquid ct 
animum ejus perturbant, but employs the form of affirmation which 
arises from the negation of the opposite. — Prcesidia. Compare §§ 71. 
9G, 101 ; de opt. gen. die. 4, 10 ; and Lucan, Pharsal. 1, 319, fE 

Quis castra iimenti 
Nescit mixta foro ? gladii quum triste minanlcs 
Judicium insolita irepidum cinxere corona, 
Atque auso medias perrumpere milite leges 
Pompdana reum clauserunt signa Milonem ? 

— Pro iemplis omnibus. Templum Saturni, a?des Concordia, wdo* 
Vesta?, templum Minerva?, templum Castoris. 



ORATION FOR T. ANNIUS MILO. 383 

Page 

11. Oratori aliquid. After ora tori in some texts horroris orinnr 
vcnoris is found. So Matthias retains terrorist claiming, against Gar- 
atoni, who makes affcrunt aliquid = timorem aliquem efficiunt, or 
habent in se, quod timortm injiciat, that afferre is not a vocabulum 
medium, but always, when taken alone, = prodcsse. 

13. Ne non timere quidem, &c. Cf. Rose. Ann. 24, 6G : ne pii 
quidem sine scelcre esse potuerunt ; in Vatin. 11, 27, ne recte qui- 
dem facere sine scelere potuisse. — Sine aliquo timore. See Z 709, 
and note on p. 13, line 18. 

14. Cederem tempori. Klotz: cederem temporibus. 

15. Orationi. Another reading is oratori, which does not so well 
stand opposed to vis armorum. 

16. Pompeii, &c. Cicero wishes to conciliate Pompey by these 
complimentary expressions. 

IT. Putaret, si hoc ab eo peteretur. Putaret, etiam nunc; pu- 
tarit, semel antea. 

19. Temeritatem concitatae multitudinis. See H. 428. Pom- 
pey had received unlimited power from the senate to preserve the 
safety of the state. Had he, therefore, intended by his guards to effect 
the suppression of Milo and his friends, the thoughtless mob would 
have turned their weapons against the judges even, if they had voted 
for Milo. 

21. Centuriones. Cf. ch. 37, 101. The centurions were subal- 
tern officers. Their badge was the vitis ; promotion to the centurio 
primi pili (primus pilus, primipilus). They were commonly chosen 
from the tribuni militum, and their pay w r as double that of the grega- 
rius miles. Non . . sed . . . neque solum . . sed etiam . . . neque aux- 
ilium modo . . verum etiam. The student should attend to the va- 
riety and difference of such forms of expression. 

22. Praesidium demmtiant. Zeugma. H. 704. — Quiet o. For 
the fear inspired by the " nova forma" was banished by a proper con- 
sideration of the motives of Pompey in posting the guards. 

25. Q,uae quidem est civium. At least as far as it is composed 
of citizens. Cicero hints either that the Clodians who were present 
were not citizens, or that slaves formed part of that faction. 

28. Exspcctantes videtis. Some editions omit videtis here, and 
after intuentes give cernitis. 

29. De liberis, &c. Compare ch. 28. Cicero urgently endeav- 
ors to identify the cause of his client with the general interest of all 
citizens and of the state. See p. Flacc. 1, 3. Mar cell. 11, 34. 

Ch. II. — 1. Unum genus est ... . eorum. See note on p. 24.108 
line 8. 

2. llapiuis. The outrages of Clodius are enumerated by Cicero 
in his several orations. He had plundered the treasury, sold provinces, 
burned the house of Q. Cicero and the temple of the nymphs, and by 



384 NOTES. 

Page 

i no means of his gladiators kept up perpetual alarm in the city See 
chaps. 24, 27, 28. — Omnibus exitiis publicis. Every thing that can 
contribute to the destruction of the state. 

3. Pavit. The expression is contemptuous. Cf. p. Sest. 46, 99 : 
Qui .... seditione pascantur ; de Off. 2, 11, 40. — Hesterna . . . con- 
done. The tribune Munatius Plancus, in a speech made the day be- 
fore this trial, had exhorted the people not to let Milo escape with 
impunity. Compare ch. 26, § 71. 

4. Voce praeirent. Eleganter inest acerbitas ; quasi formulam 
ipsam sententiae praeiverint, a qua vel paululum discedere nefas esset, 
ut in precationibus et jurejurando. Said of those who repeated the 
forms of oaths, imprecations, &c, to the persons obliged to take them. 
So verba (carmen) praeire, verbis praeire, and the corresponding phrases 
in verba vovere, jurare. — Judicaretis. A modern latinist would be 
inclined to say judicare deberctis. — Si qui. H. 455. 

5. Retiueatis. The penalty under the lex Pompeii de vi was 
probably the aqua et ignis interdictio. 

7. Neglexit, &c, in his tribuncship; five years before this time. — 
Pro vestra salute = in vestra salute defendenda, pro vestra salute pro- 
pugnans. Some prefer pra vestra salute. — Adcste animis. Cf. Svmn. 
Scip. 1 extr. Sed ille, Ades, inquit, aniino, et omittc ie'rrorem, Scipio. 
Be composed, retain your presence of mind ; and often simply, pay 
attention. 

11. Amplissimorum ordinum. The lex Aurelia was now in 
force, by which the judices were chosen equally from the senators, 
equites, and tribuni aerarii. Hence in connection with the ordo sena- 
torius and the ordo equester, an ordo plebeius was sometimes spoken 
of. Cf. § 5 ; ch. 8, 21 ; 35, 95 ; and p. Muren. 39, 83. The superla- 
tives with ordines are epitheta ornantia. 

12. Ut sua studia. So also Klotz. The common reading is 
ubi sua studia. 

13. Re et sententiis. Namely, by acquitting them. Opposed 
respectively to vultu et verbis. Cf. ad Fam. 1, 9, 17 ; p. red. in Sen. 
7, 16. Cicero always sided with the party of the optimates. 

14. Ut statuatis. Cicero seeks to interest the feelings of his 
judges in the fate of Milo : 1. by putting him on a par with himself, 
an acknowledged patriot ; 2. by testifying his constant deferenec to 
their authority ; 3. by the modesty of his petition, which only sought 
encouragement for himself, not vengeance on his enemies. Tho 
words, too, are appropriate and complimentary : fidem, the honor of a 
judge ; viriutem, the firmness necessary to meet the audacity of the 
Clodians ; and sapientiam, the wisdom to counteract the rashness of 
the mob. 

18. Xobis duobus. Cicero identifies himself with his client. Ga- 
ratoni would strike out duobus, and understand ?wbis of the wholo 



ORATION FOR T. ANNIUS MILO. 385 

Pag-e 

body of tho optimates. The case is the ablative construed with JQ$ 
magis. 

19. Laboriosus. This word, as also sollicitum and exercitum, is 
used here in a passive sense. Laboriosus = multis laboribuset serum- 
nis affectus. 

20. Praemiorum. The offices of the state. The contrast be- 
tween spe amplissimorum prcemiorum and mctu crudclissimorum 
tmppliciorum, while it shows their disappointment, lays claim to a 
higher degree of pity from the audience. Others read exitiorum in- 
stead of suppliciorum. 

23. Duintaxat. See note on p. 85, line 8. Cicero expected Milo 
to be tossed by the winds amidst the billows of popular assemblies, be- 
cause he had merited the resentment of the mob ; but he thought that 
his troubles should end there ; and that his enemies would have no 
hopes, &c. — Fluctibus concionum. The same figure is frequent in the 
Attic orators. Condones were mostly called by the tr'.bunes of tho 
people. There was no voting in the concio, but the suasio and dis- 
suasio legis took place here, and in the comitia the lex without further 
discussion was accepted or rejected by votes. Quinctil. 8, 6, 48, says that 
tho words dumtaxat fluctibus concionum give a mixed character to 
the allegory in this passage, which were otherwise pure. 

2-4. Q,uia semper. So also Klotz. Others, quod semper. 

2T. Spem ullam esse habituros ad salutem exstiu- 

gucndam. See note on p. 48, line 9. 

28. N011 modo sed etiam. " I don't say .. . but," or " not 

. . . but." See Z. 724, and note on p. 64, line 36. 

29. Tales viros. Tales viri solemni quadam et honorifica ap- 
pellationo Ciceroni in orationibus judiciariis judices audiunt. Tales 
rarely follows its substantive. — Quamquam, &c. Cicero had alluded 
to the public services of Milo, and expressed his surprise at his enemies 
hoping to foil him before judges, whose authority he had always sup- 
ported ; lest, however, he might seem to rest his cause on this, or ad- 
mit the inference, that because Milo had saved the city, Milo might 
therefore slay the citizens with impunity, he corrects himself, and adds 
that he will not so apply Milo's patriotic actions ; at least before ho 
shall have established the fact of Clodius being the aggressor. Com- 
pare p. Plane. 1,3. 

30. T. Anilii tribunatu. a. u. c. 697. Milo's services to tho 
state during his tribunate reduced themselves mainly to his merit in 
effecting the recall of Cicero from banishment. Cf. ch. 37, 102: post 
red. in senat. 8, 19, and 12,30 : Quibus autem officiis T. Annii bene- 
ficia remunerabor ? cujus omnis actio, ratio, cogitatio, totus denique 
tribunatus nihil aliud fuit nisi constans, perpetua, for lis, invicta de- 
fensio salutis me<s. Cicero, especially in the orations delivered after 
his return from exile, reminds us not seldom of the expression of Louis 

33 



386 NOTES. 

Pag-e 

IQOXIV., " L'etat, c'est moi." — Rebusque. Klotz follows tho most MSS. 
and reads rebus omnibus. The enclitic is explicative, and = id est 
rebus omnibus. 

31. Abutemur. Not simply for utemur, but of wrong or unsea- 
sonable use, or of the application of a thing, contrary to its natural 
uso or original intention. The public services of Miio were performed 
with the view of gaining the esteem of his countrymen, not of shield- 
ing himself against a criminal charge. Cf. Lig. 1, 1, ut . . . abu- 
terer. 

32. Nisi oculis videritis, &c. In the early editions the punc- 
tuation differs, so that these words do not begin a new period, but at- 
tach, as a condition, to what precedes. Cicero's proposition is: Clo- 
dius was justly slain, whether as being an intended assassin, or as being 
the scourge and ruin of his country. The former point, which occu- 
pies from ch. 12 to ch. 27, he calls de causa; the latter, from ch. 27 
to ch. 34, he calls extra causam. 

34:. Merita. See ch. 28, where the services of Milo are allu- 
ded to in terms of the highest eulogy. — Nee postulaturi. The killing 
of Clodius being a public benefit, Milo might have urged this as his 
motive ; Cicero, while he admits the beneficial result, will not adduce 
that argument as long as it may be doubted whether the merit of it 
belongs to the fortune of the Roman people, or the courage of Milo. 
This very doubt is most complimentary to Milo. 

36. Populi Romani felicitati. See chaps. 30-33. 

3T. Sin illius, &c. Cicero here varies the hypothetic statement 
" nisi oculis," &c, as also the inference, which ought to be — " then 
will I havo recourse to Milo's services," &c. ; whereas it is — " then 
will I implore you to leave untouched the principle of self-defence." 
These two inferences comprise the entire defence, both " de causa" 
and " extra causam." Others read sed si illius. 

Ch. III. — 4:1. Ad eam orationcm, i. e. earn partem orationis. 
So the Roman jurists use hoc edictum for hie titulus or hoc caput 
edicti. — Qua est propria vestrai qucostionis, sc. uter utri insidias fe- 
cerit. Quastio, a public trial, so called from quarere, because the 
guilt or innocence of the accused was therein inquired into. 

42. Ea esse refutaiida. These objections, whose refutation is 
properly prefixed to the general defence, were three : — 1. Negant in- 
tueri . . . .fateatur; that an avowed homicide was unworthy of life. 
2. Sequitur .... esse factam, ch. 5 ; that the senate had already de- 
cided the cause against Milo. 3. At enim Cn. Pompeius .... /trig, 
eh. 6 ; that Pompey by his law declared his belief of Milo's guilt Ou 
the propriety of the orator's refuting these objections before he proceeds 
to the narration, see Quinct. 4, 2,24, sqq. 5, 11, 12, who remarks, that 
by preparing the judges for the reception of the case, they virtually 
constitute an exordium. Schol. Bob. ad h. 1. : Hjpc oualitas M. Tullio 



ORATION FOR T. ANNIUS MILO. 387 

Pag€ 

propria est, ut antequam argumentationes impleat, victoriam praelibet^QQ 
in ipsis propositionibus. 

43. In senatu. Referring to the account given by Q. Metellus 
Scipio, before Milo was accused. Klotz : Sape ab inimicis jactata 
sunt et in condone saipe ab improbis, &c. 

2. Xegant, &c. This is a fundamental proposition of the accusa- ]fJ9 
tion. It is the lex talionis ; life for life. But the penalty of death did 
not attach to the condemned Milo. For the language is, 1. negant 
fas esse : 2. civil death was, in the view of a Roman, equivalent to 
the punishment of natural death. 

4. Primum. The first on record, or oldest traditionary capital 
trial, where provocatio ad populum and a judicium populi were exer- 
cised ; Dion. Hal. 3, 22 : yevd/ievos i>i davar*i<p6pov Kpiaews t6tc irpdrov 6 
Votfialiov Zrjuos K^piog. 

5. M. Horatii. The story of Horatius, who slew his own sister, 
for mourning over the fate of her lover, one of the Curiatii, whom he 
had just slain, is given by Livy, 1, 26. — Nondum libera civitate. Still 
under kingly government, and therefore more unlikely to be influenced 
by popular feeling. 

6. Tamen. With reference to the implied quamquam in the par- 
ticipial construction. See H. 575. — Comitiis. As this was before the 
institution of the comitia centuriata and tribuia, we must supply 
curiatis with comitiis. 

9. Recte et jure factum. Cf. 6, 15, and 9, 23. Recte may re- 
fer to natural and jure to positive law, unless we take them as a cir- 
cumlocution. The distinction is taken between a question of law and 
a question of fact. 

10. Nisi vero. H. 503,111.— P. Africanum Minorem. Cf. deOrat. 
2, 25, 106. 

11. C. Carbone. He was tribune a. u. c. 623, and a contempo- 
rary and friend of the Gracchi. Val. Max. 6, 2, informs us that Carbo, 
when he was exciting the people to revenge the death of C. Gracchus, 
hoped to be assisted in attaining this object by the weight and author- 
ity of Africanus, the husband of Sempronia, the sister of the Gracchi, 
who he imagined could not avoid speaking in favor of his brother-in- 
law. He therefore dragged Scipio to the forum, before he had well 
entered the city, and put to him the interrogation in the text. 

1 2. Seditiose. Cf. ch. 27, 72. 

115. Jure caesurn is a legal formula. When Scipio Africanus in 
Numantia heard of the death of Ti. Gracchus, he is said to have ex- 
claimed : (if ai:6\oiTo koX aXXog, '6 ns Toiatrd yz f>i£oi. Plut.TV. Grace, 21. 

14. Ahala ille Servilius. Notice the order. Usually the no- 
men precedes the cognomen. On the persons hero mentioned, see 1 in 
Cat. chaps. 1 and 2. 

15* Me consule, senatus. Cicero elsewhere is in the habit of 



388 NOTES. 

Page 

inn claiming to himself alone the merit of saving his country in the con- 
spiracy of Catiline. Here he does not say aut ego, for ohvious reasons 

16. Nefas esset. See 30, 83. 

17. Fictis fabulis, sc. tragicis. — Doclissimi homines, aoiooi eatpoi 
So Plato calls poets itariptg rrjs oo<pias . . . Kal f/ytudves. Compare Tusc 
1, 1, 3 : apud Gracos antiquissimum sit e doctis genus poetarum; 
Lucret. 2, 599 : Veteres Graium docti cecinere poetcB. Cicero, p 
Rose. Am. 24, makes another use of this allusion. 

18. Eum. Orestem. 

1 9. Variatis hominum sententiis. The court of the Areopa- 
gus were divided. According to iEschylus, sixteen were for condemn- 
ing, fifteen for acquitting. Minerva joined herself to the fifteen, which 
made the division equal, and amounted to an acquittal. 

20. Divina. Some read humana. 

21. Duodecim. tabulae. The fragment of the twelve tables reads 
thus: si nox (nocte) furtum factum sit, si im occisit (si eum for fur em 
or.cidcrit), jure caesus esto. Cf. pro Tull. 20, 47, and 50. 

22. Telo. Inst. 4, 18, 5 : Telum autem, ut Gaius noster inter- 
pretatione legis duodecim tabularum scriptum reliquit, vulgo quidem id 
appellator, quod ab arc umittitur, sed et omne significatur, quod manu 
cujusdam mittitur: sequitur ergo, ut et lapis et lignum et ferrum hoc 
nomine contineatur. Others read defenderit and defendat. 

Ch. IV.— 28. Vi vis illata defeuditur. D. 9. 2, 45, § 4 : Vim 
cnim vi defendere omnes leges omniaqae jura permittunt. 

31. Afierebat. De Invent. 2, 42, 124: Relatio criminis, ut in 
eo milite, qui, quum communis lex omnium hominem occidere vetaret, 
tribuuum suum, qui vim sibi afferre conarctur, occidit. Plut. Mar. 14, 
calls the soldier Trebonius ; Val. Max. 0, 1, 12, C. Plotius ; Quinctil. 
3, 11, 14, Aruncius. The tribune's name was C. Lusius. 

3-1. Q,uid comitatus nostri, quid gladii. As the Roman roads 
were often insecure, travellers had armed guards to accompany them. 

36. Non scripta, sed nata lex. A paraphrase of the jus natu- 
rale ; " the right that is born with us," v6(ios aypa<pos. The classical 
jurists also class self-defence under the jus naturale (gentium). D. 9, 
2,4: adversus periculum natural is ratio permittit se defen- 
dere. Cf. ch. 11, §30. 

3T. Didicimus, the general term, of which accepimus = audivi- 
mus, and legimus are species. So in the antithesis, hausimus is the 
more general expression, in which arripuimus and expressimus aro 
included, the former expressing eager grasping of that which is adapt- 
ed to our nature, the latter conveying the idea of the exact representa- 
tion of the original or model. On the harmony and rhythm of this 
passage, see Orat 49, 1G4, and 5 ; and Quinctil. 9, 3. 

40. Et in tela. Some read si in tela. 

42. Silent enim leges, Sec. Oompure note on p. G3, line 1 



ORATION FOR T. ANNIUS MILO. 389 

l'ngt 

1. Etsi persapienter, &c. This is a correction of silent mim-t-tn 
(cges, &c. : as if he said, " Though why say the laws are silent amidst 
arms, when in their silence they Sanction the principle of self-defence 
by not barely forbidding homicide, which they do as a matter of course, 
but also to carry arms with a hostile intention ;" the obvious inference 
from which was, that they might be carried if that intention did not 
exist. This Cicero calls tacite dat .... potestatem defendendi. — Ipsa 
lex, i. e. Cornelia de sicariis et veneficis. Lege Cornelia de sicariis et 
veneficis tenetur, qui liominem occiderit .... quive hominis occiden- 

di causa cum telo ambulaverit. D. 48, 8, 1. Lex Cornelia de sica- 
riis, qua lomicidas ultore ferro perscquitur, &c. Inst. 4, 18, 5, 
where Justinian has introduced the ultore ferro persequitur into the 
lex Cornelia, which made the penalty aqua et ignis inter dictio, i. e. 
exile. In Justinian's time the punishment was made capital. 

2. Non liominem occidi. Klotz : non modo liominem occidi, i. e. 
does not merely prohibit the killing of a man, but the carrying of a 
weapon, &c. For though the occidere is more than the telum .... 
habere, yet Cicero regards it as the reverse in the law, which consid- 
ers more the intention to kill than the killing itself. See note on p. 64, 
line 36. — Esse cum telo. This was prohibited by the Twelve Tables. 
Cic. ad Alt. 2, 24, 3 : Fit senatus consultum, ut Vettius, quod con~ 
fessus esset se cum telo fuisse, in vincula conjicerctur. In Vatin. 
10, 24. In Verr. 5, 3, 7 : ut ne quis cum telo servus esset. On tho 
notions comprehended in the generic word telum, see Arnold's Nepos 
Dat. 11, 3. 

3. Q,uum causa, &c. = quum qucereretur, quae causa fuisset teli 
gestandi, non habueritne telum is, qui occidit, i. e. by questioning tho 
motive, not the fact of carrying arms. 

6. Maneat in causa. Cf. de Off. 3, 12, 49 : Maneat ergo : quod 
turpe sit, id nunquam esse utile, &c. Cicero conceives that he has 
now fully established the legality of homicide in self-defence, and thua 
refuted the first prasjudicium. — Non enim. H. 602, III. 

T. Probaturus sim, i.e. de veritate defensionis mete vobis persua- 
uurus sim ; make good to you, &c. 

8. Oblivisci non potestis. Quia est lex naturalis, quae sui de- 
fendendi causa alium interficere jubeat. 

Cn. V. — lO. Sequitur illud. He begins the refutation of tho 
prejudicia, 1. of the senate : 2. of Pompey. Cf. Quinctil. 5, 2. 

11. Caedem, &c. The decree was expressed in general terms, 
but admiued of a particular application, which the opponents of Milo 
made. Cicero, therefore, contends for the general interpretation, and 
shows that in the various debates which had taken place in the sen- 
ate since the death of Clodius, Milo's cause was invariably triumphant; 
that the charge against the senate of submitting to his (Cicero's) dic- 
tation, and not their own judgment, proved the strength of Milo's 



390 nots&. 

Page 

11 n cause in the senate, and therefore that that body could never have in 
tended to condemn Milo by the decree. Besides, that the decree was 
expressed in the form usual in the case of public disturbances, e. g. the 
burning of the senate-house, &c, and was voted by him, as no doubt 
it was by others too, as a condemnation of the fact, without deciding 
with whom the guilt lay. This clears the second prajudicium. — C(£~ 
dem 9 in qua, &c. This expression is not simply a to the briefer form 
cadem Clodii, but comprehends the whole conflict, in which Clodius 
lost his life. Cf. 6, 15. 

12. Contra rem publicarn esse factaui. This is a general 
formula, to denote any thing as dangerous or adverse to the state. It 
occurs in the words of decrees, as cited by Cicero, ad Q.frat. 2, 3, 3» 
and ad Fam. 8, 8, 6. 

14:. Q,uoties enim, &c. Below, ch. 35, he says : Centesima lux 
est hac ab interitu P. Clodii ct . . . . altera ; a period which admit- 
ted of various discussions of the question in the senate. 

16. Frcquentissimo senatu. In Cicero's time the senate prob- 
ably numbered over 500. See ad Att. 1, 14. 

IT. Summum. The common reading is ad summum, which is 
unciceronian. See Z. 271. 

18. Declarant, sc. how fully the senate approved of Milo's con- 
duct. Declarare is often put absolutely, without the addition of the 
pronoun id or hoc. — Hujus ambusti tribuni plebis. T. Munatius 
Plancus Bursa, who, with another tribune, Q. Pompeius Rufus, ha- 
rangued the mob, which under their direction brought out the body of 
Clodius, and exposed it in the forum before the Rostra, that its wounds 
might be viewed. In their speeches they excited the populace against 
Milo ; and, Sextus Clodius, a scribe, acting as leader, the people bore 
the corpse into the curia, where they made a pile of the benches, 
desks, tables, and books, on which they burned the body., setting fire 
to the curia, which was consumed, together with a portion of the Ba- 
silica Porcia, which was adjoining. Ascouius says the tribunes did 
not cease haranguing, until the heat of the burning curia forced them 
to retire : therefore the derisive epithet ambustus, scorched, singed. 
Ambustus, however, circumustus, properly applies to one who ha.s 
been struck by lightning, but not killed. 

19. Intermortuse, is explained by most as = inanes, futiles, ineffi. 
caces. It properly expresses the alternate sinking and reviving of one 
struggling between life and death, and is applied with bitter sarcasm 
to the harangues, which were, in the confusion of the scene, ineffect- 
ual and fruitless attempts, just dying, and as it were already dead be- 
fore they reached the hearers. 

JJO. Invidiose. For it was holding up Cicero to public odium 
to represent him as the tyrant of the senate. — Quum diccrct. The 
general usage would lead us to expect the indicative here. See nota 



ORATION FOR T. ANNIUS MILO. 391 

oji p. 69, line 40. Ktihiier considers the subjunctive as expressing rep- Tin 
etition ; Madvig says the subj. stands when a fuller description of the 
manner of the action is added. 

2*. Apud bonos gratia. For the class denoted by Cicero as 
boat, oplimi, optimates, optimus quisque, principes, see note on page 
9, line 5. Cf. ch. 8, 21 ; Sest. chaps. 45, 48, 49 ; de OjJ\ 1, 25. 

25. Appelletur ita sane. Klotz : appelletur ita sane potentia , 
dum ea nos, &c. 

2(5. Hanc vero quaestionem. Cf. Phil. 2, 9, 22. 

28. Erant enim leges. Garatoni compares Demosthenes de 
corona Elal v6fioi, k. t. X. The leges were the lex Plotia de vi, the lex 
Cornelia de sica^iis, &c, the lex Aquilia de cade. — Qtuestiones, sc 
perpetuae. See Diet. Antiq. Judex. Milo's was a special commission, 
the very appointment of which operates against him by giving an un- 
due importance to the affair. Though in Cicero's times there were 
qtuestiones perpetua for all leading crimes, special commissions were 
appointed in particular cases. For the people, by the organization of 
the former standing tribunals, did not surrender their supremacy and 
prerogative. Extraordinary questions were frequent, particularly in 
turbulent times. 

29. Mserorem ac luctum. Dolor denotes an inward feeling of 
grief; manor and luctus, an utterance or external manifestation of this 
inward feeling : luctus its artificial manifestation, designedly, and 
through the conventional signs of mourning, as cutting off the hair, 
mourning clothes, &c. ; m&ror, the more natural and involuntary 
manifestation of it in the gestures of the body, and in the countenance, 
by sighing and weeping. 

31. Cujus euim de illo incesto stupro. See below, chapters 
22, 59 ; 27, 73 ; 32, 87. Clodius, in order to carry on an intrigue 
with Pompeia, the wife of Julius Caesar, had gained admittance, in 
disguise, to Caesar's house, where the mysteries of the Bona Dea were 
celebrating. He was detected, however, but in the confusion effected 
his escape. Cicero calls the intrigue incestus, as polluting those sa- 
cred ri*.es, at which males were forbidden to appear. Harus. 5 : Ea 
sacra, qua: viri oculis, ne imprudentis quidem, adspici fas est. Ju- 
venal goes still farther : Ubi velari pictura jubetur, Qucecunque alte- 
rius sexus imitata Jiguram est. — Judicium decernendi. Appointing 
n trial. Cicero, ad Ait. 1, 13, informs us that the affair was, by a 
decree, referred to the pontifices, and by them declared a sacrilege ; 
and that the consuls proposed a bill to the people, by which the prae- 
tor was empowered to select assessors to try the cause. This bill, it 
appears, was, by the influence of the Clodian faction, headed by the 
tribune Fufius, prevented from passing, and an amended bill substi- 
tuted ; according to which, judges, selected in the usual way, were to 
try the cause. Owing to the corruption of the judges, Clodius was 



892 NOTES. 

L10 acc I u i^ed. This Cicero calls judicium decernendi senutui polenta* 
esset erepta. 

34:. Cur igitur, &c. The general disorders of the opposing fac- 
tion, especially the burning of the curia, had excited greater displeas- 
ure in the minds of the better-disposed citizens, than the murder oi 
Clodius. Cicero, therefore, mentions them in the order of their im- 
portance. 

35. M. tiepidi. Two days after the death of Clodius, Lepidus 
was declared interrex. The factions of Scipio and Hypssus, with a 
view to force on an immediate election, attacked his house, insulted 
his wife Cornelia, and oven tore her webs out of the loom ; but fall- 
ing in with the rival faction of Milo, they were compelled to desist. 

36. duia nulla vis, &c. Cf. Seneca, de ira, 2, 31 : Nefas est 
nocere p atria, ergo civi quoque, nam hie pars patricB est. Sancta 
partes sunt, si universum venerabile est. In the libera civitas Ro- 
viana there was the closest connection between the welfare and inter- 
ests of the citizen and the state. Violence done to a citizen was 
brought for trial before the judicia publico. 

38. Ilia, duKTiKuis, e.g. paulo ante memorata. 

39. Nisi vero. H. 503. " Unless, indeed," &c, which it is ab- 
surd to assert ; the loss of citizens, however abandoned, being still a 
loss. The usual indirect argument. 

4:0. Hie dies, &c. Klotz : Me dies, in quo Ti. Gracchus . 
aut quo anna Saturnini, etiam si ... . tamen non vulnerarunt. 

4:1. E re publica. = for the good of the State. 

Ch. VI. — 43. Ego ipse decrevi. " My own vote then was." 
Dccernere is properly used of the sentences of the whole senate, though 
often applied to the vote of individual senators. 

44:. Non eum, qui se defeudisset. For self-defence was just 
and right, and not a crime against the state. 
Ill 2* Crimen judicio reservavi, judicibus inquirendum reliqui, ab 
utro illata fuerit vis et comparatae insidiae. — Rem nolavi, vim et insidi- 
as, tanquam caedis causas improbavi. Cf. ch. 11, 31 : Senatus rem, 
non homincm notavit. Veil. Pat. 2, 47 : Clodius a Milono . . . exem- 
plo, inutili, facto salutari reipublica .... jugulatus est. 

3. Furiosum ilium tribunum. Munatius Plancus. Furiosus 
is a common epithet of the tribunes, implying that their occupation 
was to excite the people to acts of violence. On the meaning oi fur ere. 
see note ou p. 9, line 2. 

4. Novam qua?stionem, introduced by Pompey, under his new 
aw. See Introduction, p. 377. — Decernebat cnim, Sec, de sententia 

Q. Hortensii, ut narrat Asconius. 

5. Extra ordiuem. Extra ordinem quarere is not to be con- 
founded with the nova quastio. The senate purposed no chauge ill 
the laws or tribunals, but wished the cause of Milo, as one of soecial 



ORATION FOR T. ANNIUS MILO. 393 

Page 

importanco, tried without delay, without waiting its turn on the ]1 1 
docket. 

6. Divisa seiitentia est. When a motion comprehended two or 
more particulars, auy senator could have them put separately, simply 
by saying 1 , divide. Here the points were: 1. ut veteribus legibus . . .. 
qiuzrerelur ; 2. ut extra ordinem qucereretur. This division allowed 
the rejection of one and adoption of the other measure. — Postulante 
ncscio quo. Cicero doubtless knew, but wishes to show his judgment 
of the insignificance of the individual. Cf. ch. 24, 65, where the name 
is even given, and p. Sest. 31, 68. The name in this instance is given 
by Asconius and Scliol. Bob. as Q. Fufius Calenus. 

8. Empta intercessione. That of the tribunes Munatius Plan- 
cus and Sallust. When a tribune interposed his veto, the decree was 
not completely nullified, but retained a species of authority, intimated 
by the name senatus auctoritas, which, however, is sometimes used 
for senatus consultum. Reliqua stands in reference to the unobnox- 
ious part, ut extra ordinem qucsrerctur. 

9. At enim. The third praejudicium ; sc. " that Pompey by his 
act had condemned Milo." This Cicero refutes, by showing that Pom- 
pey merely enacted an inquiry — that an inquiry, where the fact was 
acknowledged, implies an inquiry into the merits of the cause — that it 
will be seen by Pompey's own showing (Jam Mud ipse dicet, &c.) 
that his act is attributable to no predilection for Clodius, but to the 
emergency of the case — that to act otherwise would be to overthrow 
the very nature of a law, in the eye of which all men, whether high 
or low, are equal, as appears from the instances of Drusus and Afri- 
canus, whose untimely and lamented fate called forth no new enact- 
ment — that to permit concomitant circumstances to have any weight 
in determining the amount of guilt, would be to make the atrocity of 
Clodius's death to be heightened, and that of his victim, Papirius, 
lowered, by their occurring on the Appian (i. e. Clodian) way, (aut eo 
mors atrocior, &c. § 17) — that in adducing an instance of Clodius's 
guilt, it was unnecessary to go back to Papirius, (quid ego ilia com- 
memoro, &c.,) the attempt to assassinate Pompey (as guilt consists in 
the intention) being as bad as murder itself ; not to mention the re- 
peated attempts on Cicero's own life, (Quoties ego ipse, &c. §20.) 
Are we prepared to say, then, (asks Cicero,) that, while the great and 
good have had their lives taken away, or attempted, and no new law 
was called into existence by the public sorrow, Clodius's death has 
excited such general regret, that Pompey framed his bill to assuage it? 
No, (Nonfuit ea causa, &c, § 21,) it was merely the fact of a recon- 
ciliation having taken place between Pompey and Clodius some time 
before, and in which Pompey wished to show himself perfectly sincere, 
that has called forth the law in question, (timuit ne videretur, &c, 
$ 21 ;) which after all Pompey would not have proposed, were he not 



894 NOTES. 

Page 

i -j -j aware that whatever severity there might be in this enactment, it 

would be tempered by the firmness of the judges ; the selection of 
whom, from the most illustrious orders, aud particularly the respecta- 
bility of him who presides, proved incontestably, that Pompey's solo 
motive was a regard to justice, &c. This Cicero considers sufficient 
to clear the third prce judicium, and he now proceeds to the defence 
itself, ch. 9. — Et de re et de causa. De re of tho question of fact ; 
de causa of the question of law. Ch. 22 init, the opposition of tho 
law and the fact is thus expressed : Quod igitur in causa qucererulum 
est, id agamus hie; quod tormeniis invenirc vis, id fatcmur. CI*. 
ad Fam. 2, 6, 5 : Nunc tihi omnem rem alque causatn meque tolum 
commendo atque trado. 

10. Tulit, sc. rogationem. Pompey, on being appointed consul, 
prohibited the wearing of any kind of arms in the city, and carried a 
law de vi, in which he made special reference to the murder commit- 
ted on the Appian road, to the burning of the curia, and to the assault 
on the house of the intcrrex. — Facta esset .... occisus essct. In le- 
gum formulis nihil frequentius quam istud imperfectum cenjunctivi 
vel aliquoties repetitum. The reading occisus est ov fuit is inadmissi- 
ble, since esset doubtless belongs to the rogatio. 

11. Nempe ut quaereretur. See note on p. 76', line 42. 

13. At paret. Paresis an old terminus judicialis. See Gaius 
4, 47 ; Verr. 2, 12, 31 : si judicium sit ejusmodi : L. Octavius ju- 
dex esto : si paret, &c. Cf. Verr. 3,22,55, and 28, 69. In the 
present passage condemnare and absolvcre are near by, as in the for- 
mula given by the praetor to tho judex : si paret .... condemna, si non 
paret absolve. 

14. In confessione facti = quum (etsi) factum concederetur.— 
Juris .... defensioncm suscipi posse. See ch. 3, § 6. 

15. Q,uod nisi vidisset, posse absolvi. Quod ad antecedentia 
relatum explicatur verbis posse absolvi, ubi nos nempe adderemus. 

IT. Salutarem .... literam .... tristem. The initials of ab- 
solvo and condemno. There was a third tablet, not mentioned here, 
which was marked N. L., i. e. non liquet. Each judge received these 
three tablets from the praetor, and when the vote was taken, threw one 
into the urn, which was provided separately for the different classes of 
judges, senators, equites, and tribuni aerarii. Ad Q.frat. 2, 6, 6. Ac- 
cording to the tablets the praetor pronounced his sentence ; when C 
was the prevailing number, videtur fecisse. Verr. 6, 14; Acad. 2, 47, 
extr. ; when A. predominated, non videtur ; and when N. L. was the 
vote, the decision was adjourned, or a compromise effected. Cicero 
here means to say, that Pompey, if he had considered Milo guilty, 
would not have appointed a trial, since he could, by virtue of the 
power conferred upon him by the senate, have punished him himself! 

2 J . Defensionem = potestatem sese defendendi. 



ORATION FOR T. ANNIUS MILO. 395 

22. Non interitum = non, an aliquis occisus sit. iii 

23. Tribuendum. Clodiine causa, an temporis faciendum. No 
partiality for Clodius could have influenced Pompey to propose this 
law, but policy, and the soothing of the populace, which Sex. Clodius 
and the wife of P. Clodius, and the deed itself, had greatly excited. 

Ch. VII.— 25. Dorai suae, on the Palatine ; in eo loco, ubi est, 
qua quondam Ciceronis, mox Censorial fuit. Veil. 2, 14. Com- 
pare note on page 9, line 4. — Senatus propugnator. Nam ut ait Veil. 
2, 13: senatui priscum restituere cupiebat decus, etjudicia ab equi- 
tibus ad eum transferee ordinem. 

2(5. Poene patronus. Vere patronus senatus dictus erat ejus pa- 
ter. Vid. Suet. Tiber. 3. — Avunculus hujus judicis nostri. M. Cato 
Uticensis, whose mother, Livia, was sister of Drusus, and by a second 
marriage, mother also of Servilia, whose son was Brutus, the tyranni- 
cide. Cf. ch. 16, 44. 

2T. Tribunus plebis, whose person was therefore inviolable. 

28. M. Drusus. See Schmitz, Rome, p. 351. On the order of 
the words in this passage, compare note on p. 112, line 2. The em- 
phasis lies in the predicates, and the name is added only for complete- 
ness. Cf. ch. 27, 74. — Nihil. = in no respect. 

31. Ilia nocturia vis. He was found dead in his bed, and com- 
monly believed to have been strangled. Others supposed he died sud- 
denly a natural death, while some thought he took his own life. Most 
authorities of that and the subsequent period agree in supposing he 
was murdered. This was Cicero's decided opinion. Suspicion fell upon 
tho tribune C. Papirius Carbo. Schmitz, Rome, p. 334. For qui- 
escenti, Klotz reads conquiescenti. 

3 2. Ctuis turn non gemuit? Cf. in Vatin. 13,31: Quis turn 
non in gemuit ? Quis non doluit, &c. Klotz : allaia for illata. 

3-1. Necessariam .... mortem, quam naturae necessitas affert, 
naturalem. 

3 5. Ctusestio. . . . lata est? An instance of brachylogy for lex 
lata est, ut quarcrclur. 

36. Alio .... alio. II. 459. Nam coedes est, sive clarus homo, 
sive obscurus necatus est. 

38. Mors quidem = sed mors. 

39. Nisi forte. Z. 526. 

40. Parricida. Many MSS have patricida, and so Lambinus 
edited, to distinguish it from the wider signification of parricida and 
parricidium. The ground of the more extended usage of the word is 
partly rhetorical, partly legal. It originally denotes foul murder, and 
stands opposed to chance killing, or justifiable homicide. It was af- 
terwards analyzed, and several kinds of punishable homicide were dis- 
tinguished. In its more restricted sense it was the killing of parents 
grandparents, brothers, sisters, and other near connections, as also of 



S9G NOTES. 

Page 

111 the patronus and patrona. In the sigaifieation of murder cf one's fa- 
ther, it is of comparatively rare occurrence in Roman writers, although 
the derivation from pater was approved by them. Quinctil. 8, 6, 35 
Perhaps the very old parricida (paricida) is to be derived from irapa, 
as in -napanpta^tv^, Trapapaivu, and ccedere. This va(d expresses per- 
verseness, wickedness, and is to be found often in the Latiu prefix per 
(perfuga, perjurus, perduellio). That the word did not take the form 
percida, may be owing to the high antiquity of the notion aud the 
word, or to regard for euphony. Legal forms were not readily changed. 
41. In monumentis majorum suonun, in via Appia. This 
road, which still partially remains, was made by Afpius Claudius Coc- 
cus in his censorship. Schmitz, Rome, p. 184. On the so-called plu- 
rale tantum majorum, compare Varro, de R. R., 1,2 9, cujus ma- 
jores . . . nam Stolonis ilia lex, &c. Cf. L.MaxJ. 12,33, for a simila) 
use of liberi. — Quod is .... sit interfectus. EL 520. Klotz : necarit 

43. Ab istis, Clodianis, with contempt. — Proinde. See Hark. 
587, IV. 

44. Non qua sed ubi = non ut ea sed ut ibi, aud there- 
fore utcretur and latrocinarentur. H. 500. The Clodians, it seems, 
urged it as an aggravation of Milo's guilt, that he killed Clodius on a 
road constructed by his ancestors; and Quinctil. 5, 10, 40, points out 
the force of this part of the Clodian charge. On the same principle, 31 
Manlius could not be convicted while he remained in sight of the cap- 
itol. Liv. 6, 20. Cicero replies by admitting the aggravation, if his 
opponents will admit that Appius made the road to afford his posterity 
an opportunity of plundering there with impunity. 

l-iQ 1. Itaque. Accordingly; i. e. supposing the road made for the 
above purpose. 

2. Q,uuni ornatissiniuni equitem Romanum P. Clodius 31. 
Papirium. The order should be noticed, which appears chosen for 
the purpose of giving an ironical emphasis to the name of P. Clodius, 
iu contrast with a highly respectable Roman knight, who, however, 
cannot compare with Clodius in ancestral dignity : and M. Papirium 
is added for explanation = viz. M. Papirius. 

3. Papirium. Pompey had, some time before, brought to Romo 
the son of Tigranes, king of Armenia, as a prisoner, and after his tri- 
umph, put him under the care of Flavius, a senator. The young 
prince, assisted by Clodius, attempted to escape, but the ship, in which 
ho embarked, was driven into Antium. Flavius on hearing this, has- 
tened to recover Tigranes, when a rencontre ensued between Flavius 
and Clodius, in which Papirius, Pompey's friend, was slain. T 

the origin of Pompey's enmity to Clodius. 

5. Q,uautas tragoedias. What a commotion ! Dem. Ccr. 

&<nrtp £>' -payu>£i,i fiouivra, o) y?i kul ?;\i£ Kal apsrr}. 

7. Usurpatur = vocatur, commemoratur, is talked of. 



ORATION FOR T. ANNIUS MILO. 397 

8. Sed quid ego ilia commemoro ? See note on page 44,iio 
Jine 7. 

9. Compreliensus est. Cf. p. Sest. 32, 69 ; 38, 83 : Plut. Pomp 
49. — In templo Castoris. On this occasion v,he senate was held in 
Castor's temple. It was built in honor of Castor and Pollux, for their 
espousing the cause of the Romans against the Latins. Liv. 2, 20, 
and 42. Suet. Cces. 10 : Ut enim geminis fratribus cedes in foro 
constituta, tantum Castoris vocaretur. Zumpt ad Cic. Verrin. 1, 49, 
129 : Nimirum ille Jovis, hie Tyndarei filius cedebatque divino spoi- 
guini humanus. 

14. Num quae. H. 455, 2. 

15. Si res, si vir, si tempus. Each of these particulars is 
answered in the same order in the following sentence : Insidiator 
erat, &c. ; ei viro, &c. ; eo . . tempore. 

IT. In vestibulo ipso senatus. In Pison. 12, 28, deprehensits 
denique cum ferro ad senatum is, quern ad Cn. Pompeium in- 
terimendum collocatum fuisse constabat. 

18. Cujus in vita nitebatur. H.419, IL So Somn. Scip.2: tu 
eris unus, in quo nitatur civitatis salus. — Eo rei publico tem- 
pore, a. u. c. 695, " pulso in exsilium Cicerone, Catone in Cyprum 
delegato, Ccesare in Galliis impedito." 

19. Occidisset. Klotz and others cecidissei. 

20. Nisi vero. Like nisi forte on the preceding page, line 39. 
— unless perhaps. 

21. Proinde quasi exitus rerum. Juvenal, 13, 209 : Nam 
scelus intra se taciturn qui cogitat ullum, Facti crimen habet. See 
the story of Glaucus, son of Epicydes, in Herodotus, 6, 86. This 
general principle, in regard to the punishment of such crimes, was 
maintained in the earliest times, and expressly embodied in the Lex 
Cornelia de sicariis. Cf. D. 48, 8, 1, 3, and ibid. 1. 14. Divus Ha- 
drianus in kcec verba rescripsit : In maleficiis voluntas spectatur, 
non exitus. — Exitus rerum, non hominum consilia, i. e. quasi non 
hominum consilia, sed exitus rerum. When an affirmative clause 
is followed by another negative clause, so that the order can be in- 
verted, and non — sed be substituted, the negative is expressed by the 
eimple non. Ac non is used where a preceding statement is correct- 
ed, when potius may be supplied, and sometimes is added. It is then 
indicated that what follows ac non is true. Also et non is so used. 
In neither case is nee allowable. 

21. duoties. Thrice ; ch. 14, 37. 

2T. Ctiuestionem tulisset. See note on p. Ill, line 35. 

Ch. VIII. — 28. Stulti sumus. Non cogitamus. Ix is thought- 
less or foolish in us to venture to compare, &c. — Qui .... audeamus. 
i. e. quum audeamus. H. 515. For in the preceding chapter he had 
really compared Drusus, &c , with Clodius. This passage is an in 



398 NOTES. 

Pa?e 

IIO stance °f elegant and even eloquent irony. The verbs accurately cut 
respond in importance with their subjects, forming together a descend- 
ing series. Thus luget is the loudest grief; senatus the highest order; 
next mceret — equester ordo, and so down to agri .... desiderant. We 
may further notice in regard to the structure of tho sentences, that hi 
the first sentence qui is repeated with Africanum... and omitted with 
Pompeium and nosmet ipsos. In such a grouping tho particle or other 
common word is often repeated in the first members, and omitted in 
the last, with a kind of evenness in the number of times of tho occur- 
rence and omission. Cf. p. C<zl. 14, 33 : non patruum, non avum, 
proavum, atavum, audieras consulem fuisse; Verr. 5, 51, 133. In 
the remaining sentences, the anaphora and chiasmus should bo ob- 
served. Of three clauses it is very common for the two first to be ar- 
ranged anaphorically, while the last is chiastic to the former. The 
sentence Luget — desiderant furnishes a double instance of this. The 
artistic character of the period furnishes other points, which are worthy 
of careful attention and study. 

34. Non fuit ea causa .... cur. H. 501. The irony is drop- 
ped. Cicero having in language of the deepest pathos expressed the 
sorrow and mourning of all parts of the Roman state at the death of 
Clodius, now suddenly and briefly, against such a fiction, sets the plain 
truth, that there was nothing of the kind, but directly the reverse (in 
communi omnium latitia). 

36. Alta et divina. Alta mens esse videtur, quce alte in rerum 
naturam quasi penetrat, ej usque intimos et abditos recessus explorat. 
Ernest, mentem altam, h. 1. explicat, quae res humanas contemnit, 
Garaton. quae, tanquam e specula, plus ceteris videt. Divina autem 
mens, qiue sapientiae deorum proxima videtur. Haec etenim vox id 
omne continet, quod est maxime admirabile ac singulare. 

39. Fides reconciliatae gratiae. Cf. ch. 32, 83. Pompey had 
quarrelled with Clodius on account of his attempt on Tigranes, but by 
this time they had found it convenient to make common cause with 
each other, and Clodius actively supported Pompey and Crassus when 
they became candidates for the consulship. Clodius hoped to be ap- 
pointed on an embassy to Asia, and thus to have the opportunity of 
recruiting his exhausted pecuniary resources, and of getting from Bro- 
gitarus, and some others whom he had assisted, the rewards they 
had promised him for his services. 

41. duamvis = quantumvis. H. 515, 1. 

42. Delegit .... ipsa lumina. L. Domitius Ahenobarbus was 
chosen quaesitor. Of the others, Asconius says : Aliorum quoque ju- 
dicum, qui de ea re judicarent, Pompeius tales proposuit, ut nunquara 
neque clariores viros neque sanctiores propositos esse constaret — E flo- 
rentissimis ordinibus. Compare note on p. 103, line 11. Klotz ex 
florentissimis. 



ORATION FOR T. ANNIUS MILO. 399 

Page 

43. Secrevit. Set aside, passed over. Pompey iu choo&ing the 110 
judges had passed hy Cicero's intimate friends, which was adduced by 
Boino as a proof of Pompey's hostility to Milo. He did pass over my 
intimate acquaintances (familiares), says Cicero; nor is that strange, 
[or they are necessarily few ; but admitting that he appointed good 
men, he did not, could not, pass over my friends and adherents {slu- 
diosos mei). 

4. Coiisuetudiues victus. This determines the meaning of fa- 113 
miliares ; sc. those who are in the habit of meeting in convivial parties. 

5. Res publica = salus rei publicse. 

I. Non potuit .... non. Could not but. 

8. Q,uod vero. H. 587. But in that, &c. ; i. e. Pompey's choos- 
ing you to preside, shows that he was in quest of no personal enemy 
of Milo ; that he only wanted in the president, justice, &c. 

9. Nihil .... aliud, nisi. Z. 735. — Qu&sivit = spectavit, pro- 
prio nihil aliud ut adesset cura\it. 

I I. Ut cousularem necesse esset, huic qusestioni praeesse. Do- 
mitius had been consul two years before with Appius Claudius. — Prin- 
cipum munus esse. H. 404, 2. 

14. Dederas enim. Asconius: Constantiam L. Domitii, quam 
in praetura prcestitit, significat ; nam eo tompore a. u. c. 687 quum Cn. 
Manlius (Manilius), tr. pi., subnixus libertinorum et servorum manu, 
perditissimam legem ferret, ut libertinis in omnibus tribubus suffragium 
csset, idque per tumultum ageret, et clivum Capitolinum obsiderct, 
discusserat perruperatque ccetum Domitius, ita ut multi Manlianorum 
interficerentur. Quo facto et plebem infimam offenderat, et seuatus 
magnam gratiam inierat. — Insanias. Z. 92. Klotz : jam inde ab, &c 

Cn. IX. — 17. Si neque, &c. He briefly recapitulates his answers 
to the prffijudicia. 

21. Et t electi judices. Garatoni conjectures et ii electi, &c. 
Ltlotz : et electi, &c, sine t. Matthias : et delecti, &c. ; nam cligi 
non dicuntur judices, sed vel legi, ut § 21, vel deligi, aut seligi 
Deligitur enim qui ex pluribus et idoneis, eligitur, qui ex proniiscua 
multitudine legitur, ut ait Heusing. ad Cornel. N. Ages. 1, 3. Est 
igitur delecti vocabulum dignitatis ; unde delecti principesque jun- 
guntur, p. Sest. 49, 104. Vatin. 9, 23 : Hoc igitur prasdicatum est 
simile iis, quoe de senatu et legislatore dicuntur ; quod requirebat Er- 
nest., ut necesse non sit addere ii, et ii del.j. But Doederlein says de- 
ligere means to choose, in the sense of not remaining undecided in 
one's choice ; eligere, to choose, in the sense of not taking the first 
thing that comes. 

24. Argumentis, &c. Klotz : perspicere possitis argumentis. 
Ch. 3, 7, ut omne . . videre possitis. The judges must first see what 
the question is, and then thoroughly examine the cause. Cf. chaps, 
2, 6, and 26, 61. 



iOO NOTES. 

Page 

119 25. Rem gestani .... dum breviter expono. Quinctil. 4, 2 
Sulpitius Victor also takes the following account of the affray, as a 
specimen of what a narratio should be : aperta, brevis, probabilis 

26. In praetura vexare. As he had previously done in his osdile. 
ship and tribunate. Chaps. 9, 26, and 33, 89. 

27. Tracta esse comitia. Owing to the bribery and dispute? 
of the candidates, the election of consuls for the year 701 had not ta- 
ken place when it commenced ; and the tribunes, partly from partial- 
ity to an interregnum, during .which their power was under the least 
possible control, partly from the wish of having Pompey created dic- 
tator, by their cabals retarded it six months longer. Finally, Cn. Do- 
mitius Calvinus and M. Valerius Messalla were elected. D. Cass 
40, 45. 

29. Q,ui noil honoris gradum spectaret, i. e. non ideo presto- 
ram appeteret, ut per hunc gradum adscenderet ad consulatum. 

30. L. Paullum. L. iEmilius Paullus, praetor a. u. c. 701. Ho 
belonged to the party of the optimates. 

32. Annum suum. The lex Villia annalis, a. u. c. 574, deter- 
mined the age for holding the curule offices. By it the praetorship 
was fixed to forty. Liv. 40, 44 ; Phil. 5, 17, 47. 

33, Religione aliqua. He hints that persons, through religiou? 
scruples, resulting from defects in the auspices, occasionally omitted 
to sue for offices in their proper year. Clodius was not one of these. 

36. Occurrebat ei. See ch. 18, 48, init. Klotz : pratur am fu- 
ller am suam. 

3 7. Summo consensu. Consequently he did not fear his oppo- 
sition ; and therefore had no interest in killing him. 

39. Competitores. P. Plautius Hypsaeus and Q. Metellus Scipio. 
Contulit se ad = cum iis se conjunxit, ut dicitur ad alicujus amici- 
tiam se conferre. — Ita = tanta diligentia, tanto ardore. His assuming 
to direct the canvass alone, against the wishes of the candidates, char- 
acterizes him as a bold and shameless disturber, who would not have 
scrupled to interrupt the comitia by violence. 

4:0. Suis .... liumeris sustineret. Sest. 66, 138 : suis ccrvi- 
cibus tanta munia atque rem publicum sustinent. O. Metam. 2, 296 : 
Alas cn ! ipse luborat vixque suis liumeris candentem sustinet axem. 

41. Convocabat tribus. In what way the people were pre- 
pared for elections, appears from the oration for Plancius. — Se inter- 
ponebat. Either in a general sense, " became, as it were, a party 
concerned ;" or, as Ernesti, " acted as bribing-agent for the candi- 
dates." Plane. 16, 38 ; 18, 44. 

42. Collinam . . . conscribebat. The Collina was one of the 
four city tribes. Since the libertini were added to them, they were 
less respectable than the rustic tribes, and now embraced the ficx po- 
puli. This turba or /actio forensis demagogues and disoiganizere 



0RAT10X FOR T. ANNIUS MILO. 40] 

csed as their instruments, especially at the time of elections. The 110 
numbers of the city tributes were very large. If, as Cicero says, 
Clodius made, or attempted to make, the Colline tribe entirely new, by 
excessive increase of the tribules, his aim was first to secure the vote 
of this tribe for the candidates whom he favored, but not his principal 
aim. Conscribere is a military term, ch. 28, 76; and an expression 
relating to public law, for " to enroll in a definite class of citizens." 
Liv. 1, 13. Comp. Patres conscripti. But in this sense it did not 
belong to Clodius. The word was also used of those who prepared 
the people systematically, according to its political divisions, for elec- 
tions, and for this purpose collected them together by enrollment 
Plane. 18, 45, and 19, 47. Klotz : dilectu. 

43. Miscebat, i.e. res turbulentas concitabat ac moliebatur. Tur- 
bare is also used in a similar way. 

4:4. Ubi vidit, &c, i. e. ubi vidit certissimum consulem fore vi- 
rum, qui fortissimus et inimicissimus esset. Cf. Sest. 69, 144. 

3. Suffragiis declaratum. See ch. 35, 96. The election J 14 

had been frequently adjourned by the interference of the tribunes, and 
disturbed by the violent partisans of Clodius, but not till Milo's likeli- 
hood of success was manifest. 

4. Occidenduni Miloiiem. Cicero gives great prominence to 
this threat of Clodius throughout his argument. See § § 26, 44, 52. 
That Milo made like declarations, in regard to Clodius, is apparent 
from ad Att. 4, 4. — Servos agrestes et barbaros. Clodius possessed 
estates in Etruria, near the Amelia via, on which he had a number 
of slaves located, whom he could summon to Rome from time to time, 
to assist him in his enterprises. He had, no doubt, been found, to^. a 
troublesome neighbor in the country. 

5. Ctuibus, i. e. quorum ope, per quos. 

6. Ex Apennino deduxerat. So a fragment of the oration, de 
are alieno Milonis, 2, 2 : Eosdem ad c&dem civium de Apennino de- 
duxisti, on which the scholiast says : Quasi base omnia in Catilinaa 
socium dicerentur, ita mentionam attulit Apennini, quern nnper illo 
cum exercitu obtinuerat. 

8. Consulatuni eripi . . . . 11011 posse, vitam posse. When 
one verb is common to two clauses, of which one is negativo and the 
other positive, the common verb is given to each clause. Notice the 
omission of the conjunction. See note, p. 99, fine 2S. 

9. Siguificavit .... dixit. Cicero points out the difference, Or 
1, 26. Significare inter se dicuntur, qui sibi innuunt, Sec. 

10. Favonio. This celebrated imitator of Cato (£r/Awr/)? Kdrwvos, 
Plut.,) suffered among the proscribed during the second triumviruto 
Suet. Aug. 13. 

11. Sunimum. See note on p. 110, line 17. 



402 NOTES. 

Paee 

ji a 12. Hunc M. Catonem. Cf. 27, 74 : kunc P. Varium 

judiccm nostrum. See note on p. 103, Hue 30. 

Ch. X.— 15. Ante diem XIII. Kal. See note on p. 10, line 
44. The names of months are adjectives agreeing with Kal. Id. Non 
Here therefore Feb. should be read Februarias. H. 708. Since the 
year of the decemvirs, in which January had only 29 days, was still 
in force at Rome, this date would be the 18th of January, a. u. c. 702, 
The reformation of the calendar by Julius Caesar was effected a. u. o. 
708, the last year of confusion. Klotz reads difficile id scire a Lanu- 
vinis ; and ante diem tertium decimum Kalendas Februarias 

16. Iianuvium. Behind the Alban mount, on the Appian way, 
was the city Aricia, about 160 stadia from Rome. Beyond Aricia lay 
Lanuvium, a city of the Romans, on the right of the Appian way. 
— Ad jlaminem prodendum, sc. Junonis Sospita3. Liv. 8, 14 : <b des 
lucusque Sospita Junonis communis Lanuvinis municipibus cum po- 
pulo Romano. Appian gives another reason for Milo's journey. Pro 
dendum = renuntiandurn or creandum, is the proper word for ap- 
pointing priests of particular deities, as cooptare of augurs, creare ol 
consuls, dicere of dictators, and capere of vestal virgins and the fla- 
mendialis. But this usage was not always observed. In the municipia 
the Jiamines usually were not named frcm the deity on whom they 
attended, but from the people where they served This fiamen there- 
fore would have been called Lanuvinorum, and for this reason Cicero 
xnay have omitted the name of the doity. 

IT. Dictator. The dictatura was of Latin origin, and very gen- 
erally the highest office in the Latin cities ; and as the rex in Rome 
was the head of civil and religious matters, so also were the chiefs of 
the Latin cities. Therefore the language of Cicero : qu o d erat dic- 
tator. Sometimes there were two chief magistrates in the municipia 
called duumviri, and when there was but one he was sometimes called 
prsator. 

18. Ante sumn fuudum, i. e. in a locality well known to him, 
and favorable for his object. Cf. § 29, and ch. 20, init. Villa denotes 
a country-house, usually with a real estate ; fundus, a real estate, 
usually with a country-house ; pradium, sometimes a country-house, 
sometimes a real estate, like landed property. 

19. Ita. Eo tempore. Era. CI. Quod barbare dicunt his circular 
slantiis. Matthias. 

20. Concioneni turlmlentam. Cf. 17, 45. 

22. Obire = attend on. So diem, vadimonium obire. 

23. Milo autcm. Compare Quinctil. 4, 2, 57, who remarks oa 
the effect produced by this affectation of simplicity in his language io 
lulling the suspicions of the judges, and raising an idea of the straight- 
forward couduct of Milo. 

21:. Calceos. The calcei senatorii were of various colors, orna 



ORATION FOR T. ANNIUS MILO. 403 

Page 

mcnted with a lunula, or letter C (the original number of the senators), 114 
and fastened by four thongs of black leather, which were wound round 
the leg up to the calf. The calceus belonged to the toga ; the solcae, 
to the tunica and lacenaa. To the senator's dress belonged the tuuic 
with the latus clavus. These were laid aside to assume the panula 
or lacerna and pcrones. 

25. Uxor, Fausta, filia Cornelii Sullee. 

26. Id temporis. H. 396, III, 2, 3), (3). 

27. Si quidem .... venturus erat, as his friends contended. 

29. Rlieda. A largo four-wheeled travelling vehicle, of Gallic 
origin, commonly drawn by mules, sometimes eight to thirty, yoked 
in pairs. — Nullis Gratis comitibus. Cf. 21, 55. It was the fashion 
among the wealthy Romans to patronise learned foreigners, and main- 
tain them in their families. They were also, for entertainment or in- 
struction, accompanied by them in their journeys. 

30. Sine uxore. Fulvia. — Hie insidiator. Milo, ironically. 
32. Paenulatus. The paenula was a garment of wool or leather, 

similar to the toga, but shorter and narrower, with sleeves. It was 
used in journeys, as a protection against the cold and rain. — Magno et 
impedito. Duplex comitatus significatur, servorum magnus et impe^ 
ditus, i. e. impediments onustus, alter muliebris ac delicatus ancills- 
runi puerorumque symphoniacorum. Hie opponitur Greeds comitibus, 
impeditus comitatus autem iinpedimentis, ut c. xxi, in expedito Clo- 
dio Milo panulatus, &c. The ablatives are ablativi consequential. 

34:. Hora fere uiidecima. About 4£ o'clock in the afternoon, 
since it was on the 25th of October, a. u. c. 701, according to the true 
calendar. The hora undecima at the equinox would be 5 P. M. As- 
conius says the 9th hour, which would make it about 2£ o'clock, P.M. 
The key to the solution of the discrepancy is perhaps given by Quinctil. 
G, 3, 49, who says the accuser of Milo charged him quod Bovillas ante 
lioram nonam devertisset, ut exspectaret, dum Clodius a villa sua 
exiret. This stopping of Milo at Bovillse (which is the first station on 
the Appian way from Rome), before the 9th hour, was perhaps a fact, 
which tho accuser had proved. Cicero seeks to set it aside, by chang- 
ing the time. Ho is, however, consistent, for at the end of the 18th 
chapter, ho asserts that it was about tho 10th hour Clodius received 
news, as was pretonded, of the death of the architect Cyrus. Asco- 
nius again says the body of Clodius arrived in Rome before the first 
hour of the night, which would favor the correctness of the time, as 
fixed by him, and be inconsistent with the time assigned by Cicero 
Cf. Schol. Bob. p. 285. Orell. 

35. Secus, in the sense of alio tempore, is not common 

36. Superiore. They had the choice of the ground, and tho 
farm was on an elevated situation. This and every like circumstance 
is set forth as corroborative of tho charge that Clodius planned the 



404 NOTES. 

Page 

11 4_ waylaying and murder. It is a detailed description of a robber- ma- 
noeuvre. — Adversi. Those in front. 

3T. Hie. Milo. 

38. 1111, qui erant cum Clodio. It would appear that some ol 
Clodius's party attacked the carriage in front, to prevent escape. Milo, 
on quitting the vehicle, began to defend himself against their assault. 
Clodius and the rest of his party, who had permitted the carriago to 
pass them a little, seeing Milo thus engaged, ran back (they were on 
their way to Rome) to attack him. But this did not require them all. 
The remainder (partim), therefore, with whom Clodius happened to 
be, fell in with the attendants of Milo, that were in the rear of tho 
carriage {qui post erant, and therefore nearer the Clodian body), by 
whom Clodius was killed. 

42. Ex quibus qui animo fideli, &c The orator, with con- 
summate skill, prepares tho minds of the judges, by the mention oi 
sufficient and almost necessary grounds for the murder, for the re- 
ception of the main fact, and in the very mention of the murder adds 
servi Milonis for oratorical effect, to show, what was the principal 
thing, that not Milo, but his slaves, committed the murder. — Animo 
.... prasenti. Cf. Terent. Phorm. 5, 7, 64 : Animo virili pr&senti- 
qus ut sis, para. 

44. Succurrere prohiberentur. H. 499, 2 ; 551, II, 1. 
|15 !• Fccerunt id. A periphrasis and euphemism. 

2. Non derivandi criminis causa. Not with the view of lay- 
ing the blame elsewhere. 

Ch. XI. — T. Vi victa vis. Quam maxime cum Ciceronis con- 
suetudine congruit, ut verba ab eadem origine ducta aut similibus Ute- 
ris scripta una in enuueiatione conjungautur plura. 

8. Kiliil dico, &c. This line of argument was urged by some, 
and adopted by M. Brutus in a defence of Milo, which he wrote out 
and published, as if actually delivered. Quinctil. 4, 5, notices the in- 
genuity of Cicero in enumerating, while he professes to omit, the ad- 
vantages likely to accrue from the death of Clodius. 

11. Si id jure, &c. If the principle of self-defence is inadmis- 
sible. For pot ait the common text gives posset. 

12. Xiliil liabeo, quod defendant. H. 501. Klotz : quid de- 
fendant. 

13. Ratio, &c. These fountains of law arc appropriately refei 
red. For " reason" properly belongs to those who have improved their 
powers ; the uncultivated are the slaves of " necessity f nations are 
subservient to " custom,"' while the lower animals are directed by 
" mere instinct." Klotz. omits et before ratio. 

IT. Q,uin simul. Without at the same time deciding 
1 9. Q,uod si ita putasset, . . . optabilius . . . iuit. Nol 
fuisset, although we in such cases use a potential. IT. 475. 2. If he 



ORATION FOR T. ANNIUS MILO. 405 

Paofc 

hud imagined there was no alternative between the dagger of Ciodius t\ K 
aud the sentence of the judges, he would have preferred the former, 
as less dishonorable to you. Cf. Rose. 3, 8. — Dare jugulum. Rose. 
Am. 11, 30, cervices Roscio dare. 

22. Illud jam, &c. Klotz: non illud jam in judicium venit, 
occisusne sit, &c. 

25. Factas .... factum .... iactoe. Recte Garatoni monet re- 
petitiones ejusmodi aliquando ita esse necessarias, ut, eas effugere si velis, 
nihil proficias, nisi ut inepto labore te maceres, et, perspieuitate sublata, 
viliosa fiat oratio. They form a kind of polyptoton. Quinctil. 9, 3, 37. 

28. jtf otavit. Notare involves the notion of censure, derived from 
the censor's nota. 

Ch. XII. — 3 2. Impime = impunitum. SeeH. 353, 2. — Turn nos. 
Klotz: si ille huic, ut scelere solvamur. Some read turn ut nos. 

33. Q,uonam igitur pacto. His first proof, which occupies this 
and the following section, is, that Ciodius would have gained by the 
death of Milo, and not Milo by the death of Ciodius. 

3 7. Illud Cassianum. Cf. Rose. Am. 30, 84. L. Cassius was 
so remarkable for his strictness as a judge, that Val. Max. 3, 7, says: 
Ejus tribunal scopulus reorum dicebatur. When appointed, says 
Asconius, to judge tho vestal virgins, of whom L. Metellus had con- 
demned only one, iEmilia, and acquitted Marcia and Licinia, he con- 
demned them also, along with several others. — Cui bono fuerit. Cut 
is dative of the person, and bono of the thing. 

39. Hoc. Klotz: hczc assequebatur. 

40. Non eo cousule, quo, &c. Cf. 13, 34, and 33, 89. 

41. lis cousulibus. Plautius Hypsaeus and Q. Metellus Scipio. 
Cf. 33, 89 

43. Eludere is used absolutely, and = bacchari quodam modo 
et quasi per ludum ac jocum, nemiue resistente, audacissime omnia 
permiscere, subvertere. See rote on p. 9, line 2. Klotz : posse se 
eludere. 

44. Cujus, Clodii. — Illi, consules. — Ipse. Klotz and others ille. — 
Nee cuperent, &c. Most editions, from a conjecture of Manutiusj 
give nee, si possent, reprimere cuperent, quum, &c. Klotz and 
Supfio retain the reading of the MSS. nee, si cuperent, reprimere 
possent, quum, &c, and make cupere denote the inclination of the 
feelings, the moral desire ; velle, the energetic, efficient will. Cice- 
ro's meaning then is, that, as Ciodius reasoned, the consuls would 
neither be able (morally), if they found it even desirable, to check 
his enterprises, since they supposed themselves bound in gratitude to 
him for so great a favor, nor, if they really wished it, were they in 
a condition (physically) to crush them. Madvig rejects this view, and 
assuming his conjecture to be the correct text, accounts for the read- 
ing of the MSS., by supposing that a careless copyist, not attending 



406 NOTES. 

Pajre 

11 5 to the sense, was led by the form of the second member (et, si veL 

lent, . . vix possent) to carry back the conditional particle in the first 
member too to the beginning, and give it to the first verb. It is not 
so easy to explain how, according to the conjecture of Manutius, the 
verbs possent — cuperent should have changed places. Cicero simply 
says, those consuls would neither have had the will nor the power to 
restrain Clodius. Schultz agrees with Madvig. 

116 lo Tantum beneficium. For Clodius had canvassed for them, 
ch. 9. Convocabat tribus. 

4. An vero, judices. An eloquent amplification of the simple 
proposition : Clodius was about to enact pernicious laws in his praetor- 
ship, were Milo dead. — Hospites = peregrini. Cf. p. Rabir. perd. 10. 
Adeone hospes hujusce urbis, adeone ignarus es disciplines consue- 
tudinisque nostra;, ut haze nescias ? ut peregrinari in aliena civitatc, 
non in tua magistratum gerere videare. 

5. Perigrinantur, ut Aristoph. Equ. 1120, b mv$ £i <rov irapuv otto- 
brmii. Cf. Acad. 1, 3, 9 : Nam nos in nostra urbc percgrinantes er 
rantesque tanquam hospites. 

6. Q,uas ille leges. Asconius, on ch. 32, 87, mentions that P. 
Clodius, among other measures, had prepared a project of law, by 
which freedmen, who now had the right of suffrage only in the city 
tribes, should be allowed the same in the rustic tribes, which embraced 
the freeborn. From about the year G39, they, after various changes, 
had again been brought into the city tribes, and remained in them to 
the close of the republic, although it was a favorite scheme of indi- 
vidual party leaders to gain for themselves partisans and influence by 
extending the suffrage of the freedmen. 

7. Ac noil. See note on p. 112, line 22. 

8. lnusturus = tarn alte impressurus, ut acriter sentiantur. In 
Pison. 13, 30 : Qua; lex privatis hominibus esse lex non videbatur, 
inusta per servos, incisa per vim, imposita per lalrociuium. 

9. Sexte Clodi. He was the kinsman and secretary of Publiu9 
Clodius. 

11. Palladium. Sex. Clodius was as anxious to save Clodius's 
laws, as formerly Metellus the priest was to preserve the Palladium, 
when the temple of Pallas was on fire. Plin. H. N. 743. 

12. Instrumentum. An apparatus for carrying on a tribuue- 
ship ; sc. a transcript of all such laws as a bad tribune could turn tc 
the destruction of the state. 

14:. Atque per * * *. The *** indicate a lacuna or gup in the 
MSS. Klotz gives in brackets, with the text, the following attempt of 
Beier to supply the defect: Atque per [omncs tribus divisis libertinis 
servos ille o?nnes, qui in libertate morarentur, lege nova addiiurus 
erat, ut ipsi cum i-ngenuis aqualiter svffragia fcrrcni.) An, &c 
The common text gives defene posses Et adspexit. ice , without 



ORATION FOR T. ANNIUS MILO. 407 

Pa»e 

any mark of a lacuna. Peyron observed the want of connection, as lifj 
also the absence of five lines from the Turin palimpsest, and from 
Quinctil. 9, 2, 54, supplied the last half of the gap. From other 
sources he attempted to restore the rest. 

15. A se iiiventam. S. Clodius was a libertinus ; therefore the 
malicious observation that he was the author of this law. 

16. De nostrum omnium — . An instance of the figure <J»r&<riw 
mjffiff. H. 704, I, 3. 

19. Et adspexit me. Phil. 2, 30, 76, At . . . adspicis me, ct 
quidem, ut videris, iratus. The connection of these words with the 
preceding is still loose ; but the language is animated, and the abrupt- 
ness not out of place. " But see, he has cast such a look on me, as 
he was accustomed to wear, when he threatened all evils to every- 
body ;" sc. in the tribunate of P. Clodius, when Sextus was the will- 
ing instrument of all the injuries inflicted on Cicero. 

20. Omnibus omnia. Klotz : omnia omnibus. — Lumen curia, 
dicit, incendium sive flammam significans. Jocum ex ambiguo recto 
vocant Manut. et Abram. Lumen enim curia significare etiam po- 
terat clarissimum senatorem, cujus dignitate moveretur. 

Cn. XIII. — 22. Sexte, with the tone of familiarity, expressive of 
irony. — Cujus = quia moi. 

23. Puuitus es. A deponent verb. Cf. Quinctil. 9, 3, 6. 

24. Cruentum, when it should have been washed and anointed. 
See eh. 32, 86. 

25. Ejecisti. But it should have been placed in the atrium in 
6tate, and after eight days, have been carried out with ceremony. 
Cadaver ejecisti and abjecisti are chosen to express the carelessness 
and contempt with which he treated the corpse of his patron. 

26. Imaginibus. See note on p. 131, line 14. — Exsequiis. A 
following to the grave ; funeral procession, which pompa also hero 
signifies, and is therefore only amplificatory. The procession crossed 
the forum, when the lectus funebris was set down in front of the rostra, 
and the laudatio pronounced. It then moved to the place where the 
oody was burned without the city. The ashes were gathered into an 
urn (condere), which was placed in the tomb (componere). Nothing 
of this respect was shown to Clodius. — Infelicissimis lignis. An al- 
lusion to the distinction between arbores felices and infelices in the 
(Etruscan) pontifical language. An arbor infelix was taken for a 
gallows, which, it may be intimated, Clodius deserved. The body of 
Clodius, however, was burned with the benches, tables, &c, of tho 
senate-house, which he emphatically calls infelicissima. So Catul- 
ius devotes the writings of a sorry poet, infelicibus ustulanda lignis. 

21. Semustilatum. Cf. 32, 86: Phil. 2, 36, 91.— Noctures 
canibas. Ex Homerica formula nvvwai oluvoto'. tz na<n, quam Grajci 
postea, Latinique maxime frequentarunt, detraxit aves, addiditque noc~ 



408 NOTES. 

Page 

•%-ieturnis, quia de celeberrimo urbis loco agebatur. The bodies of the 

executed were thrown to wild beasts, to which allusion may hero be 
made. 

29. Laudare non possum, i. e. quamquam laudare uon possum 

30. [Demonstravi, &c] Here is again a lacuna. The italics 
in brackets are supplied by Beier. Others give Audistis, judices, Sec. 
Another form of supplying the omission is, Audistis, judices, quantum 
Clodio profuerit. But this could have been said only in case Milo 
had been killed. 

33. Hon dicam admitteret, sed. H. 587. Admitterc is used 
absolutely of the commission of a crime. Cf. ch. 23, 64 ; 37, 103. 
35. Eo. Clodio. 

42. Solutam autem fore, sc omni religione, omni metu legum, 
effrenem. Was likely to be unrestrained ; explained by constringcre. 

43. Constringere, as a wild beast. Cf. 33, 89. 

\YJ 2. At nunc. Hitherto Milo had a strong claim on the favor of 
the good by his opposing Clodius ; now, however, that being removed, 
he must adopt the usual methods of obtaining popular favor. There- 
fore he was a loser by the death of Clodius. 

5. Frangendis furoribus. Fractis would imply the completion 
of the act. See note on p. 65, line G. 

C. Vos adepti estis, ne quern civem metueretis. H. 492, 1. 

T. Fontem perennem. Cited by Quinctil. 8, 6, 7, where he treats 
de egrcgiis wvAaphoris. 

10. Tentari coeptus est. The passive voice of coepi with the 
passive infinitive is the regular construction in Cicero and Caesar. 
See Krebs, Guide, 220 in fin ; P. C. 150x ; H. 297. 

11. At valuit, &c. At introduces an objection. H. 587. But 
you will say, &o. The second argument, founded in personal ani- 
mosity. 

12. Punitoi doloris sui. Sic cupidiias puniendi doloris, de 
Or at. 1, 51, 220, i. e. dolorem pcena de adversario sumpta satiandi, eum 
ulciscendi. 

13. Non dico sed. H. 5S7, III. 

15. Q,uid enim, i. e. cur enim, ri ovv. — Segetem ac materiem sua 
gloria. A metaphor derived from agriculture. Cf. Liv. 6, 7 : hostis 
est quid aliud, quam pcrpeiua materia virtutis gloriaique vestra? 
See Quinctil. 8, 6, 7. 

16. Preeter hoc civile odium, i. e. prceterquam hoc civili odio. 
H. 436. Civile autem odium est, ex dissensione rei publicae s. civili 
susceptum, non e privata aliqua causa. Victor. V. L. 21, 19, proposed 
commune odium. Cf. ch. 29, 78. 

IT. Hie erat ut odisset. Some construe : ille erat (sc. is, talis) 
ut, &c. Others take the construction as = erat, ut ille, it was the case, 
that, &c. And est ut is not uufrequently fouud in this way, serving 



ORATION FOR. T. ANN1US MILO. 409 

Pag;e 

to direct altentiou prominently to what follows. Z. 752. Illc eiat ul~['\ r 7 
would then be a case of synchysis, or commingling of words. But see 
H. 501. — Salutis mccB defensorem. Cicero specifies three causes of 
enmity : 1 Milo, as tribune, had assisted in the recall of Cicero from 
exile ; 2. hj had opposed theClodian mob in their attacks on the city ; 
3. he had accused Clodius. Klotz and others : defensorem salutis meaz. 
1 8. Vexatorem furoris, eum, qui furiosa ejus consilia irrita red- 
debut. 

19. Reus eiiim, &c. Milo a. u. c. 697 aimed to accuse Clodius 
under the lex Plotia de vi, but it did not come to trial. Cf. Sest. 41. 
From ch. 15, 40, we gather, that Milo made a second attempt to 
bring Clodius to trial. Cf. chaps. 14, 38, and 28, 77. Clodius retort- 
ed, with a like accusation against Milo. Cf. 15,40. Klotz: postrc- 
tnum. 

20. Q,uoad vixit. Because the cause never came to trial. 

21. Tyrannum, i. e. Clodium, qui unus turn erat in re publica 
tyrannus. 

Ch. XIV. — 24. Reliquum est, ut, &c. H. 556. Having argued, 
1. from the cui bono ; 2. from personal hatred ; he now urges the nat- 
ural disposition of the parties; and shows that his client was always 
obedient to the laws ; Clodius always turbulent. The third argument. 
— Ilium, Clodium ; hunc, Milonem. Tho irony of the passage is evi- 
dent. 

2G. Per vim. The repetition of vim and the omission of the verb 
impart energy to the sentence. On the omission of tho verb, see II. 
460,3. — Quid ego? &c. Klotz: Quid ergo; judices? 

2T. Moerentibus vobis. Cicero was deserted by Pompey and 
Caesar, the most powerful leaders in the state, and fearing the violent 
measures of Clodius, went into voluntary exile, whereupon the sena- 
tors put on mourning. Post red. in sen. 5, 12 ; Sest. 11 and 12. — 
Urbe cessi. Plane. 10, 26 : quod me vel vi pulsum vel ratione ce- 
dentcm; on which the Schol. Bob. remarks : prudenter hoc suspendit, 
ne aut damnatus aut exul fuisse unquam videretur. Cicero is in 
the habit of calling his exile disccssus meus ; ch. 37, 103. Sest. 22, 
49 : Servavi . . . rem publicum discessu meo . . . unus bis rem publi- 
cam servavi, semel gloria, iterum (Brumna mea. — Judiciumne. Pa- 
rad. 4, 1, 27: Non erat ilia turn civitas, quum leges in ea nihil 
valebant, quum judicia jacebant, &c. 

28. Non servos, &,c. i e. nonne potius timui servos a Clodio con- 
sscriptos et arma, &c. By servos understand the Clodian mob, who 
followed Cicero, wherever he went, ridiculing his mourning garb. 

29. Ejiciendi. 2 Cat. 7, 14, in exsilium ejectus ; and de Rep. 1, 
42 without this addition populus interfecit aut ejecit tyrannum. Cf. 
38, 105. Mobius takes restituendi not simply for revocandi, but as = 
to restoration to his former rights and possessions as a citizen ; and an 

35 



410 NOTES. 

WJejiciendi non modo urbe, s.od etiam possessioaibus, therefore abso 
lutely. 

30. Diem .... dixerat. Diem dicer e (ad populum; is the (com- 
mencement of an accusation in a. judicium populi, and belongs to ma- 
gistrates. The meaning is to appoint a day for appearing before ths 
people. It therefore corresponds to in jus vocare in the case of other 
tribunals. The tribunes threatened Cicero with it. because it was, 
they alleged, at his instigation that Milo killed Clodius. — Multam ir- 
rogarat. Multam irrogare (for the most part in the comitia tributa) 
or capitis accusare (in the comitia centuriata) formed the sequel of 
the diem dicere. Hence the corresponding phrases pecunia anquirere, 
and capite anquirere. It was very common for the tribunes at the 
comitia tributa to propose a fine for magistrates or generals who had 
transcended their duty or powers, or who had in general incurred any 
liability in their office. Clodius had it in his power to accuse Cicero 
before the people, and call for a fine to be imposed upon him, in con ■ 
sequence of his measures against the Catilinarian conspirators ; and he 
could also bring the actio perduellionis against him (therefore capite 
anquirere), because Cicero had, without sentence and without right, 
executed Roman citizens, as C. Rabirius was made perduellionis reus, 
for the murder of Saturninus. — Actionem perduellionis, ob cives Ro- 
manos, Catilinariae conjurationis socios, de senatus sententia indicta 
causa damnatos. So intendere (movere) litem frequently. 

31. Videlicet, continues the irony indicated by credo in the pre- 
ceding line. 

33. Servo-rum. .... objici noiui. Compare Sest. 17, 40 ; p. 
domo, 20 sqq. Pison. 9, 21. 

3T« Q/uum mihi adesset, meam causam sua praesentia et aucto- 
ritato defenderet, no in exsilium ejicerer. Adesse is often used in a 
legal sense of the countenance or support lent by a pationus or advo- 
catus to a person in his trial, by his presence, advice, or his influence 
generally. The circumstances here referred to are given by D. Cass. 
38, 16. The equites sent a committee from their number, and the 
senators sent Q. Hortensius and C. Curio to the consul Gabinius, to 
engage him to interfere in favor of Cicero ; but Gabinius rudely repulsed 
them, and the messengers were maltreated by the Clodian mob. 

39. Vitam amiserit. Asconius says that Vibienus iied on the 
very day of the burning of the body of Clodius. 

40. Sica ilia. This passage furnishes no evidence that Cicero 
regarded Clodius as a fellow-conspirator with Catiline. The ambigu- 
ity appears intentional. Cicero looked upon Clodius as a second Cati- 
line. — H(Bc intentata nobis est, ante exsilium 

4:1* Huic ego vos objici pro me non sum passus, in be in re« 
linquendo. 

42. Insidiata Poinpeio est. See ch. 7, 19. 



ORATION FOR T. ANNIUS MILO. 411 

43. Necc Papirii, See ch. 7, 18 -[jj 

44. LiOiigo intervallo. Six years afterwards, when Cicero sup- 
ported Milo for the consulship. Klotz omits est after rursus. 

1. Ad regiam. The regia (Numae) was an important building 11$ 
and locality in Rome, connected with the earliest religious rites, and 
situated on the confines of the forum, near the temple of Vesta. Tho 
sacra via opened into the forum by the side of the regia. The addi- 
tion of ut scitis points clearly to an actual fact, and probably to the 
one mentioned by Asconius, where the bands of Milo met those of 
HypsEeus in bloody fray. An earlier attack on his person is mentioned 
by Cicero, ad Att. 4, 3, 3. 

2. Cujus vis omnis. Cicero, Sesi. 42, 92, makes a similar de- 
fence of Milo. But when he is no longer the orator, he, ad Att. 4, 3, 
keeps nearer the truth. Cf. de Off. 2, 17, 58. 

3. Oppressam ....teneret, sc. opprimeret et teneret. Hark. 
575, 576. 

5. Quantae, quoties. Klotz: Quotiens et quanta;. — Potuitne, 
i. e. nonne potuit. P. C. 102, 103. 

6. Quum domum .... defenderit. See ad Att. 4, 3, and in- 
troduction, p. 376. This attack was made at eleven o'clock in the 
day, and defeated by a vigorous sally of Milo's friends, under the 
command of Q. Flaccus. 

T. Civi. See H. 87, III. 3. 

8. P. Sestio. See p. Sest. chaps. 35-39, for a description of this 
affray, in which Sestius received twenty wounds. He was a colleague 
of Milo in the tribuneship. — Q. Fabricio. Another colleague of Milo's. 
Sest. 35-36. 

lO. L/. Cajcilii. Prastor in the year of Cicero's return. Asco- 
nius speaks of riots in the theatre, while ho was exhibiting the Apol- 
linarian games, but of this attack on his house he l?ad nowhere read 
any account. Cf. Sest. 41, 88. 

12. Illo die, &c. Pison. 15, 34 : me Kalendis Januariis . . . fre- 
quentisshnus senatus, concursu Italia;, rcferente ... P. Lcntulo, 
consenti ente populo Romano alque una voce revocavit. Cf. ch. 28, 
77. — Totius Italia concursus. Pison. 22 : A Brundisio usque Ro- 
mam agmen perpetuum totius Italia; viderem. All these, had Milo 
slain Clodius, would have claimed the glory of the deed. 

Ch. XV. — 1.6. At quod erat tempus 2 Supply with the next 
sentence, erat eo tempore clarissimus, &c. The old reading is : Al- 
qui erat id temporis clarissimus, &c. 

IT. P. Leutulus was an intimate friend of Cicero, and was very 
active in the senate and at the comitia in promoting his recall from 
exile. 

18. lllius, Clodii. — Propugnator senatus. Because he had re- 
stored the former freedom, which had been suppressed by the consuls 



£12 NOTES. 

Pnge 

lioof the previous year, who were tools of Clodius. — Yeslrce voluntatis. 
Cicero's recall was the wish of the people, which Clodius hindered. 

19. Publici consensus. The voice of the people was almoel 
unanimous in the comitia of the centuries for Cicero's return. Pison 
15,34; Sest. 51, 109. — Septem pratores. Pison. 15, 35: de. me, 
quum onirics magistrates promulg assent, prater unum pratorem. a 
quo non fuit postulandum, fratrem inimici mei prceterque duos de 
lapide emptos tribunos. The praetor was Appius Claudius, the two 
tribunes, Q. Numerius Rufus and Sex. Atilius Serranus. 

20. Illius adversarii, defensores mei. Notice the anaphora in 
the preceding clauses, and the chiasmus here. Mei is to be referred 
to H. 396, II. Klotz: tribuni plebei. 

21. Ch. Pompeius. Pison. 15. Pompey, finding that Clodius, 
presuming too much on his popularity, began to think himself a match 
for the triumvirate, favored the recall of Cicero in order to keep him 
in check. 

22. Gravissimam et ornatissimain, i. e. gravitatis ac pouderis 
plenissimam et iis, qusa ad orationis elegantiam pertinent, instructissi- 
mam. The oration ad Quir. p. Red. 7, contains an abstract of Pom- 
pey's speech on this occasion. 

24. Decretum de me Capuae fecit. Pison. 11,25. Capua, be- 
cause of its defection from Rome in the second Punic war, was se- 
verely punished, and reduced to a praefectura. Liv. 26, 16. Julius 
Caesar, a. u. c. 695, made it a colonia civium Romanorum. Capua 
could therefore take part in the restoration of -Cicero. Pompey had 
been appointed, by the Julian law, one of the Duumviri for governing 
Jhe new colony at Capua, in right of which office he made this decree. 
Fecit not fecisset. See note on p. 69, line 40. 

25. Siguum dedit, gave the signal to convene. Like signum 
sustulit, which is a military phrase, and therefore perhaps concurrere, 
with the notion of eagerness and haste, as in the first change of battle. 

27. Omnia turn denique, &c. So also Klotz without thet. But 
Madvig now adopts the conjecture of Heumann : omnium denique in 
ilium odia civium, &.c. 

29. Cogitaretur is not for cogitatum esset, although we should so 
speak, but the imperfect conveys the notion of continuance or incom- 
pleteness. 

30. In judicium bis, ad vim nunquam vocavit. See ch. 13, 
35. On the variation of the preposition, Garatoni remarks : praepositi- 
onum variatio, ubi praesertim sua cuique nomini propria ex usu tribui- 
tur, tantum abest a vitio, ut in elegantioe laude ponatur. Compare 
note on p. 23, line 15. 

31. Privato Milone, deposito tribunatu. Magistrates could not 
ai a general rule be accused during their magistracy. — Accusante P. 
Cicdio. Sest. 44, 95. D. Cass 39, 18, says Clodius was no sooner 



ORATION FOR T. ANNIDS MILO. 41 o 

PfegS 

made uedile, than he accused Milo, for keeping a baud of gladiators, "ji<«j 
as an offset to a similar accusation which had been brought against 
himself. Pompey, Crassus, and Cicero defended Milo; and Pompcy, 
notwithstanding the continued clamor and abuse of the Clodian mob, 
spoke for nearly three hours. Cf. ad Q.frat. 2, 3. 

3 2. Impetus factus est. Ad Fam. 1, 5, 1 : Pompcius . . . quum 
pro Milone diceret, clamore convicioque jactatus est. 

34. M. Antonius, afterwards triumvir, married Fulvia, the wife 
of Clodius, and subsequently became Cicero's bitterest enemy. Cf. 
Phil. 2, 9, 21. This occurred perhaps when Antony, a. u. c. 701, was 
a candidate for the queestorship, and greatly favored by Cicero. Cf. 
Fam. 16, 23, 2. 

36. Nobilissinius, sc. gcnere, quia originem suam ad ipsum 
Herculem referebat. See Plut. Ant., Suet. Aug. 2 and 4. 

3T. Belluam . . . . laqueos . . . . irretitam. Metaphors bor- 
rowed from hunting. 

39. In scalarum tenebras, sc. tabernoe librariae. Cf. 2 Phil, 
9, 21." On the construction, see H. 435, 1. 

40. Magnum .... fuit. H. 475, 4. — Illam pcstcm, Clodium. 

41. Antonii vero. Klotz : M. vero Antonii. 

42. Comitiis. a. u. c. 702, when he was obstructing the elec- 
tion of Milo, and favoring that of Scipio and Hypsaeus. 

43. In saepta. These were enclosures in the Campus Martius, 
(called also Ovile,) into which one class of citizens was admitted after 
another for the purpose of voting. The access to these compartments 
was formed by narrow passages called pontes or ponticuli. Steinmetz 
and Klotz : in sapta ruisset. 

44. Fugeret ad Tiberim. For the Campus Martius was washed 
by that river. Li v. 2, 5. 

1. Vos et omnes boni vota faceretis, ut. H. 4G3. So ch. 28, ]]q 
vota enim faceretis, ut, &e. — Ut Miloni uti virtute sua liberet. That 
it might please Milo to exert hi? bravery ; a euphemism for " slay 
Clodius." 

Ch. XVI. — 3. Q,uem igitur, &.c. Tho object of the argument 
from § 38 was to prove, " nihil per vim Milo." As, however, it might 
be said that other motives besides the love of violence might have ac 
tuated Milo, Cicero here ingeniously reasons that Milo, having former- 
ly omitted the fairest opportunities of killing Clodius, cannot be ima- 
gined to have done so now with any disadvantage. On the form of 
the argument, enthymema ex pugnantibus, compare Quinctil. 5, 14, 
and Cic. Top. 13, 55. — Cum omnium gratia = ita ut ab omnibus gra- 
tiam iniret ; cum aliquorum querela, ita ut aliqui quererentur. 

C. Periculo capitis. Quinctil. 5, 14, in quoting the passage 
gives cum periculo capitis. Cf. 2 in Cat. 2, 3, vitce periculo susiu- 
lissem; and Krcbs, Guide, § 211. H. 414, 3. 



414 NOTES. 

Pa?e 

II q T. Honoris amplissimi. The consulship. 

9. Q,uam timida sit ... . quam sollicita sit. Is this the usua. 
order ? See note on p. 97, line 1. 

12. Fabulam. Hearsay — which maybe true or false; limited 
here by the epithet fictam. The common text gives fabulam falsavtf 
fictam, levem. And so Steinmetz and Klotz. 

16. Candidatorum. A candidate (candidalus) was so called 
from his appearing in the public places, such as the fora and Campus 
Martius, before his fellow-citizens in a whitened toga. — In recte factis f 
i. e. etiam quum recte faciunt. Fasiidire vero dicuntur eos, quos sibi 
non satisfacere significant, ut hoc modo ipsi plus aliis sapere videantur. 

IT. Hunc igitur diem campi, sc Martii. A'rwve dies comitio- 
rum. Cf. de Or at. 3, 42, 167. 

19. Augusta. This word originally belonged to the language of 
religion, and was therefore by Cicero often joined with sanctus. Here 
the allusion is to the comitia centuriata, at which the higher magis- 
trates were elected, and to the solemn auspices which must precede. 

20. Q,u am hoc, &c. For Milo was a respecter of religion — Clo- 
dius the reverse. 

21. Q,ui se, &c. Klotz and others: quin se Me interfecto. 

22. Regiiaturum. Cf. chap. 23 fin. and 29, 80. 

23. [Audaciae]. Klotz : audacia without [ ] : Xoyacbv irap6pafia, 
leve tamen, audacicB retinentes ab oratore ipso commissum fateamur, 
necesse est. Orelli. And finally Madvig strikes the word out en- 
tirely. Quod caput est = which is the main point 

24. Jmpuiiitatis spem. He strengthens his conclusion still fur- 
ther, by showing that the hope of impunity lay all with Clodius. This 
may be considered the fourth argument 

25. Aut praeclari, as being done to benefit tho state ; necessarii, 
as being in self-defence. 

26. Csntempserat. Clodius had escaped the punishment of his 
violation oi the mysteries of the Bona Dea by the corruption of his 
judges, and avoided trial on the charge of violence which Milo had 
brought against him. He was also accused of having committed in- 
cest with his sister. Fas of natural ; licet of positive laws. Cf. Phil 
13, 6, 14: licere id dicimus, quod legibus, quod more major um insti- 
tutisque conceditur. 

29. Quid plura disputo 2 When I can appeal to the personal 
knowledge of some of my judges, that Clodius had resolved to slay 
Milo. This evidence of the animus of Clodius, from his denouncing 
Milo's death within three days, constitutes the fifth argument. 

30. Divina quaedani sors. Pompey chose 360 of the best citi- 
zous for the selecti judices. After the threo days' hearing of testi- 
mony, the sortitio judicum took place, by which the number was re- 
duced to 81, and before the voting this number was still further reduced 



ORATION FOR T. ANNIUS MILO. 415 

Vnge 

by the rejection of five from each order, by both the accuser and theljQ 
accused, thus leaving 51 judges to vote. The 51 judges were composed 
of 18 senators, 17 equites, and 16 tribuni serarii. Of the latter 3, of 
the equites 4, and 6 senators voted for Milo's acquittal ; the rest con- 
demned, so that the vote stood 36 for condemnation against 13 foi 
acquittal. 

31. Ex M. Favonio. See ch. 9, 26. 

3 2. Vivo Clodio. He could, therefore, have denied the charge. 

34. Dubitarit. Dubitarit refertur ad praesens poteslis: dubi- 
taret rectum esset, si sequeretur poieratis, et utraque actio per idem 
temporis spatium continuata significaretur. Nam actio prseterita, re- 
lata ad aliam praesentem, perfecto declaratur, ad praeteritam, plusquam- 
perfecto. Matthias. Klotz reads and defends : dubitarct . . . cogita- 
rit. Steinmetz: dubitarit ... cogitarit. Schultz : dubitarct ... co- 
gitaret. 

Ch. XVII. — 36. Ciucinadiiiodum, &c. It might be objected to 
the fifth argument, tbat by specifying days it implied, what had not 
been proved, that Clodius had a knowledge of Milo's visit to Lanuvi- 
um. Cicero shows both how that knowledge could be obtained, and 
that to act upon it, Clodius had made the greatest personal sacrifice. 
Cicero, therefore, would have it appear that Clodius's expression was 
was not made in anger or thoughtlessness, but that he then enter- 
tained the purpose to kill Milo. 

31. Dixi equidem modo. In chapter 10. — Stata sacrificia, 
quse certis diebus fieri solent. 

40. Iusanissima concio. Hoc significat, eo die, quo Clodius oc- 
cisus est, concionatum esse merceuarium ejus tribunum plebis. Sunt 
autem concionati eo die, ut ex actis apparet, C. Sallustius et Q. Pom- 
peius, utrique et inimici Milonis et satis inquieti. Sed videtur mihi Q. 
Pompeium significare, nam ejus seditiosior fuit concio. Asconius. 
Cf. ch. 10, 27. 

43. Approperaret. Not an enallage of tho imperfect for the 
pluperfect, but in reference to a repeated and later action, than is in- 
timated in the leading clause ; nam reliquit, quia approperabat. 

2. Ctuid ? si, &c. His opponents might retort, that even admit- ]_2Q 
ting Clodius to be aware of Milo's journey, there was the same reason 
to suspect Milo of knowing about Clodius's. Cicero denies that the 
cases are parallel ; and points out various sources whence Clodius 
might have procured his information ; whereas there was none open 
to Milo. 

5. Ut enim neuiinein. II. 311, 4. 

6. T. Patinam. Probably a Lanuvian, and well skilled in the 
usages of the place. 

9. [Omnes scilicet kanuvini.] Klotz omits the [ ]. Garatoni 
and others doubt the genuineness of these words. But they are found 



il 6 NOTES. 

P-.gc 

120 m a ' most a ^ tne MSS. without variation, and Matthias defends them 
as making more ridiculous the excuse of those who maintained that 
Ciodius had no means of knowing. Scilicet = doubtless, omnes La- 
nuvini making an antithesis to the one named, T. Patina. 

1 0. Unde qusesivit 1 ex quonam qusesivit ? Notice also how 
unde is dislodged from its position at the head of its clause. — Quoesi- 
erit sane. EL 488, 2. So also corruperit below. 

11. Q,. Arrius, meus amicus. Some consider meus amicus aa 
said with bitter irony. But Cicero, in Vatin. 12, 30, calls Q. Arriua 
familiaris meus, and ad Q. frat. 1, 3, 8, when complaining of him 
and Hortensius, indicates friendly relations with him. Amicus meus, 
familiaris meus, vir fortissimus, and the like, are rather compli- 
mentary additions, without their full meaning. 

12. Corruperit. Though Cicero asserts that Milo had no means 
of knowing the return of Ciodius from Alicia, yet, for argument's sake, 
he admits that he might have bribed a slave of Ciodius to inform him. 
He then produces the testimony of Clodius's witnesses, to prove that 
no such information could have been given ; his (Clodius's) return to 
Rome being contrary to his intention, and owing to a circumstance 
that it was impossible to foresee. — Lcgite testimonia. The testimony 
had been previously taken. Cassinius Schola was brought as witness 
against Milo on the first day. The Clodians created great disturbance, 
and Pompey set a guard in the forum. The taking of testimony, there- 
fore, on the two following days passed without disturbances. On the 
fourth or fifth day, with regard to which there is some discrepancy, 
the arguments of the parties were held, and the sentence pronounced. 

13. C. Cassinius Schola. On the occasion of his trial for vio- 
lating the mysteries of the Bona Dea, Ciodius attempted to prove an 
alibi by meaus of this Cassinius. — Interamnanus. A native of Inter- 
amna. There were several towns of this name in Italy. The one 
supposed to be here meant was on the Nar in Umbria, and is now 
called Terni. The distance of it from Rome is about eighty Roman 
miles. Cicero alludes to the false testimony of Cassinius ad Att. 2, 1, 
and p. domo, 30, 80, and on that trial was brought as a witness to dis- 
prove it. 

14. Eadem liora. Ironically. It may appear strange that Ci- 
cero should lessen the credit of this witness, at the very time that ho 
is quoting him to make out a point for himself, viz. that the return o* 
Ciodius being accidental, could not have been known by Milo. But it 
is enough for his present purpose, that his opponents admit the truth 
of the testimonies by which he convicts them of charging himself and 
Milo falsely. He afterwards shows that the evidence, was false, and 
this remark on Cassinius leads the hearer to expect as much. 

15. In Albauo. In the beautiful country around the ancient 
Alba Longa, there were numerous splendid villas ; one of Pompey. 



ORATION FOR T. ANN1US MILO. 417 

Pag a 

ch. 20, 54, ad Alt. 7, 5, 3 ; in Pison. 31, 77 ; of Clodius, ch. 19, 51 ; ion 
atid others. At a later day, Tiberius and particularly Domitiau. had 
favorite residences there. The city Albanum arose from these coun- 
try-seats, and considerable remains of amphitheatres and tombs are 
found near tho modern Albano on the Appian way. 

IT. Cyrum arcliitectum. Cf. ad Alt. 2, 3, 2 ; Fam. 7, 14, 1 ; 
Q.frat.2,2,2. 

1 8. Comes, who was in his company the same day. — C. Clodiud 
The younger brother of Publius Clodius. 

Cji. X VIII.— SO. Q,uantae res. 1. That Clodius, whose return 
was thus proved accidental, could not have been waylaid by Milo. 
2. That Cicero could not have instigated such an assault. In the 
next line good MSS. give sunt confecta. 

SI. Liberatur Milo, noil .... profectus esse, i. e. absolvitur 
Milo eo quod demonstratum est eum non eo consilio profectum esse. 
Compare Phil. 5, 5, 14, excuselurque Areopagites esse, and Thucyd. 

1, 95, anoXierat pt) aSiKeiv. Verba dicendi are often omitted while the 
construction remains such as they would require. 

SS. Q,uippe sometimes stands independently = " certainly." 
Quippe revera mirantis est, qui res aliter esse possit, et comparaudum 
maxime cum Graeco irwj oi> vel ttwj yap. Itaque inter quippe et sen- 
tentiam annexam, qua causa continebatur, olim distinguebatur : quae 
dislinctio quum diuturna consuetudine in oblivionem venisset, quippe 
ex interrogativa particula abiit in relativam. O. Miiller. Other read- 
ings give quippe qui obvius and quippe ; obvius, &c. 

25, Fuisse, qui .... dicerent, Q. Pompeius Rufus et C. Sal- 
lustius tribuni sunt, quos significat. Hi enim prirni de ea lege feren- 
da populum hortati sunt, et dixerunt, manu Milonis occisum esse Clo- 
dium, consilio vero majoris alicujus. This was afterwards maintained 
by Antony, Phil. 2, 9, 21 ; 20, 49 ; and before Clodius's death Cicero 
had been designated as the counsellor and guide of Milo, ad Att. 4, 3, 
5. — In hac rogatione suadenda, sc. that an extraordinary trial should 
be instituted. The suadere and dissuadere legem took place in tho 
condones , in the comitia the law was proposed by the presiding ma- 
gistrate, and accepted or rejected without further discussion. 

S8. Ja-cent, refelluntur, asuis ipsi testibus prostrati sunt. De Div. 

2, 51 fin Jacet igitur tota conclusio. — [Hi.] Garatoni: Jacent hi 
suis testibus, qui, &c. Klotz : Jacent suis testibus ii, qui, &c. 

30. Respiravi. Simulationem hanc vocat Quinctil. 9, 2, 25. 

3S. Nam occurrit illud = objicitur or objici potest ab adversa- 
riis ; this objection meets me. Above Cicero inferred the innocence 
of his client and himself from the testimony of Cassinius. He here 
pursues the argument further, because the inference remained, that 
since Clodius was to stay all night in his Alban villa, therefore he did 
not even think of waylaying Milo. — Igitur is omitted in many edi- 



418 NOTES. 

Pa-rc 

120 *' ons# ^ C( * es t particula praeoccupantis ca, qua ex prsecedeutibu3 dc 
duci atque objici poterant 

34. §i quidem, &c. Admitted, says Cicero, if he had not been 
to leave it to execute his bloody task. For I see the real business o! 
the so-called messenger about Cyrus, &c. Si quidem, &c, there- 
fore, is the answer of Cicero to the inference, and is to be separated 
from it by a full point. 

35. dui dicatur. 1'he common reading is qui dicitur, but not 
so much an historic fact as a subjective thought is here expressed. 

38. Testamentum obsignavi. Cicero and Clodius wero 

legatees and witnesses at the same time. This was not allowed in 
the later law. D. 28, 1, 20 pr. : qui testamento heres instituitur , in 
eodem testamento testis esse non potest. Witnesses sealed the will 
on the outside, and by their seal wrote their names. Afterwards the 
will must be subscribed by the (sevea) witnesses, inside also. Una 
refers to locality ; simul commonly to time. Klotz : testamentum 
Cyri simul, &c. 

39. Palam. It was customary not to disclose the names of leg- 
atees till after the death of the testator, lest avarice should prompt 
them to hasten his death. As it was thought honorable to be made 
one's heir, independently of the profit, so the confidence implied in 
palam induces Cicero to give that fact prominence. 

40. Animarn efflantem. The Latin language has many expres- 
sions for mori, some of which arc euphemisms, and others, as the pres- 
ent, are descriptive of the struggle iit death. Similar 1o animam ef- 
jlare, are animam cxhalarc, exspirarc, cmittere. 

Ch. XIX. — 43. Sit ita factum. Admitting that he was informed 
of Cyrus's death. 

44. Q,uid atfcrebat, &c. Most MSS. give quid afferebat fcsti- 

nationis, quod heres erat ? and so Klotz. . 

21 2. Properato opus esset. H. 419. Aliud properarc, aliud fes- 

tinare. Qui unum quodque mature transigit, propcrat,qui multa simul 

incipit neque perficit, festinat. Schol. Bob. p. 2S9. — Quid tandem 

erat quod posset, amitteret autcm, &.c, i c. quid ea nocte con- 

sequi poterat, amittebat autjm (eo tempore) si venisset. Posset and 
amitteret do not therefore stand for potuisset and amisisset- 

4. Atquc ut, &c. Having spoken of travelling by night, Cicero 
is led to consider the time end plice of the rencontre. This consti- 
tutes the sixth argument. 

5. Vitandus. The general odium in which ho was held laid him 
ODen to nocturnal attacks ; and therefore made it advisable to avoid 
late journeys. 

7. Subsidendum. See § 51. Subsidere (subsidium) was origin- 
ally a verbum militate, spoken of the Triarii, who, with their left 
foot extended, rested on their right knee, until the engagement reach- 



ORATION FOR T. ANNIUS MILO. 419 

ed tliem. In this half-sitting posture, they had their shields under in j 
the left shoulder, and their spears set in the ground before them. 

8. Insidioso loco. The common reading is invidioso. The 

Appian road, especially near the tomb of Basilus, was notorious for 
harboring robbers and their booty. It was usual thereforo in this vi- 
cinity to travel with a strong guard. Cf. ad Att. 7, 9, 1. 

9. Occidisset, not for si occidisset, but occidisset eum, si subsi- 
dissct, i. e. supposing Milo the waylayer, he would have slain him by 
night, in a place notorious for lying in wait and for robberies. Every 
one, in that case, would have given credit to, &c. The locality, &c. 
&c, would have borne the blame. 

11. Occultator et receptor locus. See Z. 102, Note 2. Re- 
ceptator is the common text. 

12. Tum neque, &c. The usual reading is dum ncque, &c.,i. c. 
sustinuisset crimen locus quamdiu et quatenus neque vtuta solilu- 
do, &c. 

13. Ibi, i. e. multi, ibi si caedes facta esset, ... in suspicioncm 
caderent. — Ab Mo, Clodio. 

11. Multi haec etiam. The common text is multi etiam hac. 

15. Tota denique rea citaretur Etruria, i. e. omnes Etrusci 
accusarentur caddis Clodii, quos vexarat ; 9, 26. Cf. chaps. 27, 74 ; 
35, 98. 

16. Atque illo die, &c. The seventh argument. The prece- 
ding was, that were Milo the aggressor, his attack should have been 
made at night, near the city. This he here varies, by supposing his 
client to be aware that Clodius, whose country-seat lay between Rome 
and Aricia, was at that town ; and by asking what particular spot an 
aggressor so informed would choose for his attack. Evidently either 
between Aricia and the villa, lest he might call there, and not leave it ; 
or near the city, where his journey would be in the shades of night 
But Milo chose neither ; therefore, &c. — Aricia was a town of La- 
tium, on the Appian way, 60 stadia from Rome. From Atque to Al- 
bar.um, Osenbriiggen supposes may be regarded as the position of the 
opponents of Cicero, who«have been reduced already to weak subter- 
fuges, as in § 48, Igitur ne Clodius quidem, &c. 

IT. Q,uod ut sciret Milo, scilicet ilium Aricia fuisse, ideoque 
in via esse. On quod, see note on p. 1J1, line 15. — Ut. H. 311, 4. But 
admitting that Milo knew of Clodius's having been at Aricia, &c. The 
common reading is : Quod nisi sciret Milo. Garatoni takes ilium 
Aricia fuisse as a gloss ; and explains: Quod (ad villam suam dever- 
tisse Clodium) nisi sciret Milo, suspicari tamen debuit, eum, &c , 
vel, nisi sciret Milo, eum illuc deversurum, snspicari tamen id foro 
debuit. 

20. Nee eo in loco, sc. near the city, at the tomb of Basiius. 

22. Video constare adhuc. He recapitulates the various argu- 



420 NOTE3. 

Page 

joi ments from ch. 12, omitting, however, the fourth, 16, 43, and par 
ticularizing the several subsidiary' points of the fifth, and then pro- 
ceeds, ch. 20, to consider the actual site of the rencontre. He had 
noticed where he ought to have attacked him, if he were the assailant, 
now he considers where (as was said) he did. The eighth argument. 
27. Praedictam. Klotz and Osenbriiggen : prcedicatanu 

29. Reditus. The common reading is reditum. Reditus like 
profectionis depends on diem. Notice the different reference of the 
pronouns hie and Me. 

30. Prae se tulisse, illo se die, &c. The common text is se 
Mo die. Klotz : prm se tulisse Mo die. The omission of the unac- 
cented subject accusative (se, me, te, nos, vos, less frequently euro, 
eos) is not uncommon. See 24, 65 ; 35, 95 : and compare P. C. p. 
55s ; H. 552. 

Ch. XX. — 36. Locus ad insidias .... utri .... fuerit aptior. 
Sec H. 399, and note on p. 33, line 11. Argumentum hoc 
ductum vehementissime tractasse Ciceronem docet Quinctil. 5, 10, 37 
and 50. 

38. Etiam. See note on p. 9, liue 2. 

39. Ante fuiiduni Clodii. See note on p. 114, line 18. — Quo in 
fundo. See note on p. 11, liue 1. 

40. Insauas illas substructions. Cf. §85: Substructionum 
insana moles. Piin. N. H. 36, 15, 103 : Pyramidas regum miramur, 
quum solum tantum foro exstruenda H-S. millics Cccsar Dictator 
emerit, et si quidem impensce movent captos avaritia animos, P. Clo- 
dius, quern Milo occidit, sestertium centies et quadragies octies domo 
emta habitaverit, quod equidem non secus ac regum insaniam miror. 
Itaque et ipsum Milonem sestertium septingenties aris alieni debu- 
isse. inter prodigia animi humani duco. Scd tunc senes aggeris 
vastum spatiurn, et substructiones i n s a n a s Capitolii mi- 
rabantur, &c. The substructiones are the substructures, foundations, 
or changes made in the ground in preparation for the building 

Cat. 12, speaks of villa in urbium modum excedificatcc, and ch. 13, 
he says: Nam quid ea memorem, qu<z nisi his qui cidere, nemini cre- 
dibilia sunt : a privaiis compluribus sub versos monies, nut- 
ria constructa esse. Cf. Liv. 6, 4 ; 38, 28 ; Vitruv. 1, 5 ; 5,3 ; 6, 11. 
On this ruinous passion for building, see alto Hor. Od. 2. 18. . 
1, 33. — Hominum mille versabantur. The common text is mille ho- 
minum versabatur. See HarknesslTS. Gellius, A". A. 1, 16, aud 
Macrob. Saturn. 1, 5, contend for the singular, which Phil. 6, 5, 15. 
mille nummt.m .... expensum, favors. But Gellius decided for the 
singular on theory, while he found the plural here in his MSS. 
on this passage observes with truth, that in a freer use of language, 
with regard to the inner thought a construction can also arise, which, 
whila false iu external grammatical respects, is so much the truer in 



ORATION FOR T. ANNIUS MILO. 421 

Pags 

•ofercnce to the internal thought. Nonius Marc, cites from Cic. ^eit>1 
Hep. vi. ut . . mille hominum . . descenderent. 

41. Valentium. Able-bodied. So homine volenti. P. Cluent. 
62, 175 Robusti et calentes satellites. Agr. 2, 31. — Adversarii 
Clodii, quum adversarius loco edito atque excelso esset. Did Milo 
think, in front of Clodius's farm, &c., on the high and lofty ground of 
his opponent, to come off superior? 

44. Res loquitur ipsa. Without me. Cf. p. Cluent. 50, 139 ■ 
Nam si causa ipsa pro se loqui possent, nemo adhiberet oratorem. 
nunc adhibemur, ut ea dicamus, &c. 

1. Q,uae semper = et ea semper, &c. — Si haze, &c. He now 122 
proceeds to argue from the concomitant circumstances, the vehicle, 
dress, train, &c. This ninth argument, with the explanations arising 
from it, extends to ch. 23. 

4. Alter. Milo : debebat ita pergere : alter egrederetur e villa su- 
bito, vesperi, tarde. Sed intcrjectis illis Quid horum non impeditissi- 
vium, «fec, ordo immutatus est. — In rheda panulatus. See ch. 10, 
§ 28. — Uxor, Fausta, the daughter of Sulla. 

5. Vestitus, an veliiculum, quasi pracessisset Quid horum im- 
peditius? vest, an veh. 

6. Paenula irretitus. For the pcenula was a close-fitting over- 
all without sleeves, which confined the arms. It was either made 
of wool or skin, and was principally used in travelling, and to keep off 
the rain and cold. The vehicle, too, was rather a pleasure carriage 
than one adapted to speed and flight. 

T. Uxore psene constrictus, quae muliebri tirnore perculsa eum 
non patiebatur ad pugnam descendere. 

8. Videte nuuc ilium, &c. In this passage Cicero leaves the 
answers to his queries to be supplied from his previous observations. 
Thus, to the question, cgredientem e villa, subito ; cur ? the answer 
would naturally suggest itself — " because he had heard from the mes- 
senger," ch. 18. Milonem appropinquare. To vesperi; quid ne- 
cesse est ? and tard% ; qui convenit ? why leave the villa in the 
evening? the reply would be found ch. 18. He had no reason, si 
quidem exiturus ad ccedem e villa non fuisset. Translate : Observe 
him now, first of all. sallying out from his villa, unexpectedly : why ? 
— In the evening too : where was the necessity for that ? With slow 
progress* how is this to be rationally explained — especially at such an 
hour? — E villa, sc. sua, i. e. Clodii. 

1 0. Devertit, &c. Cicero here in the spirit of his opponents sug- 
gests an explanation for the purpose of overthrowing it with still more 
force. — In villain Pompeii. See note on in Albano, p. 120, line 15. 
Some ruins belonging to it are still found.— Pompeinm ut viderei ? 
As before his rhetorical questions were more forcible denials of any 
reason, nocessity, or propriety in regard to the suddenness, time, and 



422 NOTES. 

Page 

J22 s ^ owliess °f n ' s ret urn, so here it is suggested that tho turning aside 
to Pompey's villa could not have been to see Pompey or his country- 
seat. 

1 1 . In Alsiensi, sc villa. Alsium, now the village of Palo, was 
an old Etrurian town, on the sea-coast near Caere, northwest from 
Rome, while the Appian way lay to the southeast. Fronto, de feriis 
Alsiensibus, calls it maritimus et voluptarius locus. The Romans 
went there, ut bene haberent genio, ut facerent animo voluptatem, 
and the richer had villas there. Ad Fam. 9,6,1; Plin. Epp. 6, 10 ; 
Val. Max. 8, 1. 

12. Millies. H. 181.— Quid ergo erat ? mora, &.c. Klotz reads 
Quid ergo erat mores, et tergivcrsationis ? to which dum hic±&i.c, 
forms tho answer. His enemies invented a similar charge against 
Milo. 

13. Dum veniret. H. 503, 504- 

Cii. XXI. — 14:. Age .... comparate. Others agile. Scilicet 
ante Vallam non defuerunt, qui age putarent cum plurali non posse 
conjungi. Horum jamdiu explosa sententia est. See note on p. 57, 
line 35. — Ezpediti, haud impediti, parati ad coedem faciendam, con- 
trasted with impediment's ; which is derived from the same root. 

15. Cum uxore, Fulvia, who afterwards married Antony ; supply 
iter faciebat. 

IT. Graeculi. Used by way of contempt. Juv. Sat. 3, 70. 
They were perhaps professors of music and the fine arts ; perhaps 
worse. — In castra Etrusca. Asconius makes Cicero here hint that 
Clodius was privy to tho conspiracy of Catiline, whose army was en- 
camped under Mallius in Etruria. Cicero nowhere directly charges 
Clodius with participation in the Catilinariau conspiracy, but he is foud 
of speaking ambiguously about it, ch. 14, 37. Clodius had possessions 
in Etruria, and, as from a robber-fortress (castra Etrusca) in which 
he intrenched himself, he made war upon and plundered Etruria, ch. 
27, 74; 9, 26. In the present passage Cicero does not speak of one 
journey of Clodius to Catiline in Etruria (quum c. ind. imperf.) ; did 
he not, however, chooso the expression castra Etrusca, to lead the 
thoughts of his hearers to Catiline, and the Mallian camps in Etru- 
ria? Cf. note on p. 114, line 6. According to Plut. Cic. 29, Clodius, 
at the time of Catiline's conspiracy, had attached himself to Cicero, to 
defend him, for they were not yet enemies ; but afterwards Clodius 
was to Cicero a second Catiline, ch. 14, 37, sica ilia, See. ; and the 
ultor Catilinai (in Pison. 10, 23 ; 7, 16), since he made Cicero's pro- 
ceedings against the Catilinarians the ground of driving him into exile 
The remnants of Catiline's adherents were in Clodius's bands. Pi- 
son. 5, 11 ; 7, 16. Clodius, as Asconius speaks of his intention only 
as a report, may have given up his plan of following CatiUne, as not 
holding out any advantages, and, to clear himself more certainly from 



ORATION FOR T. ANNIUS MILO. 423 

Page 

suspicion and not remain inactive, may have attached hinuelf to the 1 0O 
opposite party as a good citizen. 

18. Nugarum nihil. Nugce, like the Greek Xrjpo s , is used of 
persons, ad Q. frat. 1, 2, 4 ; Sest. 10, 24. So quisquilice, Sest. 43, 
94. Nugarum nihil = nullos homines leves et nugatorios, h. 1. ver- 
sautes in artibus ludicris, quas tractare gravi viro indignum esset ; 
jesters, buffoons. 

19. Pueros sjmphoniacos. Articles of luxury and ornament 
were mostly denoted by Greek names, e. g. anagnostae, authepsa, bap- 
tisterium, chrysendeta, lychnuchus ; as in modern times French fash- 
ions and French names mark corresponding objects. The Romans 
had to learn elegance from the Greeks, we from the French. Sing- 
ing boys were taken by the Roman grandees on their journeys, to re- 
lieve by music the tediousness of the journey ; and to avoid the ap- 
pearance of effeminacy, the pretext was made, that they belonged to 
the retinue of their wives. 

20. Aucillarum greges. A Roman domina was surrounded by 
an army of female slaves, each of whom had her special duty. Cf. 
Juv. Sat. 6, 495 sqq. The slaves in attendance upon the wives of 
Indian nabobs may furnish some parallel. — Qui .... duceret for quum 
is . . . duceret. 

21. Neminem, nisi ut, i. e. nisi tales omnes, ut, &c. — Virum a 
viro ledum esse. The Roman soldiers were permitted, when going 
on a dangerous service, to choose their comrades. Cf. Liv. 9, 39 ; 10, 
38. This was not merely an Etruscan or Italian custom, but also in 
use among other ancient nations, as the Greeks and Persians. Xeu. 
Cyrop. 1, 5, 5 ; Corn. Nep. Paus. 1, 2: Neminem nisi, &c, then = 
neminem nisi selectos (gladiatores). His were picked men. 

25. Mulier. See ch. 33, 39, homo effeminatus. Cic. in Clod, 
ct Cur. 5 : nam rusticos ei (Clodio) nos videri minus est ?nirandum t 
qui manicatam tunicam et mitram et purpureas fascias habere non 
possumus. Tu vero festivus, tu elegans, tu solus urbanus, quern de- 
cet muliebris ornatus, quern incessus psaltrice, qui effeminare vultum, 
attentive vocem, l&varc corpus potes. — Nee vero, &c. Milo was 
obliged, for his own security, to keep a band of gladiators. Cf. 14, 38. 

2T. Semper Hie. Paulo negligentius locutus est Cicero, eodem 
pronomine modo Milonem, medo Clodium designans. Quare Me post 
semper delendum censebat Garat. — Quantum interesset P. Clodii. 
H. 406, III. Cf. 12. 

28. Odio. Cf. 13, 35. 

30. Propositam et psene addictam. The allusion is to a sale, 
where an object is first set up and then knocked down, assigned to, 
the highest bidder. 

32. Martemque communem. Communis Mars est, qui non 
imam partem, sod utramque, raodo banc modo illam, adjuvat, <iAAc» 



424 NOTES. 

Page 

loo irf^iaXXos, ut vocatur, II. i, S31, 889. Cf. ad Fam. G, 4, 1 • Quwr 

omnis belli Mars communis, et quurn semper incerti exitus proclio 

rum sunt. 

34. Perculit ab abjecto, i. e. per eum, qui jam abjectus et pro 
stratus erat. Matthias. But Hand, Turs. i. p. 30 : Mars S83pe spolian- 
tem jam evertitet ab abjecto, cui jam incubuerat, depulit, which seema 
preferable. — Pransi, poti. H. 262. — Oscitantis. Listless, inattentive. 
Qua oscitantia licet nonnunquam e corporis vitio contingat, certum 
est tamen frequenter e potu et a prandio provenire. A. Gell. 4, 10. 

35. Q,ui quum . . . . interclusum reliquisset. Ch. 10, 29 
Clodius thought every thing safe, when Milo had passed him, and was 
separated from his party, forgetting the famous gladiators Eudamus 
and Birria, in the rear of Milo's retinue ; from the latter of whom, as 
Asconius relates, Clodius received a dangerous wound in the shoulder. 

37. Haesit, tanquam in laqueis aut in rcti, metaphorically from 
wild animals, which are taken in nets. — In iis pasnis, quas, &c. Com- 
pare ch. 10 : id fecerunt, &c. 

39. Cur igitur eos mauumisit t To reward them for having 
preserved his life, as the advocates of Milo claimed. Sometimes slaves 
were manumitted by their masters, when threatened with a criminal 
prosecution, to save them from exposure to torture, but more frequent- 
ly for their own advantage, to screen themselves from any unfavorable 
disclosures which might be wrung from their slaves by torture. This 
was afterwards forbidden, and the manumitted slave was liable to tor 
ture. — Mctuebat scilicet. See Z. 345 iu fin. 

41. Occisum esse a servis. Cf. ch. 10, 29. 

43. Occideritne ? Occidit. From occido. Haviug admitted 
tho fatal interference of the slaves, Cicero might fairly be asked to 
submit them to examination, as they must be aware of the facts of the 
case. He replies that it was useless. These facts were acknowledged 
— Milo slew Clodius ; and farther than this the testimony of siaves 
could not go. But here it is obvious to remark, that while Milo ad- 
mitted he had slain Clodius, he urged that he had done so under pe- 
cul ; ur circumstances ; namely, in self-defence. Now to the existence 
of these peculiar circumstances it was surely competent for the slaves 
to depose ; but this question of fact Cicero artfully confounds with the 
question jure an injuria. 

44. Equuleo. The cquuleus, as its name shows, resembled a 
horse, and was probably a wooden machine on four feet, provided with 
screws, by which the limbs of a body lying upon it could be stretched. 

J23 Ch. XXII.— 1. In causa. See ch. 6, 15. 

4. Nescis inimici, &c. Because you fix your censure upon thai 
point of his conduct which is deserving of the highest praise ; where- 
as the proper complaint would be a charge of ingratitude for inade- 
quately rewarding conduct so meritorious. 



ORATION !KOU T. ANtflUS MILO. 425 

6. M. Cato. He had defended Milo before the people, and as 190 
judge voted for his acquittal. — Et dixit. Z. 717. 

IO. Propter quos, per quos, quorum opera. Propter for per in 
this usage, is perhaps limited to persons. 

14. Dedendi fuerunt. H. 475. — Defensores necis, depulsorea 

15. Q,uod minus moleste ferat, per petuuriv pro quo se erigat, 
consoletur. 

1G. Etiamsi quid ipsi accidat. This euphemism is not here, 
as commonly, used of death, but of condemnation which would result 
in exile, or civil death. Cf. ch. 36, 99, and note on p. 109, line 2. 

IT. Sed quaestiones. That is, examinations of slaves by torture. 
The testimony of slaves was not believed, unless wrung from them by 
torture ; hence, the rack is the means of strengthening the credibility 
of the witness. The rack, as a means of compelling a free citizen, 
when accused, to confess, was foreign to the Roman republic. In the 
criminal process, under the Roman law, the accuser must prove his 
accusation, and it was his business, before coming to the trial, to pro- 
vide the means of proof. The declarations of the slaves of the oppo- 
site party often formed a part of the evidence ; hence, of the accuser, 
the phrase : postulat familiam. On the other side, the accused and his 
party had to provide all weapons of defence against the attack of the 
accuser : therefore also the party of Milo moved for the torture of the 
slaves of Clodius and his party. By the nova lex of Pompey the pro- 
cess against Milo took a new turn, even in regard to the torture of the 
slaves. The quaesitor Domitius decided that the slaves of Milo must 
be subjected to torture, and the slaves of Clodius were likewise put 
upon the rack, but, as Cicero represents it, on motion of Appius Clau- 
dius, not, as has been said, upon motion of Milo's party. Cicero here 
presses this point, but the passage has difficulties, because the orator 
here designedly confounds two entirely different things. He repre- 
sents the depositions of Clodius's slaves against Milo, derived by tor- 
ture, as suspicious and invalid, because these slaves were produced by 
the accuser, Appius Claudius, and because the whole proceeding in re- 
gard to them, shows the greatest partiality and hostility against Milo. 
As no one could be a witness in his own case, so were the witnesses that 
were entirely dependent upon one party inadmissible. Cicero first takes 
this view, and has at least some right to it ; but he then suddenly springs 
to a wholly different point : Dii boni .' quid potest, &c, which does 
not properly belong here at all, for Clodius was dead, and Milo was the 
reus. He does this, in order to speak again of his favorite subject, 
the incest of Clodius, under which was included every species of 
sacrilege, and to conclude a contrario : In revm dc servo, &c. He 
here proposes for tho examination by torture of the slaves of Clodius 
the question : Clodius insidias fecit Miloni ? which is to him the 
main question, to answer which affirmatively, ho makes his prin- 



126 NOTES, 

fa-re 

103 cipal object^ in the oration. If this question was put in the torture of 
tno slaves of Clodius, they were subjected to torture against their mas 
ter, and : de servis nulla lege quastio est in dominum nisi de incestu 

18. Nunc, with emphasis = nunc demurn, 100 days after the 
death of Clodius. See § 60. — Inatrio Libertaiis. There was a tem 
pie of Libertas on the Aventine, built by the father of the GraccbL 
There was also an atrium Libertatis by the forum, ad Att. 4, 16, 14. 
When Clodius had driven Cicero into exile, he destroyed his house en 
the Palatine, and on its site had erected a chapel to Libertas. The 
spacious porches of temples were used for various purposes ; and per- 
haps business, particularly that relating to slaves and freedmen, was 
transacted in the Atrium Libertatis. Klotz. supposes the atrium Li- 
bertatis is mentioned as the place of the examination, in order to sug- 
gest the hope of freedom as an inducement to the slaves to give the 
desired answers. 

19. Q,uibusnam de servis. "When Appius could not procure 
the slaves of Milo for examination, he had recourse to those of P. Clo- 
dius. Cicero shows the fairness that may be expected from slaves 
drilled by the accuser. — Rogas ? A familiar formula of every -day 
conversation and dialogue, frequently used when one is surprised, or 
affects surprise, that the other could ask. 

" 20. Q,uis .... Appius. This is an instance of tho rhetorical fig- 
ure called cvii-XoKr} (koiv6ttis) complexio. Quinctil. 9, 3, 31, cites it za 
an example. Z. 821. Appius was the nephew of Publius Clodius* 

21. Ab Appio = ex Appii domo. How little credit would be due 
to their declarations, appears from Flacc. 10. 

22. Q,uaestio est, like actio est = the light, &c, exists. — In do- 
minum. Klotz : in dominos. 

23. Proxime deos accessit Clodius. Because he is put on a 
par with them in the mode of examination touching his death. The 
violation of their mysteries demands the inquisition. The death of 
Clodius has called for the same. This is a nearer approach to divin- 
ity than was even his famous adventure at Caesar's house. In this 
signification, accedere ad, commonly with prope, propius, proxime, is 
the usual construction in Cicero. He also uses the dative. Compare 
Arnold's Nepos, Them. 4, 1, and 7, 2. See also Hark. 371, 2, 3. 
What double meaning in this sentence 7 Lig. 12, 37: homines enim 
ad deos nulla re propius accedunt quam salutcm hominibus dando. 
Rabir. perd. 2, 5 : Deinde vos,Quirites, quorum potestas proxime ad 
deorum immortalium numen acccdit. 

25. Sed tamen, &c. Were the slaves of Milo examined against 
Milo, the truth might easily be elicited ; for it was not the difficulty of 
arriving at the truth, but tho indignity of the proceeding that dictated 
the rejection of such testimony ; but where the slaves of the accuser 
are questioned against tho arraigned, of Appius against Milo, is truth 



OKATION FOR T. ANNIUS MQ.O. 427 

to be expected? He illustrates this by giving, § 60, a specimen of the lo'J 
mode of examination. 

26. Xon quia uou posset . . sed quia videbatur. II. 520, 
I, II, 3. Klotz omits the brackets. Schultz : non quin posset. 

28. Dominis. Klotz and Siipfle read with MSS. indignum esse 

et domini morte, &c Schultz also reads domini. — De servo quce- 

ritur. See note on p. 85, line 25. 

30. Ileus tu, Rufio, &c Spoken with comic seriousness, and 
put in the mouth of Appius, who directed the deposition of his slaves, 
Quinctil. 8, 3, 21 — Vcrbi causa = exempli gralia. 

31. Sis = si vis is borrowed from the language of common life 
and comedy. Est blande admonentis. — Menliare. See note on page 
9, line 1. 

32. Certa crux. Crucifixion was the usual form of capital pun- 
ishment for slaves. Deiot. 9, 2G. With it is contrasted sperata liber- 
tas, for which some prefer parata libertas. 

33. Subito abrepti, &c. The customary and proper proceedings 
in such examinations of slaves are here given in contrast with the un- 
usual course pursued in the present instance, as described in the next 
sentence. Slaves hurried away to torture without any previous warn- 
ing, are yet kept apart from the others in solitary confinement, whence 
they are produced when required. In this case the prosecutor, after a 
hundred days tampering with them, produces them for examination 
Subito abrepti is opposed to centum dies. Some read adrepti. 

31. Iu areas. Cells in jails and private houses for the solitary 
confinement of culprits or slaves. 

Cii. XXIIL— 38. Q,uod si nondum, &c. The only ground of 
argument remaining to Cicero, after so many being urged, was — a 
consequentibus — from the conduct of Milo after the fatal rencontre, 
his expeditious return, his lofty bearing and language. These could 
only result from conscious innocence. Chaps. 23, 24. 

39. Tot tarn, for tot et tarn. So Liv. 25, 24, tot tarn opulenti 
tyranni; 28,28, tot tarn claris imperatoribus ; 30, 30, tot tarn egrc- 
gii duces; 4 in Cat. 3, 6, tantam tain. 

41. Revertisse. H. 273, III. 

42. Celeritas reditus ejus. The excesses of the Clodians, 
especially the burning of the curia, had turned the tide of popular 
feeling in favor of Milo, and he ventured to return to Rome the same 
night, in which the curia was burned. He also continued his canvass 
for the consulship, and distributed by tribes to each citizen 1000 ases 
of borrowed money. 

41. Q,ui vultus. Compare 3 in Cat. 5, 13 ; p. Cluent, 19. 54. 
— Qua oratio. The tribune M. Caelius, held a concio for Milo, and 
spoke also himself in Milo's behalf. They both maintained that Clo- 
dius had lain in wait for Milo. — Neque vero sc, &c. This climax is 



128 NOTES. 

Page 

1 0Q noticed by Aquila Rom anus, defiguris senient. 40. Cf. Deinostli. c?v 

Corona, 55: oh* eTtov //fv ravra, ovk eypaipa di, oti<5' eypax^a ptv, oirt 
tgrpiopcvoa di, oho inpeapevaa fitv, ovk s~tiaa 6i rohg Qr t (iaiovq. — Ncque. 
. solum, sed etiam . . . . ncque .... modo, sed etiam .... neque 
. . . tantum, verum etiam. See note on p. 107, Hue 21. 

[24 !• Populo senatui commisit, ejus fidei tradidit, sed ita ut 

ipse periculum in eo adiret. See chaps. 3, 4, and 5. 

2. Publicis praesidiis et armis. Pompey and the levies under 
his command. See ch. 1, § 2. 

3. Ejus potestati. Ch. 6, 15. Pompey, with the interrex and 
tribunes of the people, was charged with the duty of preserving the 
peace aud quiet of the republic. To effect this, he was authorized to 
levy troops in all Italy, which he did with the greatest dispatch. Klotz 
omits etiam after vcruvi. 

6. Omnia audienti, i. e. nihil eorum, quce ad se dtferrentur, plane 
repudianti ct negligenti. See ch. 24, Go. 

T. Suspicanti .... credeuti. Ch. 24, GG. — Magna vis est con- 
sciential, 3 in Cat. 5, 11, and 12, 27. Juvenal, 13, 19G, thinks it ex- 
ceeds the torments of hell, Node dieque suum gesture in pector. 
testcm. 

9. Ncque timeant . . . . ct. H. 585. 

1 1. A senatu probata est. Ch. 5, 12. 

12. Facti rationeni. " The grounds on which he defended h:s 
conduct," viz. the lawfulness of self-defence. 

13. Defensiouis constantiam. "The firmness and intrepidity 
of his defence." — An vero. P. C. 120. 

14. Recenti illo nuntio. H. 450. — Obliti cstis .... sermone^ 
H. 407. 

15. Iiiimicorum Milonis. H. 391, 1. 

16. Imperitorum. Who though not the enemies of Milo, were 
ignorant " rationis facti." 

17. Illud fecisset, ut trucidaret. Harkness, 492, 1. On 

the illud, Z. 748. 

18. Arbitrabantur, sc. the impenti. 

19. Tauti putasse. H. 396, IV. Pariil. o2:Spectanlur etiam 

ad causam facti motus animorum si facinoris voluptas major, 

quam damnationis dolor ; Virg. Mn. 2, 585 : Exstinxisse nefas ta- 
men et sumpsisse mcrentis Laudabor pcrnas, animumque explesse 
juvabit. 

21. Noil dubitaturum. quin. PL 498, 3. 

23. Cederet legibus. To obey the laws, and go into exile, 
that being the penalty for homicide. Some reject legibus; but it ia 
more honorable for Milo to make his reverence for the law the motive 
of his going. 

24. Haeo fruenda. Cf. Cccl 17 ; 39 Fabricios ... Camillas, 



ORATION FOR T. ANNIUS M1LO. 420 

Curios, omnesque eos, qui hcec ex minimis tanta fecerunt. Com- 10 J 
pare note on p. 15, line 20 On fruenda, see H. 419, Y, 4, 1. 

25. Ilia portenta. In Pison. 4, 9, Cicero calls Clodius fatalc 
portentum prodigiumque rei publico ; and, de prov. Cons. 1, 2, the 
consuls, Piso and Gabinius, are described as duo rei publico . . . por- 
tenta ac pane funera. So in our passage, Heumann .takes ilia por- 
tenta as = ejus generis consceleratos itque exsecrabiles homines. 
Schiitz, on the other hand, supplies verborum with portenta, and re- 
fers it to the following Erumpet, &c. — Loquebantur. Loqui with the 
accusative = to prate of, generally in Cicero with the notion of con- 
tempt. Cf. ad Att. 9, 2, 3, nihil nisi classes loquens el exercitus. 
Hor. Scrtn. 1, 3, 12, modo reges atque tetrarchas, omnia magna lo- 
quens. 

26. Erumpet. This word Cicero had already applied to the hur- 
ried departure of Catiline from the city. 2 in Cat. 1, 1. By using it 
here, the enemies of Milo meant to suggest a parallel between him and 
that conspirator. 

27. Miseros interdum cives. H. 381. — Optime de meri- 

los. Deserving best at the hands of; having best served. 

30. Admisisset aliquid. Cf. 13, 34, and 37, 103. 
Ch. XXIV. — 32. duid ? H. 589.— Qua postea sunt in earn con- 
gesta, a circumlocution for, the subsequent charges against him. 

33. Conscientia. An ablative of the cause ; but compare Z. 472, 
Note 1, and 646: "under the consciousness," or " if he were con- 
scious of." Ernesti conjectured in mediocrium delict, conscientia. 

34. Sustinuitl immo vero. See note on p. 9, line 13. 

35. Pro nihilo putavit. H. 374. 

3 7. t Frenorum. The reading here is doubtful. Lambinus pro- 
posed framearum, Garatoni conjectures, since Hispanorum occurs, 
gladiorum Hispanorum pilorumque ; and supposes Hispanorum, spa- 
rorum, frenorum, and framearum may be varieties of one and the 
same word. Steinmetz brackets both frenorum and sparorum, Klotz 
and Siipfle read ferramentorum pilorumque. 

38. Multitude- deprehendi posse indicabatur. The personal 
construction of verba dicendi in the passive voice is sometimes, as here, 
oxtended to other verbs which denote a peculiar and special kind of 
saying, showing, believing, &c. See Z. 607. But the impersonal 
construction in this case is more common. 

39. Vicum. Vicus from oIkos, as vinum from ohes, correspond 
ing to wick in bailiwick, is not a principal street, but a collection of 
houses, a ward or quarter of the city, the subdivision of a regio. — An- 
giportum is according to Festus : iter compendiarium in oppido. 

40. Miloni. The dative of the possessor ; and this seems to bo 
the origin of the dative with passive verbs, for the ablative with ab. 
Harkness, 387. — In villam Ocriculanam. A villa of Milo's, near 



130 NOTES. 

Pag-e 

124- ^ cr ' cu ' um > a town of Umbria, not far from the junction of the Sui 
with the Tiber. The modern Otricoli is about two miles from the 
ancient city. 

4:1. Domus. Ernesti wished : domum ... refertam depending od 
dicebant. Garat. considers it an instance of syllepsis, and supplies 
dicebatur from dicehant. This house of Milo was called Anniana. 
Ad Ait. 5, 3, 3. 

42. 3Ialleolorum. See note on p. 13, line 15. 

43. Repudiata. Though totally" unworthy of notice, such was 
the misery of the times, they were not rejected without inquiry. 

44. Laudabam, &,c. Cicero expresses the extraordinary solicitudo 
of Pompey, but shows at the same time how little he was please-d with 
his timid credulity. 

125 2* Coguntur audire. Cf. 23, 61, and Rose. Am. 8, 22. 

3. Tota res publica. Cf. ch. 26, 70. Ernesti suspected 

tota, but compare 23, 61 ; 2-1, 66 ; 25, 63 init. Garatoni : Aliquando 
elenim una erat rei publica? pars aut alicui commissa aut ab aliquo 
sponte suscepta — ut res frumentaria eidem Pompeio SCto commissa, 
Sec. — Cui eiiam, &c. " Since he had to hear," &c. The common 
text is publica. Quia ctiam, &c, for which Madvig substituted his 
conjecture, making the subjunctive causal instead of concessive. 

4. Popa Licinius. The popa were freedmen, or men of the 
lower sort. Asconius describes this Licinius as quemdam de plebe, sa- 
crificulum, qui solitus esset familias purgare ; and it. is reasonable to 
suppose that Cicero degrades him to a popa, as he also adds nescio qui, 
to denote his insignificance, in contrast with Pompey, who attached 
much weight to the information of Licinius. The popa appear to have 
retained as their perquisites the gleanings or fragments of the sacrifices, 
and to have kept victualling shops. The pop'ma, at least in the time 
of the republic, were visited only by slaves and the lower class. There 
were doubtless many popina about the Circus maximus, as also in 
the neighborhood of the theatres and other public buildings and places. 
— De circo maximo. This was the largest of the courses of Rome, the 
foundation of which goes back to Tarquinius Priscus. After its en- 
largement by Ca?sar, it was capable of holding 150,000 spectators, or 
250,000 according to Pliny, N. H. 36, 15, 102. It lay in the hollow 
between the Palatine and Aventine, and was a chief place of amuse- 
ment for the idle people of Rome, at other times also, besides during 
the circenses, as were the Campus Martius and the airy agger 
(Tarquinii), on the eastern side of Rome from the Esquiline to the 
Colline gate ; the agger particularly for promenaders. Circus max- 
imus and agger correspond with each other as residences of the 
lower classes. As here popa de circo maxima, so we find pomarius 
de circo maximo and pomarius de aggere ; and the astrologi de circo 
are notorious : de Div. 1, 53. Z. 303. It was hero that fortune-tell- 



ORATION FOR T. ANNIUS MILO. 431 

Pag-e 

ere, astrologers, and conjurors practised their arts upon the credulous : ]C>5 
hence fallacem circum. Hor. Sat. 1, 6, 113. 

5. Servos Milonis confessos esse, dependent, in some texts, 

which give a period after indicaret, on the verbum dicendi, implied in 
fuerit audiendus. We should then supply " saying." 

6. Conjurasse. On the omission of the subject accusative, see 
Harkness, 552. Compare note on p. 121, lino 30. 

T. Al> uno de illis. Z. 308 and 340 in fin. 

8. Hortos. H. 132. — De amicorum sententia. P>ompey called a 
council of friends {consilium amicorum) to hear the information of 
the popa in their presence, in order that the matter might receive 
more importance, and he not have the appearance of having feigned 
fear of Milo. Such private consilia of friends were very common, and 
amid in such cases = witnesses ; acquaintances and friends were call- 
ed to such extrajudicial depositions. In matters of interest to a family 
circle a consilium propinquorum (cognatorum) was formed. De sen- 
tentia, " by the advice," or " at the suggestion." So also ex sententia 
Z. 308 in fin. and 309. 

9, Non poteram non. H. 485. 

11. Credi popas. Krebs, Guide, 171; P. C. 235; II.3S5.-— 
Confessionem servorum. Cf. Deiot. 11, 32. 

13. Probari, fidem fieri hunc ictum esse gladiatoris. 

15. Ne .... aliquid. H. 455. — Oppugnata domus .... nuntia- 
batur. H. 54 7, 2. 

IT. Tana celeb ri loco. Suet. Jul. 46: Habitavit primum in 
Suburra modicis aidibus, post autem pontificatum maximum in sacra 
via domo publica. Plin. N. H. 19, 1, 23. The sacra via was the 
principal street of Rome, and much thronged. On the meaning of cc- 
leber, see note on p. 98, line 19 

18. Tamen audiebatur. It was listened to 

21. Frequeutissimo senatu. See note on p. 110, line 16. — 
Senator. P. Cornificius. 

22. Cum telo esse. See note on p. 110, line 2. 

Ch. XXV. — 25. Insidiose, nam fictis criminibus Miloni fiebantin- 
Bidiae. Another reading gives invidiose, i. e. ad invidiam contrahendam 
conficta, quamvis insidiando composita. 

26. duum tamen metuitur, &c. This is a conjectural emen- 
dation of Madvig. The common text is : sunt. Quod si tamen me- 
tuitur etiam nunc Milo, non jam hoc Clodianum, &-c. Klotz with 
some MSS. : Cur tamen si metuitur etiam nunc Milo, non, &c, with 
a point of interrogation after perhorrescimus. — Etiam nunc, i. e. after 
aii the statements (in the preceding section) to show that the charges 
against Milo were mere calumnies, and the suspicions of Pompey mi- 
founded. 

2T. Hoc Clodianum crimen. It is no longer the present in* 



432 notes. 

Pa^e 

if) k dictment, the charge of murdering Clodius, that we fear, but your sus- 
picious, Pompey. The prououn tuas is repeated with emphasis. 

28. Exaudire. Fere semper exaudire est ita audire, ut dicta 
plaue percipiantur, ubi nostrates fere intelligere dicere solent. Rarius 
m hoc verbo simplicis verbi audiendi vis aucta apparet. Exaudiuntur 
igitur verba, quag clara voce h ixriKtu) dicuutur ; dicanturne ex longinquo 
an ex propinquo nihil refert ; nam etiam ex propinquitate ita dicas, ut 
vix proximi te exaudiant. See note on p. 43, line 11. Pompey was sit- 
ting in front of the aerarium, at some distance from the rostrum. 

29. Suspiciones. It appears from Asconius, that Pompey, being 
interrogated by the Clodian leaders, as to whether his life had been 
attempted by Milo, told the story of Liciuius ; and that in addition tc 
the precaution of confining himself to his gardens, on his return from 
raising the levies through Italy, he had refused to admit the visit of 
Milo, and of none else ; and that when the senate was held in the 
portico of Pompey, to allow of his taking part in the business, Milo 
was the only man ordered to be searched before he was allowed to 
enter. 

31. Delectus. Klotz : dilect us here and elsewhere. 

3 2. Si Capitolinae cohortes. For when danger threatened, or 
there was fear of disturbances, guards were set on the Capitol and 
other hills of the city. Compare note on p. 9, line 4. 

33. Excubiae .... vigiliae. Conjungunturhaec etiam, pro Plane. 
42, et promiscue usurpantur, sic tamen, ut vigilia numquamde diurno 
tantummodo tempore dicantur. — Delecta juventus. Juventutis no- 
mine praecipue equites designantur : hinc princeps juventutis. 

36. Magna certe in hoc vis, &c. The consequent member of 
this hypothetical period seems to correspond only with the latter clauses 
of the conditional member, from si Italics, &c. These he answers by 
showing their absurdity, as they would imply courage and resources in 
Milo far above those of any single man ; and, with regard to the ex- 
traordinary levies, by proving that they are called for by the necessi- 
ties of the state without any reference to Milo. The answer to tho 
first clauses of the conditional member is implied in the words: Quod 
si locus, Sec, as if he said — " If you fear Milo, it is wholly oicinz ( 
misapprehension; for if an opportunity had been afforded him, he 
would have proved to your satisfaction that no man was ever dearer to 
another than you to him, &c. And if he had failed in his proof, {quit 
si non probaret,) he would have gone into exile ; not, however, with- 
out calling you to testify his innocence, as he now does." 

3T. Non unius, sed multorum. So Hor. Carm. 4, 9, 39 : Consul 
non unius anni. — Indicantur. See note on p. 124, line 35. Klotz 
gives judicant ur 

40. JEgras labantes, corresponding respectively to sanarca 

and confirmares. 



ORATION FOR T. ANNIUS MILO. 433 

Page 

41. Q,uoil si locus, &c. Had Milo been granted an audience. -joe 
But Pompey, as Asconius informs us. would not allow Milo access to 
him. 

1. Peste. Clodius. |26 

3. Consiliis tuis. And, therefore, though the advantage was 
mine, yet the obligation was also yours. 

4. In periculo capitis, i. e. in periculo deminutionis capitis me- 
dia), for exile would have been the punishment, had Milo been con- 
demned. See note on p. 85, line 1, for the meaning of caput. — Ad- 
jutum. Candidates were assisted in various ways by their friends : 
Viz. in canvassing the electors of the city and the country, &c. Cf. 
Quint. Cic. de petit, consulat. 

5. Se habere .... sperasse. Krebs, Guide, 402 ; Z. 605. — Te 
Luo beneficio. This is a true, though not an obvious ground of friend- 
ship. We all take a lively interest in our own work ; e.g. the success 
of one whom we patronize. 

7. InliJBsisset. Like a deep-rooted tree. Hence cvelli. The 
common text is insedisset. 

9. Nae iste. Z. 360 Note. Digito demonstrat Milonem. 

1 0. Q,ui ita natus est et ita consuevit. Manutius : qui hoc 
habet et a natura et a consuetudine, ut otium salutemque patrias re- 
bus omnibus anteponat. Cf. ch. 14, init. The connection shows the 
relation (ps ovtu ntyvice) • namely, so as to act the patriot. — Magne 
When the young Pompey, a. u. c. 674, returned victorious from Africa, 
he was received as a second Alexander ; the dictator Sulla went out 
to meet him, saluted him with the title of Magnus, and directed his at- 
tendants to join in the salutation. Cicero, ad Att. 2, 13, ridicules this 
surname of Pompey. 

1 1 ■ Antcstaretur. Simpliciter est : te moneret, ut meminisses, se 
convenire te voluisse, et de sua innocentia, aliorum autem perfidia 
docere. Matthiae. This is a technical word for " to call on a per- 
son to be witness to an arrest." If the defendant, when summoned 
to court, would not willingly follow, the plaintiff might call witnesses 
and bring him by force. The witnesses were necessary to testify to 
the unwillingness of the defendant, and to justify the force used. The 
witness was asked by the formula licet antestari, and if he assented, 
the plaintiff touched his ear to impress his duty on his memory. See 
Hor. Sat. 1, 9, 75. Milo, as Cicero exhibits it, had used only lawful 
force, to suppress the violence of the wicked for the welfare of the 
good, consequently for Pompey's welfare, to whom he had been ever 
grateful and true : this ho calls Pompey to witness. Schultz : ante 
tcstaretur. — Quod nunc etiam facit, tametsi neque tui conveniendi 
potestas est facta, neque abit a patria sed in judicio se sistit. 

Ch. XXVI.— 1 2. Vide, quam sit varia. See note on p. 97, line 
I The mention of banishment led Cicero to revolve the various turns 
37 



434 NOTES. 

Pajre 

I2fi °^ ^ ate ^ e ^ 0W ' an( ^ l ^ 1!S constrained him to break out in the following 
exclamation. The circumstance, therefore, under which it was ut- 
tered, is a sufficient answer to those who claim for this passage the 
praise of prophecy. That of beauty and pathos it cannot be denied. 
Some read vides. 

13. Ratio. The course.— Quam vaga. Cf.Ovid, Trist. 5, 8, 15, 
passibus ambiguis fortuna volubilis errat et manet in nullo ceria te- 
naxque loco. 

14. Amicitiis. The common reading is amicis. — Ad tempue 
aptcB, accommodate et aptatae ; time-serving. 

15. Fugae proximorum. Cf. Senec. Ep. 9 : florentes amico- 
rum turba circumsedet ; circa eversos ingens solitudo est, et inde 
amici fugiunt, ubi probantur ; hac re ista tot exempla sunt aliorum 
tnetu relinquentium, aliorum meiu prodentium. 

16. Illucescet ille . . . dies, quum .... desideres. It oc- 
curred in about four years after. After fuit (erit) tempus {illud tern- 
pus, dies), quum, there was once a time, when ; there will a time 
come, when, (such a time, that,) the subjunctive almost always fol- 
lows. So simply: fuit, quum, de Orat. 1. 1. 

IT. Salutaribus. So the MSS. Orelli remarks : Nihil omniuo 
vetat, quo minus accipiamus, non tam rebus salutem tibi afferentibus, 
quam rebus cum salute tua conjunctis : nee probari potest vel Gara- 
tonii salubribus vel Ant. Augustini Weiskiique salvis ; salutaribus 
majus quiddam est, quam salvis. Cf. ad Fam. 10, 23, 2, salutariter 
recipere. After communium iemporum the editions commonly give 
immutatis, and this or immutatus, is found in some MSS., but not 
the best; therefore Madvig, Klotz, and others omit it 

18. Q,uam crebro. Sulla, Cinna, Catiline, w r ere within the ex- 
perience of Cicero 

20. Unius post homines natos .... viri, i. e. from the founda- 
tion of the world. Cf. 2S, 77, unum post hominum memoriam T. An- 
num. — Hominis viri. See note on p. 93, line 34. 

21. Q,uamquam. A correction, as if he said, " and yet why sup- 
pose that Pompey harbors suspicions against Milo, which his own act3 
disprove? Had Milo been disposed (in Pompey's opinion) to abolish 
trials altogether, would Pompey, clothed with supreme authority, have 
conceded a trial to Milo ? Yet he did ; while in the very choice of 
his position, he fully indicates his anxiety to protect you in the im- 
partial expression of your opinions on this occasion." 

22. Moris majorum. The formula quoted below : ne quid res 
publico, &c, came under the mos majorum, or common law. On 
this formula, see note on p. 10, line 4, and the reference there given. 

24:. Q,iio uno versiculo. Dt Legg. 2, 6, 14 : leges Titias, Apu- 
leias, Livias uno versiculo senatus sublatas ommemorat, i. e. hos 
oodem SCto 



ORATION FOR T. ANNIUS MILO. 435 

Page 

25. Satis arinati, i. e. subsidiis ad consilia sua perficienda iii. — I Of» 
9tructi. Cf. Liv. 4, 53, hoc decreto consul armatus. Cf. ch. I, 2. 

26. Hunc exercitu. Addi solet prouomen, interjecta aliaperiodo, 
ta ut non raro empliasin habeat. 

28. Tolleret, i. e. tollere auderet, sublatum iret, sc. by taking tbe 
law into bis own bands, murdering Clodius, and plotting against Pora- 
pey. 

29. Ista. Tbe calumnies wbicb were said to have excited the 
suspicions of Pompey. — Legem tulit, qua .... liceret. See ch. 6, 15. 

31. Q,uod vero. Z. 627. " But in that," &c, i. e. by his taking 
post in that particular place ; sc. the entrance to tbe treasury, as Asco- 
nius says. See ch. 25, 67, and ch. 1. 

34. Cogere, ut. See note on p. 39, line 39. 

35. Auimadvertere ipse. See note on p. 17, lino 32. — Suo jure. 
For the act permitted the consul coercere modis omnibus socios atquo 
cives. Sail. Cat. 29. 

3G. Hestcrnam illam concioucm. T. Munatius Flancus — post 
audita et obsignata testium verba dimissosque interim judices, vocata 
conciono cohortatus est populum, ut clusis tabernis postero die ad ju- 
dicium adcsset, nee pateretur elabi Milonem. See ch. 2, init. 

Ch. XXVII. — 38. Clodianum crimen, quod Milo accusatur Clo- 
dium occidisse. He had contrasted this charge, ch. 25, with the sus- 
picions of Pompey, and cleared away those suspicions. He now ad- 
dresses himself to prove that the death of Clodius, being a service to 
the state, its perpetrator (Milo) had therein performed a glorious act. 
This is the second principal division of the confutation, called by 
himself, ch. 34, extra causam, the use and defect of which is noticed 
by Quinctil. 3, 6, and 4, 5. It was this line of argument that Brutus 
adopted in a written defence of Milo ; but Cicero dissented from Bru- 
tus's ground of defence, as Asconius says : quod non qui bono publico 
damnari, idem etiam occidi indemnatus posset. 

42. Meutiri gloriose. In saying occidi, i. e. per vim et insidias, 
which he has just disproved. — Gloriose, boastfully, proudly, glorying 
in it. 

43. Occidi, occidi. This period is much praised by the old rhet- 
oricians. Quinctil. 5, 11, 12, and 9, 3, 28 : nam et verba geminan- 
tur, vel amplificandi gratia, ut : Occidi, occidi, non Sp. Medium, 
alter um est enim, quod indicat, altcrum quod affirmat. — Sp. Malium. 
See note on p. 9, line 24. — Jacturisque. See note on p. 65, line 6. 

1. Appetendi. H. 562. — Ti.Gracchum. Cicero, from his polili- * ^ 
cal principles, held the view, which the younger Africanus expressed : ** 
Ti. Gracchum jure casum videri. Cf. ch. 3, 8 ; de Off. 2, 12 fin. In 
the latter passage, he likewise passes a general sentence of condem- 
nation on both Ti. and C. Gracchus, while here he makes prominent 
a single act of Ti. Gracchus as worthy of death. 



436 NOTES. 

Page 

JOT 2. Collegae. Octavius, the colleague of Ti. Gracchus in tho In- 
buneship, opposed his Agrarian law, and had a right by his veto U 
prevent the reading of it before the people. They opposed each other 
with honorable weapons, with the power of eloquence, without per- 
sonal abuse. But Gracchus was compelled to find a means of setting 
aside his opponent who was unyielding in his opposition. Though the 
person of a tribune was inviolable (sacrosanctus), he had his colleague 
dismissed from his office by the people. That was a seditious pro- 
ceeding, and tho people had no right and no reason to depose him. 
The only justification Gracchus could bring for his measure was po- 
litical necessity. If the end justified tho means, Gracchus needed no 
defence, but deserved the highest praise of a determined statesman ; 
but it is certain, that, with only the appearance of legal right, he de- 
stroyed a wise regulation of the Roman state, and in his noble efforts, 
which the present age better understands and appreciates than an ear- 
lier, committed a mistake, which is so much the more sad, as upon 
the Roman horizon the morning of a day dawned, in which law and 
justice were silenced. Compare note on p. 9, line 20. 
3. Interfectores. Servilius Ahala and Scipio Nasica. 

5. Nefanduin adulterium. See ch. 5, 13. Nefandum gravius 
est, quam nefarium, propter pollutam religionem, qua? ipsum adul- 
terio incesti nomen adjunxit, et propter insolentiam facinoris ac novi- 
tatem ; de qua Cic. Harusp. 3 : etenim illos (deos) eo scclcre tiolatit, 
quo nemo antea. Sed paulo post est nefarium stuprum cum sorore 
gcrmana. Sed ne stupra quidem legibus vetita nefaria Cic. appellare 
solebat, nisi crimen aliquod vulgaribus flagitiis gravius inesset. Cf. in 
Pison. 4, 9 : Ab eodem homine, in stupris inauditis (quum sacra Bo- 
nce dece adulterio violavit) nefariisque (sororis germauce) versato. 

6. Xobilissimoe. Vestal virgins and noble matrons who had as- 
sembled at Cresar's house, to perform the rites of the goddess Caesar 
was Pontifex Maximus. 

T. Religiones expiandas. See de Harusp. resp. 12, 13. 

8. Cum sorore gerinaua. P. Clodius had three sisters, the youn- 
gest of whom And the one here intended, was married to L. Lucullus. 
Elsewhere Cicero speaks of Clodius's being guilty of the same crime 
with his other sisters. 

9. L<. Lucullus juntos. On his return from the third Pontic 
war, he discovered the guilt of his wife, and repudiated her. The oc- 
casion of the testimony referred tc was the trial of Clodius ch. 5. 13) 
a. u. c. 693.— Jurat us. IT. 262, •?..— ('■ slaves 
of Clodia were put to the torture. 

10. Civem. Cicero himself. 

12. Servorum arniis exterminavit. Ch. 14. 36 ; in Pison.lO. 

13. Regna dedit, ademit. Through Clodius's iu'iuencc, exerted 
for a bribe, Brogitarus of Galatia, son-in-lnw of Deiotarus, was made 



ORATION FOR T. ANNIUS MILO. 437 

Pag« 

priest of Cybele at Pessinus, and received the title of king. Sest. 26 1 a 7 
sqq. ; de Harusp. rcsp. 13. On the motion of Clodius, when tribune 
of tho people, a decree was passed, by which M. Cato was sent with 
the powers of praetcr to take possession of the island of Cyprus, with 
the treasures of its king, Ptolemy, and reduce the island to the form 
of a province. — Orb em terrarum partitus est In return for ser- 
vices which the consuls Piso and Gabinius had rendered to Clodius in 
his efforts to destroy Cicero, he proposed a bill, by which they had the 
provinces of Macedonia and Syria assigned to them, with extraordi- 
nary powers. Sest. 10, 24 ; 14, 33 ; 24 sqq. By the lex Sempronia 
of C. Gracchus, it was the duty of the senate to determine the con- 
sular provinces before the election of the consuls, so that the consuls 
after their consulship could draw lots, or agree in regard to those prov- 
inces only which had been previously designated. Pro domo. 9. 24. 

15. Civem. Pompey. See ch. 7, 18 and 19. 

IT. JEdem Nympharum. In this temple, as being most se- 
cure from fires, were kept the public registers of the censors. It was 
burned in the disturbances which preceded the exile of Cicero, though 
the motive here assigned may have been unfounded. Cal. 32, 78 ; 
Parad. 4, 2 ; Sest. 39, 84 ; 44, 95 ; Harusp. 27. — Memoriam publi- 
cum recensionis. Recensio = actus recensendi is not elsewhere found 
in Cicero. Suetonius uses it, C<zs. 41. Clodius could not obliterate the 
ignominy which was the result of the animadversio {castigatio, nota- 
tio, notio) censoria, though he might remove it from the public recol- 
lection, by destroying the censors' tablets, where it was recorded. Tho 
repetition of publicam in publicis makes this notion emphatic. 

19. Cui crat. Who regarded, &c. From Clodius's public 

crimes tho orator passes to his private life. He trampled under foot 
tho laws. 

20. Nulli possessionum termini. Possessio = both the right 
of possession, and, as here, actual possession. The stories respecting 
the god Terminus show the feeling of the ancient Romans with re- 
gard to tho certainty aud sacredness of landmarks. A remarkablo 
passage is found in one of the agrimensores : qui coniigerit moverit- 
quc possessionem, promovendo suam, alterius minuendo, ob hoc scc- 
lus damnabitur a diis. Si servi faciant, dominio mutabuniur in 
deterius ; sed si conscientia dominica fiet, celerius domus exstirpa- 
bilur genusque ejus omnis interiet, &c. — Calumnia litium. Unjust 
law -suits ; the twisting or perversion of right in litigation. Calum- 
nia = trick, artifice, chicanery, and is opposed to Veritas, fides, 
oquitas. 

21. Vindiciis ac sacramentis. The orator makes use hereof 
technical expressions belonging to the Roman process, to bring out 
etrongly the contrast between the judicial prosecution of unjust claims 
to others' possessions, and the open violence with which Clodius seized 



438 notes. 

Page 

lqapossessiou of others' property. Vindicia is the mock contest of the twc 
parties, (therefore the plural as inducice,) who, appearing before the 
praetor to make good their claim, exhibit force in asserting it, (vim di- 
cere, ietKvvvai.) They both take hold of the thing in controversy, (ox 
a piece of it .0 represent the whole,) lay the festuca (vindicta) on it 
and maintain: Hanc rem ex jure Quiritium meam esse aio. The 
vindicicc form only the introduction to the process. Also by the follow- 
ing ac (injuslis) sacramcntis, the beginning of a suit is indicated, inas- 
much as the parties deposited a pledge or gage, to be forfeited by the 
loser ; the gainer of the cause receiving his back. This pledge went 
to the state, and was especially applied to the sacra publica ; hence 
the name sacr amentum. Varr. I. I. 5, 180. Here the special parts in 
the commencement of a suit are taken for the whole suit. 

23. Etruscos. Ch. 9, 2G.—Hunc P. Varium. Ch. 9, fin. 

25. Cum architectis et decempedis. Cf. Phil. 14, 4, 10, 
where Cicero speaks of Antony, as he does here of Clodius. 

27. Janiculo et Alpibus, i. e. the entire of upper Italy, from 
Rome to Gaul. — Terminabat. Klotz : terminarat. 

28. Equite Romano splendido. Equites Romani are tho 
knights, qui publico equo stipendia faciunt or qui cquum publicum 
habent, Liv. 39, 9 : 24, 18, in distinction from those qui equo pritato 
stipendia faciunt. Only the former have the distinctions and the splen- 
dor which belong to the rank of knight ; and only they, at least to tho 
time of the Gracchi, have the name Equites. 

30. Prilio. Now lago di Castiglione in Etruria near Rusellae. 

31* Arma. Recte Garat. monet arma per vim oedificanti fuisse 
necessaria, eorumque commemorationem solam facere potuisse, ut vim 
armatam intelligercmus. Some understand by arma tools. — Domino- 
que .... inspectante. This was an aggravating circumstance. 

3 2. JEdificium exstruere in alieno. For the expression, com- 
pare Liv. 39, 55. It was a principle of the Roman law : accessio ce- 
dit principali (sc. rei) and with a more special application : superfi- 
cies solo cedit, and omne quod incedificatur solo cedit. Inst. 2, 1, 29. 
Later constructions of the rule which is very old are : If one built on 
another's ground with his own materials, knowing it to be another's, 
(mala fide,) he forfeited the building. Inst. 2, 1, 30. D. 41, 1,7, 12. 
In the older law this was surely the rule without exception and without 
limitation. If the builder supposed the land his in good faith, he could 
claim to be indemnified. Clodius came under the former case, but he 
did not fear tho legal consequences, therefore he built even in sight of 
the owner of the island, for his principle was, " might makes right," 
and he showed by his proceedings, that he hoped to acquire by force 
the island, which the owner would not sell to him. 

33. Huic T. Furfanio. One of the judges; a friend an i 
respondent of Cicero. Fam. 6, 8. 



ORATION FOR T. ANNIUS MILO. 439 

P*g« 
36. Sed ansus est. On sed, see note on p. 29, line 3. Klotz and ion' 

Siipfle with MSS. give sed ausum esse, &c. The former consider- 
the infinitive as chosen by Cicero to express, in a lively manner, sur- 
prise and displeasure, with which force it often occurs with the enclitic 
ne. Siinfle takes it as an anacoluthon occasioned by the long pa- 
renthesis. 

3T. Mortuum . . . . se illaturum, ut Furfanius caedis auctor vi- 
deretur 

38» Q,ua invidia. By the odium consequent on which this hon- 
orable niau should be overwhelmed. 

39- Appium fratrem. Appius Claudius Pulcher, the oldest bro- 
ther of P. Clodius, and predecessor of Cicero in the government of Cili- 
cia. The third book of Cicero's letters is addressed to him. 

40. Absentem .... dejecit. Dejicere is the technical expres- 
sion for a forcihle or violent ejectment of a person from his possessions. 
Before Cicero's time detrudere was common. If one's house or ground 
were entered and taken possession of by force during his absence, 
he was regarded as dejectus, and as such could use the inter dictum 
de vi. 

41. Sororis. This was probably the second of Clodins's three 
sisters, the wife of Q. Metellus Celer, since the dwellings of P. Clo- 
dius and Q. Metellus on the Palatine, were contiguous. She became 
infamous for her debaucheries, and was often called by the nickname 
Quadrantaria. The vestibulum was not a part of the house, but, as 
explained by Gellius, the place, per quern a viaaditus accessusque ad 
cedes est. 

Ch. XXVIII. — 14. Q,uamquain, &c. The preceding chapter 
contained a review of Clodius's past enormities, forming a sort of de- 
scending series from the profanation of the rites of the Bona Dea to 
the building a partition across his sister's courtyard. In this is sketch- 
ed his intended crimes, and the praise due to Milo for cutting short his 
mad career inferred. — Tolerabilia. In comparison of the evils which 
lie was likely to inflict on the state. 

1. Etsi, &c. Etsi non debebant tolerabilia videri, quia .... irru- *£ * 
chat ; sed . . . usu jam obdurucrat civitatis patientia. 

2. Propinquos = vicinos, neighbors. 

3. Nescio quomodo. H. 525,4. — Percalluerat. Callo obducta, 
ohdurata erat. 

6. Imperium ille si n actus esset. How Clodius hoped to gain 
the imperium, appears from ch. 9, 24. The apodosis of this period 
begins with a liberis, &c. 

T. Tetrarchas, This name was now a mere title for petty sub- 
ordinate princes. 

9. Pecunias. Pecunia sometimes has a wide sense, covering all 
one's property or possessions. In the old legal lang nage it is often 



440 NOTES. 

Page 

190 found in connection with familia, which then embraces the persons 
in the potestas of the pater familias, especially the slaves, and pecunia 
includes the rest, particularly lifeless property. This signification suits 
our passage. 

11. Patent, .... nota sunt .... tenentur ? Res manifestas 
contiiiet verburn patent, conscientiam omnium et testimonium ea signi- 
ficant, qua nota sunt omnibus, convicta sunt probationibus, qua te- 
nentur. Klotz omits h(BC after fingi. 

12. Servorum exercitus. With reference to the rule, by which 
slaves were excluded from military service. See Deiot. 8, 24. The 
scrvi publici, it would appear, were used as rowers in the marine. The 
jus militia was a right inherent in the civitas. It was a Roman 
proverb : Quot servi, tot hostes. Cicero often speaks of Clodius's be- 
ing surrounded with a band of slaves, ch. 14, 3G. 

18. Cervicibus. Z. 94. — Per me ut unum. Some read per mc 
unum ut. See H. 602, m. 

19. Pudor, Pudicitia. See note on p. 92, line 15. Pudor, 
niSws, ejus est, qui male facere reformidat, non ejus, quern male faeto- 
ruiii pudet ; ejus pars est pudicitia. 

SO. Essct vero timendum. Ironical. Non quscrit iila orationis 
forma, sed earn vim habet, ut osteudat, minime id fuisse timendum : 
sententiaque ita significata statim argumento confirmatur, nunc enim 
quis est, &cc. 

2T. Summorum imperatorum. Marius, Sulla. 

29. Mandate hoc memorise. He foretells that they will attrib- 
ute every future blessing to the removal of Clodius, and he bids them 
note that he now said so. Matthias notices that the legitimate order 
is abandoned, which would be the following : Mandate hoc memoricr, 
etsi sperem multa vos . .. esse visuros, tamen in iis singulis vos exis- 
timaturos. 

31:. Hoc ipso summo viro. Pompey, who, appointed to be sole 
consul, had passed somo salutary laws against bribery and corruption, 
and attempted to reform the state. 

35. I^egibus et judiciis constitutis. K!otz : legions ct institu- 
tis constitutis ; and below, line 39, domino for hoviine. The variation 
appears to be in each instance a typographical error, as no authority 
is given. 

38. Ea, quae tenetis, privata. See ch. 27, 74. — Dominante. 
§ 78, imperium ille si nactus esset. 

Ch. XXIX. — 11. Xon timeo, &c. Having now detailed all tlio 
enormities of Milo, Cicero apprehensive that the feelings of the judgee 
did not accompany him in his exaggerations, resolves to give them a 
palpable proof of their abhorrence of Clodius. This he does by sup- 
posing him recalled to life ; the bare thought astounded them. Nay, 
he adds, Pompey would not recall him Therefore Clodius was a ty- 



ORATION FOR T. ANNIL'S MILO. 441 

Pag« 

runt, and his murder meritorious. — Odio . . . inimicitiarum, i. e. odio IOC 
ox inimicitiis orto. 

42. Iiibentius quam verius. H.444. Fatetur Cicero so 

libenter in Clodium invehi, sed ita, ut omnes intelligant, nihil se odii 
causa confingere, nihil amplificare. 

43. Etsi prsecipuum, sc. odium meum ; being banished by CIo- 
dius, my brother nearly killed, my family persecuted, my property 
confiscated, my house burned, &c. Communi opponitur proprium et 
prcBcipuum, quod, qui nunc latino scribunt, peculiarc dicunt. Hinc 
proprius j ungitur cum meus, tuus, suus. Klotz: Etenim si, &c. 

44. Paene aequaliter versaretur. Was almost on an equality 
with ; i. e. did not much exceed. 

3. Q,uiii sic atteudite. As the magnitude of Clodius's guilt ad- J29 
mitted neither of expression nor conception, he thought the judges 
might best approximate to the idea of it, by supposing his recall to life. 

6. Cernimus. Cernere, related to icpiva>, properly denotes to dis- 
tinguish, then to know ; viderc, also connected with the root of dim- 
dere, properly signifies to divide and see, but soon took the general no- 
tion of seeing or perceiving by the organs of sight, while cernere holding 
more firmly to its original signification, is elsewhere, as here, contrasted 
with videre. Cf. Tusc. 1, 20, 46 : Nos enim ne nunc quidem oculis 
cernimus en, qua, videmus. Some read cernamus. Klotz omits igi- 
tur after fingite. 

T. Conditionis niea^, quam vobis propono verbis si, &c. Sed ea 
conditione proposita abrumpitur oratio verbis quid vultu extimuisiis ? 
ita ut absorpta sit apodosis. Form, I say, in your own minds, a dis- 
tinct image of the proposition which I make to you : suppose I could 
bring you to acquit Milo, but on the condition that Clodius should be 
brought to life — . Cicero artfully connects the acquittal of Milo with 
the reanimation of Clodius ; as well to keep the former over before the 
minds of the judges, as to reconcile them to it the more, when they 
should perceive it to be relieved from such a fearful condition. 

8. Sed ita. Z. 726. 

lO Q,uid? si ipse Cn. Pompeius. Nay, Pompey, the best 
and bravest man alivo, would not, if he could, recall Clodius to life 
Therefore his death must have been a public benefit. For percusp.it, 
Klotz gives the stronger but unusual perculsit. 

11. Q,ui e a virtute ac fortuna est. In Pompeii laudibus, quic 
maximae, plurimEeque cumulantur pro Balbo 4. haec exstat : in quo uno 
%ia summa fortuna cum summa virtute certavit, ut omnium judicio 
plus homini, quam dc<z tribuereiur. 

12. Axit quaestionem aut ipsum. So with the best MSS. 

Klotz and others. Garat. defends the common reading, ut qutsst 

Bic ipsum. 

14. Utruni = utram re:n, which of the two, sc. quast'wnemferrc 



142 NOTES. 

Page 

lOQor ah infcris excitare. — Propter amicitiam. Pompey having beeom« 

reconciled to Clodius a short time before his death, ch. 8. 

15. Evocare. Klotz with the best MSS. avocare ; some revo- 

care. Garat. prefers evocare, and remarks : hoc (evocare) propius est 

antecedenti excitare, et magicum habet quiddam, quum evocari 

manes iis artibus dicerentur. 

17. Cujus vitam si putetis .... nolitis. Harkncss, 500, 510. 
Significat fieri adhuc posse, ut putent ; at, ut reviviscat, non potest. 

18. Q,ui si, &c. = de quo, si. 

19. Hujus ergo intcrfector si csset. Matthias defends tho 
common reading qui csset, for which, from the best MSS. Garatoni, 
Orelli, Klotz, &c, give si esset. 

21. Graeci homines. A Grecism : compare the Homeric n-dAtj 
Mepdiruiv avOpunwv, and avtipts KiXikcs, ^KOrjvaioi, Sec. The contrast is 
in Vos tanti conservatorcm populi. — lis viris, e.g. Aratus 
Timoleon, Pelopidas, and Brasidas, in other cities ; in Athene* Harmo- 
dius and Aristogiton. Pliny, JV. H. 34, 4, says the Athenians first 
erected statues of Harmodius and Aristogiton the same year in which 
die kings were expelled from Rome. Slaves were not allowed to be 
called by their names. 

23. Q,uas res divinas. Demosth. rsfi -aoa-p ; p. 431, 1G, de 
tiarmodio et Aristogitone Ioqnens, oSs vonio Sid rds theoyzaias, as vittjp^at 
ti> vnas,tv u~aai ro7s hpotS, i*i rais Ovoinis vwovSmv Kal Kpart;pu»v w m w wi{ 
.rsiroirjrrQe, Kal afore Kal riuarc i^iaov to~is fipoiai Kal rots OeotS. Alibi de his 
tebus sacris nihil memini me legere. Sed notissimum est carmen 
9Ko\i6v, 'Ei> (ivprov <\ab\ to £(0o? <£op>;<70> k. t. A. Matthias. 

21. Q,uos cantus! Q,usc carmina t For fragments of theso 
songs, which were sung at festivals and entertainments, see C. Dav 
ligcn %K6\ia hoc est carmina convivalia Gnecorum, p. 5S sqq. 

25. Consecrantur, quce inter decs referuntur et cultu divino affi- 
cmntur. Ad rcligionem, ita ut religiose colantur et memoria homi- 
nnm vigcant. Immortulitatis autem religio est, qualis immortalitati 
give naturis immortalibus, i. e. diis debetur. 

Gn. XXX. — 31. Etenim, si id, sc. that he slew Clotiins in self- 
defence. An a fortiori argument. 

33. Nisi vero. " Unless truly," Sec, which is absurd. Z. 526 

31. Sui se capitis quam vestri, Sec. Klotz, Steinmetz. and 
others retain ordinis after vestri. — Quum pnvsertim, refertur ad sen- 
tentiam non verbis expressam, sed in eorum, quae prsecedunt, coufonna- 
tione latentem. Quum enim formula nisi vcro usurpetur, ubi absnrdi 
quid commemoratur in verbis nisi vcro — fuissc, base inest sententia : 
gratissimum vobis putat esse, se vestri capitis defensorem fuisse, nqoa 
libenter pra'dicaret, qiumi presettim, &e. Sec note on page 90, hue 
25. 

35. In ca confessione, dum ea confiteretnr. PoUrat etiaxn di 



ORATION FOR T. ANNITJS MILO. 443 

r ■ Pago 

core ea corijesswne sine in, ut id indicaret, quo efficeretur, ut honores ion 
assequeretur amplissimos. See note on p. 25, line 5. 

3G. Si factum. That Milo slew Clodius, not in self-defence, but 
in your defence. He reasons on this supposition all through to nitere- 
iur below 

38. Sed tamen si. See note on p. 29, line 3. Quamquam nemo 
eoso potest cui salus sua non probetur, si tamen, &c. — Minus . . . gra- 
ta cecidisset. Had proved displeasing. 

39. Ccdcrct ex. Ch. 25 flu. without .'he preposition. 

41. Propter quern. See noto on page 123, line 10. H.414.— 
Quamquam, is corrective. He had supposed (what was hardly possi- 
ble) that had he slain Clodius in its defence, his country would not 
thank him for so doing; he would therefore abandon so ungrateful a 
country — yes, ungrateful, to make the author of their joy the only one 
sorrowful, and yet {quamquam, &c.) this is what we patriots all ex- 
pect, danger and odium ; without which where in fact would be our 
merit? Wherefore if Annius had slain a tyrant, he would have frank- 
ly confessed it ; rejoiced, if his country approved ; if not, rejoiced at 
the consciousness of having done his duty. Sed — But unhappily for 
his fame, he did not. Tho fortuno of Rome and the gods claim all 
the merit. They had long borno with his enormities, to which Milo, 
ch. 32, was the only impediment. They therefore inspired him with 
the idea of attacking Milo in tho very place where he had most out- 
raged the laws. Ch. 33. He did so and fell. And this leads to the 
peroration. 

I. Q,ua3 mihi ipsi tribuenda laus esset, . . . si . .. arbitrarer, -t on 
nam nulla mihi tribuenda laus erat, si arbitrabar. Nos diceremus : 
tribuenda fuisset,si arbitratus essem. H. 504. — Tantum. The sup- 
pression of Catiline's conspiracy. 

4. <iu&5 mulier, &c. Klotz: Quamulier intcrficcre sceleratum 
.... civcrr. non auderct ? 

II. Ahala . . . Xasica . . . Opinrius . . . Marius. See notes on 
p. 9, lines 20 and 24 ; p. 10, lines 3 and 9. 

13. Conscientia sua uiteretur. H. 419, 2. 

14. Sed. But so far from Milo having any claim, the fortune, 
&c. Cicero, by making the death of Clodius a matter of religious con- 
cern, in which the gods participated, renders Milo no trifling service 
lowards gaining the favor of the people. Compare a similar passage, 
3 in Cat 9. 

16. Nullam vim esse ducit numenve divinum, &c. This 
beautiful passago is one, from which, with others scattered through his 
writings, we learn Cicero's views respecting the existence of a deity, 
and tho grounds of his belief. Cf. de Nat. Deor. 1, 9 ; Tusc. 1, 13. 
For the positions of the adjective when common to two substantivos, 
bco P. C p. 23 G, IS. 



444 SOTER. 

Pase 

ion Cu. XXXI.- 23. Est, est profecto ilia vis. Cf. 27, 72 O* 

czcZi, occidi, &c. — Neque . . . inest . . . et non inest. See the thought 
more fully exhibited, de Legg. 2, 7, 16. The name of the logical 
form of this sentence is conjunctionum negantia or negatio. Cic. Top 
14, 57. Cf. de Fato, 8. It is a form of the argument a tninori ad ma~ 
jus. Compare note on p. 9, line 19. The meaning is : Nor is there 
in these mortal frames an active, thinking principle, without its being 
iu like manner in the system of nature, i. e. if it be in the former, a 
fortiori it is in the latter. Proprie diceudum erat : quum in his cor- 
poribus — insit quiddam, quod vigeat et sentiat, multo magis hoc inest, 
&,c But the Greek and Latin writers often place two sentences in 
juxtaposition as co-ordinate, although the relation between them is 
causal: as, instead of the above, iu his corporibus inest quiddam, quod 
vigeat et sentiat, et hoc idem inest iu naturae motu, for which, how- 
ever, a double negation is substituted, so that the first neque ex- 
tends to the whole proposition, but especially applies to the second 
member. Although the Stoics particularly delighted in this form, tho 
orators also used it in climaxes. Compare ad Hercnti. 4, 25, 34, and 
the passage from Demosthenes in note on p. 123, line 44. See note 
on p. 47, line 11. 

25. Sentiat, et non inest, &c. Klotz : sentiat, non inest, «Scc. 

2G. Nisi forte. H. 503. — Idcirco .... quia. See note on p. 2G, 
line 7. 

27. Non apparet. Cf. Tusc. 1, 22, 50. 

30. Ea vis igitur ipsa, i. e. ea inquam ipsa. See note on p. 46, 
line 12. Is is correct, when the speaker returns to a person or thing 
before named. 

32. Cui prlraum, &c. Cf. ch. 33, ink and § 89. The deity 
infatuated Clodius, to lead him to his ruin. This reminds us of arn. — 
Mentem injecit, at . . . . audcrct vincircturquc, i. e. mentem injecit 
ut . . auderet ; quo factum est, ut vinccrctur. 

3a. Sempiternam, i. e. all his life. 

3T. Religiones ipsas, sc. sedes, arae, coerimonia?, or rather, tho 
gods which belong to them, and which alone can be said to " bestir 
themselves." 

38. Conimovisse se. This expression points to the well-known 
prodigy of Mars and Juno shaking their spears. Liv. 21, 62 ; 40, 19 •, 
24, 10. Gell. N. A. 4, 6. Cicero skilfully avails himself of tfa 
perstitions of the people, to work upon their minds. — Tn illo, sc. puni- 
endo, i. e. dam ilium puniebant. See note on p. 88, line 37. 

39. Retinuisse. Maintained, asserted. They seemed hereto- 
fore to have waived it. — Yos enini jam. Z. 824. This apostrophe 
to the sanctuaries of Aiba is specially commended by Quinctiliau, 9 
2,38; 11, 1, 34; 12, 10, 62. The Alban mount was in sight from 
Aricia near Bovilhe. — Alhani tumuli aiquc lucu Clodius had a villi 



ORATION FOR f. ANNIUS MILO. 4i5 

Pago 

in tlie Alban land ; and it would appear that in the building of it he i or\ 
had destroyed some old groves and altars attached to Mons Albauusj 
where the Latinse feriae were celebrated. Mons Albanus was covered 
with trees ; but we may suppose that every little hillock and grove 
was the site &. an altar for these occasions. 

41. Sacrorum populi Romani sociae et aequales. Liv. 1, 7, 
says of Romulus: Sacra diis aliis Albano ritu, G-raico Herculi ut 
ab Evandro instituia erant, facit. The worship of Vesta particularly 
was derived from Alba. After the destruction of Alba, the joint wor- 
ehip continued, whence Cicero, making use of an expression of public 
law, calls the Alban altars populi Romani socia et aquales. As in a 
surrender tho conquered people were obliged to make over to the 
Romans divina humanaque omnia, so the gods and sanctuaries were 
included in the league. The common worship of Juno Sospita in La- 
nuvium and Rome is well known. Liv. 8, 14, and above, ch. 10, 27. 
The temples and altars of Alba had not been destroyed in the destruc- 
tion of tho city ; Clodius destroyed them. 

-13. Substructionum insauis molibus. See ch. 20, 53. 

41. [Arae.] This word, if correct, is the vocative, like obruta 
ara, above. Madvig now rejects it entirely. Klotz retains it without 
the brackets. 

1. Tuque Latiaris sancte Juppiter. The form Latiaris, J 31 

not Latialis, is confirmed by Priscian, though MSS. confound them. 
In the sacred grove, on the lofty Alban mount, sacrifice was per- 
formed to Juppiter Latiaris, the guardian god of the old Latin league, 
and afterwards also the highest national god of Latium. 

2. Lacus. The beautiful Alban lako lay at the foot of the 
mountain on the west — an oval sheet of water about six or seven miles 
in circumference. Tho plural is not merely oratorical, as other wri- 
ters also have Albani lacus. 

5. SoiutuJ sunt. Cicero skilfully makes the death of Clodius a 
propitiatoiy [sacrifice. His crimes against the gods had long before 
brought down upon him the sentence Sacer esio, which it was every 
one's duty to execute. 

C. Nisi forte. Cicero thought it absurd to deny a providential 
interference, in the fact of his death happening in the very presence 
of the goddess whose rites he had profaned. 

7. Sacrarium Bouse Deae. The rencontre was near this chapel. 

lO. Acciperet. Steinmetz, Klotz, and Supfie acceperit. In per- 
fecto simplex inest facti notio : in imperfecto etiam necessitatis et con- 
silii divini, quasi dixisset ; ut cum oporteret vulnus accipcre, ita vo- 
lenlc numine Bona Dca. Unless we wish to maintain that it was 
mere chance, that he must receive that wound. See Z. 514. 

11« Judicio illo uefario. Wherein he was tried tor the viola- 
tion of the mysteries. Ch. 5, 13. Cicero here, as often in his lettere, 



i4:Q NOTES. 

Pa?e 

iqi characterizes the trial, \u wliich Clodius was acquitted, as infamous 
* Ad Att. 1, 16, 18. 

Ch. XXXIL— 13. Ncc vero, &c. Z. 808. 

14. Injecit amentiam. So § 84. — Sine imaginibus. The im 
agines were wax masks, made to resemble the deceased ancestors, and 
colored. (Juven. Sat. 8, 2, pictos vultus majorum.) In the atrium 
figures, drossed in the costumes of the deceased, wore theso masks ; 
in triumphal and funeral processions men carried them before their 
faces, and thus the ancestors accompanied their descendant on his 
greatest and last day of honors, when he went to join them. It was 
also customary to have these figures, as they stood in the atrium > 
borne before the procession. — Sine cantu, tibicinum, siticiuum corni 
cinumque. 

15. Ludis scurrarum, histriouum gladiatorumque, qui in fuueribus 
indictis edi solebant. 

16. Oblitus. Not oblilus from obliviscor, but oblilus. Cada- 
vera lavabantur ungebanturque a pollinctoribus. 

IT. Ambureretur abjectus. See ch. 13, and ch. 33, 9b. 

18. Clarissiniorum viroruni fornias, i. e. imagines, quae pro- 
prie vocantur. Clodius's father, uncle, grandfather, great-grandfather, 
and the grandfather of his great-grandfather were consuls. 

19. Parricidae. See note on p. Ill, line 40. 

20. Mortem ejus. A bold metaphor for mortuum, suggested by 
the antithesis vita for vivus. Cf. Scst. 38, 83; Cluent. 71, 201; 
Propert. 3, 4, 6 : Nee sit in Attalico mors tnea nixa toro. — Laceraru 
See ch. 13,33. 

22. Dura .... videbatur, i. e. I did think the goddess of Ro- 
man fortune cruel in bearing so long with Clodius ; but I now confess 
my error : she knew better the time and agent for punishing him. 

21. Polluerat, &c. He now enumerates the enormities of Clo- 
dius, most of which arc touched on before. Of course the pollution of 
the mysteries of the Bona Dea stands first. See ch. 5, 13. 

25. Senatus decreta. See ch. 5, 13. Cf. 33, 90 fin. They 

had ineffectually voted ejus supplicio sollennes rcjigiones expianda* 

Ad Att. 1, 13, and 14. — Pecunia se redemerat. Alluding to the 

trial for sacrilege. See ad Att. 1, 16. To this fact the fragment re- 
fers, from the oration de cere alieno Milonis ; iterutn a piratis re- 
demption. Quo enim nomine appellem eos, qui te pretio accepto 
liberaverunt ? On which the Schol. Bob. : Significat judices eos, qui 
accepta pecunia reum de incesto absolverant Clodium. Compare note 
on p. 110, line 31. 

26. Vcxarat .... senatum. By procuring the proscription of 
Cicero, and inducing the consuls to forbid their mourning for him . 
Sest. 7 sqq. 

28. Gesta. Cicero's acts against the Catiliuarian conspirators, 



ORATION FOR T. ANN1US MILO. 44? 

Pag* 

which ho, by vote of tho senate and with the concurrence of all the-ini 
srders, had as consul carried into execution. — Me patria expulerat. 
Ch. 14, 36. — Bona diripuerat. Sest. 24, 54. The aqua el ignis in- 
tcrdictio, as also voluntary exile to escape a sentence or a capital 
punishment, was attended by the confiscation of the property of the 
proscribed or exiled, which was sold by the quaestor as a whole in the 
name of the state to the highest bidder. The purchaser took it with 
tho indebtedness upon it, so that if tho debts were great, but a small 
Bum came into the treasury. — Domum .... vezarat. Sest. 69, 1 15 : 
eversa domus est, fortunes vexatcc, dissipati liberi, rap lata conjux, 
&c. See Introduction, p. 375. 

29. Cn. Pompeio .... belluni iiidixerat. See ch. 7, 18. 

30. Magistratum . . . . caedes effecerat. The slaves of Clo- 
dius attacked tho tribunes Sestius, Fabricius, and Cispius, and much 
bloodshed was caused ; but they escaped. See Sest. chaps. 35 
and 36. 

31. Domum .... fratris incenderat. Not at the same timo 
with Cicero's Palatine house, but in the following year, a. v. o 697 
See ad Alt. 4, 3, 2. Introduction, p. 376. 

32. Vastarat Etruriam. See ch. 9, 26 ; 21, 55 ; 27, 74. 

3 1:. Incidebaiitur, &c. This being due only to laws actually 
ratified, was a proof of tho insolence of Clodius. His laws were en- 
graved on brass before ho served on the magistracy in which he was 
to bring them forward ! 

3 5. Q,uoe nos scrvis nostris addicerent. Seo note on p. 116, 
lino 6. From the time of the well-known censor Appius Claudius, 
a. u. c. 442, frequent attempts were made to give to the libertini the right 
of voting in all the tribes, and this was a principal means in the hands 
of the populares of gaining favor and followers from among this class 
Seo nolo on p. 113, line 42. Counter attempts were as frequently 
made to confine the voting of the libertini again to the four city tribes. 
When thus confined, they, though very numerous, could exercise no 
decisive control over the elections ; but if permitted, as was the de- 
sign of Ciodius's law, to vote in all the tribes, they would have the 
control ; and the language of Cicero is not perhaps very extravagant. 
Cicero here calls the libertini servi, in the same spirit in which he calls, 
p. Rose. Am. 48, 140, Chrysogonus a servus ncquissimus. So he often 
designates the Clod'an mob as servorum. manus, or the like. Compare 
Tac. Germ. 25, where he says of the Germans : liberti non multum 
supra servos sunt. 

30. Hoc anno. The year of his prsetorship. 

38. Ilium ipsnm. Pompey, to whom ho had become reconciled 
See ch. 8, 21. Klotz : obstare polerat. 

39. Cacsaris potentiam. Caisar was now pursuing his victories 
in Gaul, leaving Pompey to conduct the home department.. Craewua 



448 NOTES. 

Pa-e 

ioi the preceding year had lost his life in Parthia. Klotz : Ccesaris pa 
tentiam suam potentiam esse. 

40. In meo casu. See ch. 14, 36. 

Ch. XXXIII.— 42. Hie. See note on p. 57, line 2G.—Ut supra 
dixi. Ch. 31, 84. 

43. Huic. Milo. 
too 1. Seuatus .... circumscripsisset. Would have restrained him 
in the exercise of his power. Magistrates were dependent upon tho 
senate as the supremo administrative authority, and therefore the sen- 
ate could check them if they overstepped their province, aud misused 
their office, the fulfilment of the duties of which must be sworn to 
both on assuming it and on laying it down. Circumscribere in this 
sense (see just below in pratore coercendo) is found also ad Att. 

7, 9, 2 : trib. pi SClo circumscriptus. Phil. 2, 22. 53 : circum- 

scriptus a senaiu esset Antonius. Ibid. 13, 9, 19. — Credo. With 
an ironical force, as frequently. 

2. Id facere, sc. magistratus circumscribere. For Sulla had 
increased the authority of the senate by abolishing the tribunes' vote. 
which Pompey afterwards restored. 

3. Profecerat. Clodius baffled the senate in the trial for incest. 
Ch. 5, 13, and ch. 32, 87 : senalus gratissima decreta perfregerat. 
The argument is one a fortiori : Not even when it used to do this, sc. 
coerce, had it effected any thing in tho case of this same Clodius as a 
private citizen. — An consules, &c. See ch. 9, 25 : mancam ac debi- 
Icm prcetura?n, <Scc, and ch. 13, 34 : consul . . . consiringcre. Ac- 
cording to the principle : Par tnajorve potcstas plus valeio, de Legg. 
3, 4, a consul could keep a praetor within bounds. Val. Max. 7, 7, 6, 
gives an instance of appeal to the consul against a praetor. Liv. 5, 
9, fin. 

5. Suos consules, sibi faventes, et addictos. Hypaeos and Sci- 
pio, his nominees. 

6. Yirtutem consularem, in consulatu pra?stitam a Cicerone : 
nam propter res in consulatu fortiter, i. e. cum virtute gestas Clodius 
vexavit Ciceronem vel res ejus gestas ut est pro Sest. 5 in. Virtus 
autem vexari simili modo dicitur, ut supra 32, S6, mo)s lacerari. 

7. Oppressisset .... teneret. See ch. 28. 

8. L/Cge nova. See chaps. 33, B7, and 12. 33 : Exhibe librarium 
illud legum vcstrarutii. Clodius wished to effect a second emancipa- 
tion of the libertini, so that they should be in a measure his liberti, 
and he the patronus of them all. 

10. Nisi . . . . impulissent. For which, ch 33 iait. wu 
dare. 

11. EQeminatus. See ch. 21, 55. 

12. Xullam habcretis. De Orat. 1, 9, 3S : (pater Graecho- 
runY) liber linos in urbanas triius iranstulit; quod ni>- 



ORATION FOR T. ANNIUS MILO. 449 

tuge 

rem publicam, quam vix nunc tenemus, jamdiu null am h a b c- 1 09 
r emus. 

13. Haec templa. Which surrounded the forum. 

1 6. Satcllitibus. Properly the body-guard of a king ; but used 
by the Romans, who hated every thing regal, to signify " bravoes, ac- 
complices, aiders, and abettors in crime." — [Sex. Clodio.] Klotz and 
others without the brackets. 

18. Templum, curium, locum inauguratum ; sanctitatis, i o. 
where sanctity, or inviolable honor, holds its seat ; and amplitudinis, 
majesty ; lacntis, wisdom. 

19. Consilii publici. See note on p. 11, line 30. — Urbis, not 
orbis, which in Cicero is not used without the addition of terra or 
terrarum. — Portum omnium gentium. De Off. 2, 8, 26 : Rcgum, 
populorum, nationum portus erat et refugium senatus. Ovid, Heroid. 
1,110: Tu citius venias, portus et ara tuis. Id. Pont. 2, 8, 68: 
Vos eriiis nostra portus et ara fugce. Aram sic usurpavit etiam 
Trist. 4, 5, 2. 

21. Funcstari, cadavere illato. For a place was considered to 
bo polluted by a dead body. — A multiludine. The mob generally act 
under the excitement of the moment ; but Sex. Clodius acted by pre- 
meditation, which was worse. 

23. Ustor. Ustor opponitur — signifero, ut munus muneri, mu- 
uusque funebro, humile ac sordidum militari muneri splendido et lauto. 
Argumentatur igitur a minori ad majus : si ustor tantum potuit, quan- 
tum signifer ausus esset? 

25. Everterat. Ch. 5, 13, and 32, 86 fin. 87.— Ei sunt. Par- 
ticular et, hie srcpius cum quadam indignatione proferunlur. Sec note 
on p. 58, lino 21 ; p. 57, line 26 ; and p. 99, line 25. 

26. Dc via Appia querantur. Ch. 7, 18. Cicero thought the 
burning of the senate-house a sufficient set-off against the Appian way 
and ancestral monuments of Clodius. 

27. Ab eo. From or against him. 

28. Excitatc. Ch. 29, 79 — Ipsum. Klotz: cum ipsurti. In 
the next line for a moriuis many read ab inferis. 

30. Furias pro furore nominat, tanquam dasmonas maleficos 
ikdaropas. — Insepulti ? See ch. 13, 33 ; 32, 86. He uses inscpultus 
Instead of mortuus, in reference to the popular superstition that tho 
eouls of the unburied could find no repose, but wandered over the earth 
troubling the living. — Nisi vero. Ironical. 

31. Falcibus. Non falces hce messoriae fuerunt.. sed qua? in ar- 
mis numerabantur, quum militaribus, turn etiam gladiatoriis. Ernesti 
Bupposes tho object was to break into the temple of Castor, to secure 
arms which had been deposited there. Pison. 5. 11 ; 10, 23 : Sest. 
15; p. demo 21. Garatoni thinks it more probable the motive was 



450 NOTES. 

Pasre 

joo money, which Grrevlus, ad Quinct. 4, shows was customarily deposit 
ed there—Ad Castor is. H. 397, 1, (1). 
3 2. Volitarunt. Ranged through. It expresses a sort of license 
and impunity in outrage. See note on p. 20, line 29. 

33. Disturbari. Driven here and there, dispersed. 

34. 31. Coellus. "When the fate of Clodius was known at Rome, 
the trihune Coelius, a friend of Milo, collected his adherents, and be- 
gan to explain the outrages that led to Clodius's death. He was in- 
terrupted by the tribunes Plancus and Q. Pompey, who, with an armed 
mob, dispersed the meeting, and slew numbers. Coelius and Milo 
escaped in the dress of slaves. 

35. Firmissimus, &c Ho even opposed the arrangement ofCn 
Pompey regarding this trial ; till Pompey threatened to put down ha 
opposition by force. Compare Brut. 79, 273. 

3 7. Fortuna siugulari. Why may not singuhtri be joined with 
fide? Z. 783. 

Ch. XXXIV. — 38. De causa; wherein he proved Clodius tho 
aggressor : ch. 12. — Extra causam ; wherein he proved that Milo's act 
was praiseworthy, even supposing it intentional, ch. 27. The xerbum 
dicendi is to be supplied, which is often omitted. The epilogus or pero- 
ration now follows. Quinctil. 4, 1, 28 : In ingres-ra parcius ct mo- 
destius pratcntanda sit judlcis misericordia, in epilogo vcro liccat 
totos effunderc affeclus, ct fictam orationem inducre personis, et de- 
functos cxcitare, &c. Cicero's skill in conclusions is pre-eminent : he 
was acknowledged by his contemporaries to be a master in them, and 
when several orators appeared in one case, the closing argument was 
readily yielded to him, even by Hortensius. Brut. 51 ; Orat. 37 ; 
Balb. 7 ; Scst. 2 ; Muren. 23. Laterensis, the accuser of Cn. Plan- 
cius, charged him with having proposed a severe law against ambitus, 
that he might have an opportunity to deliver touching perorations. 
Plane. 34, 83. SchoL Bob. ad orat. pro Fiacco, 41 (p. 246, Orell.) : 
secutus videlicet suam consuetudinem et artis oratorios discipliiiam, ut 
lacrimosis affectibus prope sententiam judices impleantur. Cicero is 
called by Quinctil. 11, 1, 85, summits tractandorum animorum arti- 
fcx, and the closing chapters of this oration give a complete illustra- 
tion of his skill and power. 

40. Misericordiani .... quam ipse 11011 implorat. Milo re- 
jected with disdain the usual means of awakening ihe compassion of 
the judges ; the tears, the suppliant gesture, and mourning garb. This, 
besides tho defence, Cicero must alone undertake. Quinctil. 6, 5, 10, 
praises the orator, quod Miloni preces non dedcrit, et in earum locum 
ipse successcrit. Cf. Id. 6, 1, 24, and 11, 1,40. Plut. Cic. 35, says 
Milo with his unmoved resignation, which Cicero here represents as 
magnanimity, formed a marked contrast to the alarmed and panic- 
stricken Cicero. 



ORATION FOR T. ANNITTS MILO. 451 

42. Nolile .... parcere. H. 535. — In nostro omnium. See -ioc) 
note on p. 11 , line 30. l 

1. Hoc minus. H.irkness,417, 3. — ITaud scio, an. P. C. 116. ^33 
Klotz: multo sit etiam, &c. 

2. Eteuiin si in gladiatoriis pugnis. Senee. de tranq. vita;, 
11: Gladiator es, ait Cicero, invisos habemus, si omni modo vitam 
impctrare cupiuni; favemus, si contemtum ejus pra se ferunt. 
Tusc. 2, 17, 41 : Quis mediocris gladiator ingemuit ? quis vul- 
tum mutavit unquam? quis non modo stetit, verum etiam decu- 
buit turpiccr 7 quis quum decubuisset ferrum recipere jussus, 
vultum contrazit ? The gladiators were men of the lowest class, (in- 
fimi generis homines,) many of them the very dregs of society : their 
combats were viewed in the light of bull-fights, or other combats of 
beasts. Ch. 2, the gladiators of Milo are called servi. Subsequently, 
tho nobles of Rome did not disdain to become gladiators, and exhibit 
on the stage. Juvenal, 8, 200. 

3. Conditione. Explained by furtuna, rank, situation. Balb. 
10: Servos quorum jus ct fortuna conditio infima est. Klotz omits 
the in before infimi. 

5. Odisse, i. e. to demand their death from the magistrates. This 
was douo by a well-known signal. 

<>. Servare, sc. pollices premendo. — Eorumque nos .... miseret. 
H. 410, 3. 

1 2. Sint incolumes .... florentes . . . beati. Notice the gra- 
dation in which one word succeeds tho other, while the preceding is 
explained by the one which follows. 

13. Miliique patria carissima. So § 94, and ch. 37, 102. Milo, 
though born in Lanuvium, calls Rome his country. Cf. 1 in Cat. 11, 
27 : de Legg. 2, 2, 5. 

14. Tranquilla. ClodiuSj the prime mover of every disturbance, 
being removed. 

15. Per me. Klotz : propter me. 

16. Cedam atque abibo. On cedere, see note on p. 117, line 27. 
Milo did not go into exile till all was lost ; he had no such resignation 
as Cicero hero gives him credit for. — Si .... licuerit. H. 508. 

IT. Q,uam priniam. Klotz and Schultz : quam primum. 

18. Moratam. (From 7nos) possessed of good institutions and 
morals ; where the turbulence of a Clodius is unknown. The follow- 
ing apostrophe, O frustra, &c, is noticed by Quinctilian, 6, 1, 27, as 
an instance of the propriety of putting suitable exclamations in the 
mouths of the accused, even when prayers are not allowed. 

19. Mei suscepti labores. Klotz: mihi suscepii labores .' 
epes fallaces et cogitationes, &c. 

20. Ego, quum .... me senatui dedissem .... putarem. 
Non putassem ; nam putabat sibi bonorum presidium non defuturum, 



152 NOTES. 

Page 

199 el sibi futurum in patria locum. Dare se alicui = ad aliquem bo ap- 
plicare, ei gratum esse laborare omni obsequii ofnciique genere. Sic 
etiam tradere se alicui. Sest. 62, 130. Garat. proposed dedidissem 
See ch. 2, 4, and 33, 91. — Re publico, oppressa. By Clodius and his 
party, for Milo was tribune a. u. c. G97, the year after Ciodius's tri 
bunate See Introduction, p. 375. 

22. Equitibus Romanis. See note on p. 127, line 23. 

28. Equites Romani illi, illi .... tui ? Cicero's equestrian ex- 
traction is not so much alluded to here, as the friendship of the knights, 
which he had gained, as well by his general attention to their inter- 
ests as his exertions in effecting the celebrated junction between them 
and the senate. Pliu. N. H. 33, 2, 8: Marcus Cicero . .. stabilitii 
equestre nomen in consulatu suo, Catilinariis rebus, ex eo sc ordine 
profeclum esse celebrans, ejusque vires peculiari popularitate qua- 
rens. Ab illo tempore plane hoc terlium corpus in re publico factum 
est coepitque adjici senatui populoque Romano ct equesier or do. Cic. 
Phil. 6, 5, 13 : Quern unquam iste ordo (equitibus Romanis precedes) 
patronum adoptavit ? Si quemquam, debuit me. — Studia municipio- 
rum. So ardent in the cause of your recall from exile. See ch. 15, 
and Pison. 15. 

29. Italiae voces. Ch. 15, 39. The acclamations and congrat- 
ulations with which ho was accompanied on his route through Italy to 
Rome. 

Ch. XXXV. — 3 2. Xcc vero liacc. Wishing to praise the kind- 
ness of " the good" to Milo, Cicero here begins by representing the 
firmness and resignation which he exhibited as resulting from their 
feelings towards him. — Flens. See ch. 34, 92, and 38, 105. 

33. Q,uo videtis, sc. eum loqui. 

34:. Negat, ingratis civibus, &c. Dicit, sc. Milo, cives suos non 
haberi a se iugratos erga se, sed tantum nimis timidos nimisque cautos. 

36. Q,tue iniminebat. The sentiment of Cicero, else -\ve 

should expect immineret. 

3T. Earn . . . . se fecisse comnieniorat ut flecteret. The 

pronoun earn recall? with emphasis the noun to which it refers. Plc- 
bem . . . sc fecisse . ut . . .flecteret. See note on p. 56, line IS 
§ 63 : Hind . . .fecisset, ut, &c. On the periphrasis of face re ut, see 
H. 492. The sentence may be construed : Commemorat se fecisse, ut 
n. m. v. flecteret, sed etiam, quo t. c. v. v., dcleniret multitudinem 
cam, &c. 

38. Tribus suis patrimoniis, sc. those of his father, Papius ; 
of his maternal grandfather, C. Annius, by whom he had been adopted ; 
and of his mother. Cicero complains of Milo's extravagance, ad Q 
frat. 3, 9. He involved himself greatly m debt, besides wasting his 
patrimonies, which ne squandered in exhibiting gladiatorial and thea- 
trical shows to the people, and distributing money among them. 



ORATION FOR T. ANNIUS MILO. 153 

Page 

42. Vestroruui ordinum. See note on p. 108, line 11. ^ C5 -]33 
tras dixit de ipsis judicious, eorumque diversos ordines universos ad- 
jecit. 

43. Occursationes. Occursatio imports running to meet one out 
of respect ; respectful greetings. 

44. Secum 9C ablaturum, sc. in memory : memoria conserva- * <- * 
turum ubicumque vixerit. Klotz : secum ablaturum, without se. — 
Meminit dcfuisse. H. 406, 407. 

1* Vocem sibi prasconis. By whom tho person was declared 
duly elected. The elections had been repeatedly broken up by the 
disturbances of the Clodians. 

3. Declaration. Ch. 9, 25. Cicero represents, that Milo had 
already been chosen by the single centuries before tho interruption 
of tho election, only the proeco had not declared the combined result, 
owing to the disturbances. The praeco announced tho single suffragia 
and at the close of the voting proclaimed the result of the choice. — Si 
haic. Klotz : si Ikrc anna contra, &c. By hese Orelli understando 
omnia in rem publicam merita, quae supra enumeraverat. 

4. Suspicionem. See ch. 25, 67, and 27, 72. Veil. Pat. 2, 47 : 
Milonem reum non magis invidia facti, quam Pompeii damnavit 
voluntas. 

5. Addit liajc. Compare Cicero's remarks on famo and honor, 
ad Fam. 15, 4, 13 ; p. Arch. 11. 

C. Fortes et sapientes viros. Cf. de Off. 1, 19, 65. Senec. de 
Cenef. 1,1. 

T. Ipsa recte facta. See note on p. 3G, line 31. 

8. Si quidem nihil sit praestabilius. Klotz omits sit, making 
si quidem as si quando, si forte (see § 104), si adeo, take the placo 
of an entire clause. 

10. Honori fuerit a suis civibus. H. 434. — Nee tamen eos 
miseros, in reference to the preceding beatos esse, quibus. 

1 1 . Sed tamen, &c. This stands in reference to the clause fortes 
et sapientes, &c. 

13. Praemium is thrice repeated with emphasis. 

14. Consolaretur. Quum haec omnia a verbis: Addit hac : 
(j 9G : pendeaut, dici oportebat consoletur, ut mox efficiat, ut absentes 
adsimus, vxortui vivamus. Sed non raro Cicero in orationo obliqua a 
praescntibus ad imperfecta vel contra, transit, quum res commemorat, 
con uni alicui tempori adstrictas, sed et prsesenti et prasterito com- 
munes. Orat. 57, 191 ; de fin. 3, 21, 71 ; Cat.maj. 21, 78. 

1G. Cujus gradibus. Cf. Farad. 1, 2, 11 ; p. dom. 28 ; Deiot 
9,27. 

19. Ctuum subjiciantur. That quum here has the sig- 
nification of time, is plain from the preceding words hoc tempore ipso ; 
yet the following tamen shows that quum has also a causal or re- 



454 NOTES. 

Pagre 

IQd strietive force, like qua?nvis. The subjunctive is therefore correct 

H. 518, II, 1. 

20. Faces invidiam. De facibus, incendio, jiamma invidia 
Garaton. laudat Catil. 1,11, extr. supra 27, 75. pro Cluent. 29, 79 
— Mece H. 396, II. 

21. Gratiis agendis. See note on p. 12, line 11. — Gr alula- 
tionibus habendis. Gratulationes habere = to present congratulato- 
ry addresses to one on account of distinguished success. 

23. Actos, the already celebrated; institutos, appointed and yet 
to be celebrated: The Etruscans regarded Milo as their benefactor, 
by whose exertions they had been relieved of Jheir oppressor. Sec 
9, 26 ; 21, 55 ; 27, 74. It was usual for a people to institute feasts in 
honor of a benefactor. So the Syracusans instituted the Marccllea in 
honor of M. Claudius Marcellus ; and the Asiatics the Mucia, in 
honor of Q. Mucius. — Centesima . . . et . . . altera. The hundred 
aud second. Z. 118. Some contend that alter should be translated 
first, as adding only one to centesima. The date of the rencontre as 
given by Cicero, ch. 10, was a. d. XIII. Kal. Feb., or January 18th 
a. u. c. 702. See note on p. 114, line 15. 

There were remaining in January, the 18th included, 12 days. 
February had ... 28 " 

Mercedonius ... 22 " 

March . 31 " 

93 days. 

To make up 102 days, we must add 9 from April, which would 
make the day of the trial the 9th of April, or a. d. V. Id. April. There 
is a discrepancy in the dates given by Asconius, who at one time gives 
a. d. III. Id. April, at another VI. Id. April. Yet according to him 
Milo first appeared before the tribunal of Domitius pridie Non. April 
(April 4th.) Three days were occupied in the taking of testimony 
On the fourth day (quarta die) all were set down for the following day 
(in diem posterum,) and on the next day (rursus postera die) the accu- 
sation and defence were heard, and the sentence followed. Sec Ascon. 
ed. Orell. p. 40, and Brewer, Cicero's Rede fur den Milo, p. XXX., 
whose reckoning is given above. 

Cn. XXXVI.— 29. Htpc tu, sc. the preceding from Valeant, §93. 
'—His, sc. judicibus. 

30. Haec ego, sc. the following from Te quidem. 

31. duum isto animo es. P. C. 4S8 (<7) (2\ Some read quod 
3 3. Nee vero, si milii eriperis. Cicero complains that he has 

not even the poor consolation left of feeling angry at those who inrlict 
the wound. Therefore they ought not to inflict it ; but pardon Milo. 
— Tamen, sc. etsi mihi eripieris. 

31. Ut Ms irasci possim, ponitur, ut post reliquum est. H. 550. 



ORATION FOR T. ANNIUS MILO. 455 

38. Inuretis. A metaphor borrowed from branding animals with i oa 
marks by which they might be known. Here a forcible expression 

for " inflict." — Etsi quis, &c. Though what (other) pain could bo so 
great as this (sc. depriving mo of Milo) ; but not even this will you in- 
flict on me to the degree that I shall forget, &c. Before ut obli- 
viscar supply tantum inuretis, i. e. ne hie quidem ipse dolor tantua 
erit, &c. 

39. Q,uae si vos cepit oblivio. For cujus rei (sc. quanii me 
semper feceritis) si vos cepit oblivio. See note on p. 91, line 32. 

40. Si in me aliquid oflendistis. Offendere in aliquo est ani- 
madvertero aliquid, quod molestiam faciat, itaquo moleste aliquid ferre 
in aliquo. This comes from the proper signification of offendere which 
is impingero in re, quasi incurrere in aliquid, quod displiceat. — Cur non, 
&c. Why is not that offence atoned for by my life rather than by 
Milo's. 

42. Si quid acciderit. See note on p. 39, line 8. 

44. Nullum a me amoris .... officium defuit. Cf. ad Fam 
2, G, 3 : Ego omnia mea studia, omnem operam, curam, industriam, 
cogitationem, mentcm deniquc omncm in Milonis consulatu fixi et 
locavi statuique in eo me non officii solum fructum, sed ctiam pie- 
latis laudem debere qucerere, &c. This is confirmed by the following 
just tribute of praise, which Asconius, who lived not long after this pe- 
riod, and was accurately acquainted with its history, pays to Cicero, in 
his argument to this oration. After speaking of the attempt to excite 
odium against Cicero for his zeal in the defence of Milo, and of tho 
threats made use of to compel him to desist, Asconius adds : Tanta 
tamen constantia ac fides fuit Ciceronis, ut non populi a se alienatione, 
non Cn. Pompeii suspicionibus, non periculi futuri metu, si dies ad po- 
pulum diceretur, non armis, quae palam in Milonem sumpla erant, de- 
terreri potuerit a defensione ejus, quum posset omne periculum suum 
et offensionem inimicae multitudinis declinare, redimere autem Cn. 
Pompeii animum, si paulum ex studio defensionis remisisset. 

1. Potentium. Pompey and others. 185 

3. Bona, fortuuas. See note on p. 28, line 2. 

4. In communiouem tuorum temporum contuli, i. e. tecum 
communicavi, quum tempora tua (i. e. pericula, vid. ad. Mauil. 1.) id 
poscerent, sive tecum partitus sum. 

G. Diinicatio capitis. Si Clodiani, quum te absolutum sense- 
rint, vim inferre conantur. Diminuiio is here out of place. 

7. Q,uid habeo, quod. Klotz : quid habeo ? quid faciam, 
tfce. The common text is, Quid habeo, quod dicam, quod faciam, 
Sec. 

9. Non abnuo, non recuso. Klotz : Non recuso, non abnuo. 

10. In liujus salute, i. e. dum hujus sulutem tuemini : in ejus- 
dem cxiiio, i. e. dum ei exitium affertis, pro quo e nostra consuetudine 



456 NOTES. 

Page 

Tjotplanius esset, ut aut hnjus salute conservauda, aut ejusdem exitio tie- 
cernendo. 

11. Videatis, h. e. iutelligatis, vobisque persuadeatis. 

Ch. XXXVIL— 12. His lacrimis. See note on p. 136, line 13 
— Est animi. Klotz and Siipfle take these words as a parenthe- 
sis, erasing the period after Mih, and continuing sed exsilium, &c. 

1 3 . Exsilium ibi esse putat, ideoque patriara esse, ubicunque 
virtuti locus sit. 

14:. Mortem naturae finem esse. Cf. 4 in Cat. 4, 7, and note 
on p. 40, line 30. Natures, i. e. existential, quam vulgo vocant, sive 
vivendi. 

15. Sed hie. The reading is here various. Madvig has given 
that of Codd. Erf and Bavar., with a little difference of punctuation. 
lie remarks : Verbum ad superiorem partem assumitur ex altera et 
contraria parte sententiae, similiter couformata (critis). Xec haerero 
debemus, quod ex futuro pnesens sumitur, similiter atque de Legg. 1, 
5, 17 : qua (res) quondam a multis Claris viris (sustinebatur) , nunc ab 
uno summa auctoritate ct scientia sustinetur. Other readings are 
Sed hie ea mentc natus est aim ornatus est. Klotz : Sit hie ea menle, 
qua natus est. Quid, Sec. 

16. Memoriam Milonis. Compare ch. 35, 104, animi monu- 
menta. 

18. Q,ui procreavit. See note on p. 133, line 13. Miio was 
born in Lanuvium. Exile extended to all Italy. 

21. Centuriones, vosque, milites. See ch. 1. The guards 
were in hearing of Cicero. 

23. Expelletur, exterminabitur, projicietur f Demosth. ia 
Aristog. tropical, pl'^.ai ht rijs -6\sns, dv£>£?v. Sed gravius Cicero pro- 
jicietur, tanquam res contemta. Est autem hie congregatio verborum 
idem fere significantium, de qua Quinctil. 9, 3, 45, quae h. 1. indicat 
animum, quod verbum rei accommodatissimum et gravissimum sit, in 
affectu ambigentem. Est autem interrogatio detest antis. Compare 
note on p. 19, line 5. 

21. O me miserum. Cf. Quinctil. 6, 1, 24. 

26. Retinere. "Which should be easier than revocare. 

27. Liberis meis. Marcus and Tullia. — Parentcm allerum. 
As being the restorer of their first. 

28. Q,ui nunc abes. Schol. Bob. : Opportunissime fortunam Mi- 
lonis per totam domum suam familiamque communicat, ut congregata 
per multos miseratio magis commoveat affectus. Frater autem i 
ronis Q. TuIIius legatione tunc in Gallia apud exercitum Ccesaris fuu- 
gebatur. — Consorti. Consortes fratrcs are properly those who have 
not yet divided a common inheritance ; who live in community of pro- 
perty. Festus : Sors et patrimonium siguificat, unde consortes dicimua 
Cic Fierr. 3, 23, 57 : ires fratrcs consortes. Figuratively consors = 



ORATION FOR T. ANNIUS MILO. 457 

tncius. Brut. 1, 2 : Sociutn potius et consortem gloriosi lahoris ami- -toK 
seram. 

29. Mene non potuisse. H. 553, III. 

31. Q,uae est grata * * • Cod. Erf. has gentibus non potuisse 
his qui, &c. The editions do not generally indicate any marks of 
various readings in this passage, which is commonly given qua est 
grata gentibus. A quibus non potuisse ? Ab iis, &c. Madvig sup- 
poses the text to be corrupt, and that a dative after grata has dropped 
out. After which he suggests [Quibus judica]ntibus non potuisse ? 
Osenbriiggen thinks this would be tautological with tueri per cosdem, 
per quos, &c, and proposes : qua est grata omnibus. Quibus intu- 
entibus non potuisse ? referring to ch. 1, 3, Reliqua vero multitudo 
decertari putat. 

3 2. Acquierunt, quasi securi facti, magnam oblectationem acce- 
perunt. Z. 416. 

33. Q,uoduain ego concepi. Cf. Scst. 69,145: Quod tantum 
est in me scclus ? quid tanto opere deliqui Mo, Mo die, quum ad 
vos indicia, litteras, confessiones communis exitii detuli, &c. The 
conclusion of the oration for Sestius has many points of similarity to 
that for Milo. 

35. Indagavi. See the 3d oration against Catiline. — Exstinxi, 
non indicia, sed semina sive auctorcs communis exitii. Ex indiciis 
res indicatae sumuntur. See note on p. 38, line 5. 

40. Discessus. See note on p. 117, line 27. 

41. Distrahar. To express a possible case, which the orator 
conceives in his imagination. 

Cn. XXXVIII.— 42. Utinam dii immortales fecissent. The 
sentence is interrupted by the parenthesis, and instead of going on 
with ut P. Clodius . . . viveret, as would have been the case without 
the parenthesis, a new sentence commences with utinam, giving the 
simple proposition utinam viveret Clodius. After an interruption, by 
a parenthesis of considerable length, the form of the sentence is usual- 
ly changed. On the difference of the tenses with utinam, see Krebs, 
Guide, 228 ; P. C. 496 ; H. 488, 1 

1. Praetor. He begins with the first office which Clodius did not iqfi 
hold. 

3. A vobis .... conservandum. H. 388. These words refer to 
Clodius. — Minime, minime. We may suppose that Milo motioned a 
negative on Cicero's wish : Utinam . . . dictator esset. " Let him," 
ho adds, " meet his deserts, and I care not for personal consequences." 

C. Patriae natus. Framed by nature for the especial purpose of 
saving his country. — Usquam nisi. Nisi because the question implies 
a negative. — Si forte, i. e. si fors ita tulerit, rt ru'xoi. 

7. Pro patria. Some MSS. have procul patria, which led to the 
emendation of Peyron, out, si forte procul, pro patria. Sensus est: 

39 



458 notes. 

Page 

[QgHic vir in patria debet raori ; in nullo alio loco, nisi si forte pio * t a* 
tria moritur. — Animi monumenta, quae animi ejus fortitudinem et 
magnitudinem memorise consecrant, sc. his public services recorded hi 
the history of his country; opposed to corporis sepulcrum. 

8. In Italia. Milo went, as is known, to Marseilles. Upon such 
a voluntary exile, ensued a decree of the people, declaring the exilo 
just, and pronouncing the aqua? et ignis interdictio. This involved 
the loss of the civitas. An exile could not therefore remain in Italy, 
because the lex Plautia Papiria a. u. c. 665 had extended the Roman 
civitas over all Italy. For the same reason the wearing of the toga, 
the distinctive dress of the Roman citizen, was not allowed. Plin. Ep. 
4, 11, 3 : Carent enim jure iogee, quihus aqua et igni interdictum 
est. In some cases, as in that of Cicero, the distance from Rome to 
which one was exiled was fixed. — Sepulcrum. At the close of the 
oration for CI uentius, ch. 71, 201, Cicero says: Nunc vero quid erit 
profectum, nisi ut hujus ex mediis mortis insidiis vita ad luctum 
conservata, mors sepulcro patris privata esse videalur. The impor- 
tance attached to a burial in one's native land, may be seen exempli- 
fied in the prayer of Hector to Achilles, II. 22, 254 ; of Mezentius, 
Mn. 10, 904 ; of Turnus, JEn. 7, 935, and of Polynices, Eurip. Pkce- 
niss. 1460. 

1 2. Sed finis sit. For my tears prevent my words, as well aa 
the wish of Milo, to depend solely on the goodness of his cause. 

13. Prae lacrimis. Quinctil. 11, 3, 173 : Ilia quoque mire fa- 
cit in peroratione velut deficientis dolore et fatigalione confessio, ul 
pro . . . Milone : Sed finis ... est possum. Qua similem verbis ha- 
bere debent etiam pronuntiationem. Cf. ch. 34, 92 ; 35 init Other 
passages, where Cicero speaks of his own tears and those of his clients 
and the judges, are, Plane. 31, and 41, 99 ; Sest. 11, 26; Cluent 
69, 197 ; Font. 17, 37 ; Mur. 40, 86 ; Rabir. Post. 17, 48. Cf. Liv 
39, 44 ; Cajs. B. G. 1, 31 ; Suet C<zs. 33 ; Tac. Ann. 3, 23 ; Sen- 
eca de Tranq. an. 15. It is, however, to be observed that lacrimart 
often forms only the antithesis to Icetari, and therefore = to be moved, 
affected even to tears. So the substantive lacrimcz often stands op- 
posed to l&titia, and its proper meaning must not be urged. Tears 
are in Cicero often a rhetorical artifice : they give to the words tho 
requisite pathos. Upon our minds an orator by such appeals would 
make perhaps an impression directly opposite to that which Cicero by 
this means produced upon the minds of the judges and the audience (co- 
rona) ; but among tho Greeks and Romans tears were the natural ex- 
pression of pain aud emotion. They felt keenly, and the expressions 
of their feelings were strong. Etiquette did not require them to sup- 
press the loud outbreak of pain, or silent tears, and custom did not com- 
pol them to stifle their bitterest sorrows. In the midst therefore of a 
circle composed of men of like tone and temper. Cicero could commc- 



OKATION FOR T. ANNIUS MILO. 459 

Pags 

nicale his sad feelings to their hearts. Tears and lamentations were 1 9{j 
usual also before Greek tribunals, and not merely in capital trials. 

14. Vos oro. Having wound up tho feelings of the judges to 
the highest pitch, he now affects to call upon them to attend only to 
the dictates of justice, &c. 

15. Seutietis. Klotz: sentiatis. — Audeatis. Schol. Bob.: Des- 
titurus orator ibi finem posuit, ubi maxime necessarium videbatur, ne 
judices in pronuntiando Pompeium timerent, quem praesentem veren- 
tur. Cf. 2, 4 ; 8, 21. 

1G. Is maxime. Pompey, who being the prime mover of the 
whole proceeding, is here presented, in conclusion, to the minds of the 
judges, as the friend of justice and of Milo. 

1 T. Optimum sapieutissimum fortissimum. These 

adjectives correspond to the substantives virtutem, justitiam, fidem, 
but in the inverse order, optim. to fidem, sapientiss. to justitiam, and 
forliss. to virtutem. 

18. Delegit. Others legit and elegit. See note on p. 113, line 
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critics being given in foot-notes. The volume is introduced with a biographical sketch 
of Horace and a critique on his writings, which enable the student to enter intelligently 
on his work. Peculiar grammatical constructions, as well as geographical and historical 
allusions, are explained in notes, which are just full enough to aid the pupil, to excite 
him to gain a thorough understanding of the author, and awaken in him a taste for philo- 
logical studies, without taking all labor off his hands. While the chief aim has been to 
impart a clear idea of Latin Syntax as exhibited in the text, it has also been a cherished 
object to take advantage of the means so variously and richly furnished by Horace for 
promoting the poetical taste and literary culture of the student. 

From an article by Prof. B.utr, of the University of Heidelberg, in Vw Heidelberg 
A u nala of Literature. 

"There are already several American editions of Horace, intended for the use of 
schools; of one of these, which has passed through many editions, and has also been 
widely circulated in England, mention has been formerly made in this journal ; but that 
one we may not put upon an equality with the one now before us. inasmuch as this has 
taken a different stand-point, which may serve as a sign of progress in this department 
of study. The editor has. it is true, also intended his work for the use of schools, and 
has sought to adapt it, in all its parts, to such a use ; but stilL without losing sight of 
this purpose, he has proceeded throughout with more independence. In the prepara- 
tion of the Notes, the editor has faithfully observed the principles (laid down in 1 
ace); the explanations of the poet's words commend themselves by a coin- 
brevity which limits itself to what is most essential and by a sharp precision of expres- 
sion ; and references to other passages of the poet, and also to gra mm a r s, dictionaries, 
etc., are not wanting. 11 



Sallust's Jiiorirtlia and Catiline. 

o 
With Notes and a Vocabulary. By NOBLE BUTLER and MINARD 
STURGIS. 12ino, 397 pages. 

The editors have spent a vast amount of time and labor in correcting the text, by ■ 
comparison of the most improved German and English editions. It is believed that this 
will be found superior to any edition hitherto published in this country. In accordance 
with their chronological order, the M Jugurtha 11 precedes the "Catiline." 1 The Notes are 
copious and tersely expressed; they display not only fine scholarship, but (what is 
quite as necessary in such a book) a practical knowledge of the difficulties which the stu- 
dent encounters in reading this author, and the aids that he requires. The Vocabulary 
was prepared by the late William H. G. Butlbr. It will be found an able and ( 
frerforcuanee. 



D. APPLET ON & CO: 8 PUBLICATIONS. 



Virgil's iEneid. 



With Explanatory Notes. By HENRY S. FRIEZE, Professor of 
Latin in the State University of Michigan. Illustrated. 12mo, 
598 pages. 

The appearance of this edition of Virgil's iEneid will, it is believed, 
be hailed with delight by all classical teachers. Neither expense nor 
pains have been spared to clothe the great Latin epic in a fitting dress. 
The type is unusually large and distinct, and errors in the text, so an- 
noying to the learner, have been carefully avoided. The work contains 
eighty-five engravings, which delineate the usages, costumes, weapons, 
arts, and mythology of the ancients with a vividness that can be attained 
only by pictorial illustrations. The great feature of this edition is the 
scholarly and judicious commentary furnished in the appended Notes. 
The author has here endeavored not to show his learning, but to supply 
such practical aid as will enable the pupil to understand and appreciate 
what he reads. The notes arc just full enough, thoroughly explaining 
the most difficult passages, while they are not so extended as to take all 
labor off the pupil's hands. Properly used, they cannot fail to impart an 
intelligent acquaintance with the syntax of the language. In a word, this 
work is commended to teachers as the most elegant, accurate, interesting, 
and practically useful edition of the iEneid that has yet been published. 

From John H. Betjnnee, President of Iliwasse College. 

"The typography, paper, and binding of Virgil's iEneid, by Prof. Frieze, are all that 
need be desired ; while the learned and judicious notes appended, are very valuable in- 
deed." 

From Principal of Piedmont ( Va.) Academy. 

" I have to thank you for a copy of Prof. Frieze's edition of the iEneid. I have been 
exceedingly pleased in my examination of it. The size of the type from which the text 
is printed, and the faultless execution, leave nothing to be desired in these respects. 
The adherence to a standard text throughout, increases the value of this edition." 

From D. G. Mooee, Principal U. High School, Rutland. 

"The copy of Frieze's 'Virgil' forwarded to me was duly received. It is so evi- 
dently superior to any of the other editions, that I shall unhesitatingly adopt it in my 
•lasses." 






V 



D. APPLET ON & CO:S PUBLICATIONS. 

Select Orations of M. Tullius Cicero : 

With Notes, for the use of Schools and Colleges. By E. A. JOHN- 
SON, Professor of Latin in the University of New York. 12ruo, 
459 pages. 

This edition of Cicero's Select Orations possesses some special advantages for the stu- 
dent which are both new and important. It is the only edition which contains the im- 
proved text that has been prepared by a recent careful collation and correct deciphering 
of the best manuscripts of Cicero's writings. It is the work of the celebrated Orelli, Mad- 
vig, and Klotz, and has been done since the appearance of Orelli's complete edition. The 
Notes, by Professor Johnson, of the New York University, have been mostly a 
with great care, from the best German authors, as well as the English edition of Arnold. 

From Thomas Chase, Tutor in Latin in Llartard University. 
"An edition of Cicero like Johnson's has long been wanted; and the excellence of the 
text, the illustrations of words, particles, and pronouns, and the explanation of various 
points of construction and interpretation, bear witness to the Editor's familiarity with 
6omc of the most important results of modern scholarship, and entitle his work toalarg* 
share of public favor." 1 

"It seems to us an improvement upon any edition of these Orations that has been 
published in this country, and will be found a valuable aid in their studies to the lovtr* 
of classical literature/"— Trey Daily 'Whig. 

Cicero cle Officii- : 

With English Notes, mostly translated from Zumft and Bokxell. By 
THOMAS A. TIIACHER, of Yale College. 12mo, 194 pag 

In this edition, a few historical notes have been introduced in 
tionarv in common use has not been found to contain the desired information : tl. 
of which is to aid the learner in understanding the contents of the treatises, the I 
and reasoning of the author, to explain grammatical difficulties, and inculcate a knowl- 
edge of grammatical principles. The Editor has aimed throughout to gmde rather than 
cany the learner through difficulties; requiring of him more study, in consequence of 
his help, than ho would have devoted to the book without it 

From M. L. Stoevxu, Professor of the Latin Language and Literature in PamwjrJ- 
rania (V 
"I have examined with much pleasure Prof. Thacher's edition of Cicero do I 
and am convinced of its excellence. The Notes have been prepared with - 
good judgment Practical knowledge of the wants of the student has enabled th 
to furnish just the kind of assistance required; grammatical difficulties are rem* 
the obscurities of the treatise are explained, the interest of the learner is elicited, and his 
Industry directed rather than superseded. There can bo but one opinion with r 
the merits of the work, and I trust that Professor Thacher will be dispo> 
bis labors so carefully commenced, in this department .rning." 



